,  '■'.-' 


m 


OF  THK 

University  of  California. 

GIKX   OK 

Mrs.  SARAH  P.  WALSWORTH. 

Received  October,  i8g4. 
<t/lcccssions  No.SJp^'J^.      Class  No. 


HISTORY 


OP 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE, 

FROM  THE   ACCESSION   OF   AUGUSTUS  TO  THE 
END   OF  THE   EMPIRE   OF  THE   WEST; 

BEING    A    CONTIK^ixiON    OF 

THE    HISTORY    OF    ROME. 

BY 

THOMAS   KEIGHTLEY, 

AUTHOR    OF    "history    OF    GRF.FCF.,"    "HISTORY    OF    ROME," 
"history    of    ENGLAND,"    &C. 

EDITED    BY 

JOSHUA    TOULMIN    SMITH, 

AUTHOR    OF    "  FU0fiRE?3    OF    PH1L090PHV    AMtlNO    THE    AMCIENT',"    "COMPARATITB 
VIEW    OP    AN'CIENT    HI3T0RV,"    "  NORTHMEM    J.N    NEW    ENGLAND,"    &.C. 


BOSTON: 
niLLIARD,   GRAY,  AND    COMPANY. 
1841. 


Nt- 


5MM 

■v^^f^^v^C^o  v»%  »•»  %<%  ^v 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1840 
By  Harrison  Gray, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


STKllKOTYl-KI)    AT   THE 
BOSTON    TYl'E  AND   Sl'tKEOTYt'E   FOUNDRY. 


PREFACE 


TO    THE    AMERICAN    EDITION, 


The  present  valuable  addition  to  the  "  History  of 
Rome  "  was  not  published  in  England  when  that  work 
was  prepared  for  the  press  in  this  country.  It  is,  therefore, 
thought  better  to  publish  it,  as  it  was  published  in  England, 
as  a  separate  work,  than  as  a  second  volume  of  that  work, 
although  none  can  feel  the  history  of  Rome  to  be  complete 
without  tracing  it,  not  only  from  its  rise  to  its  highest  pitch 
of  greatness,  but  through  the  gradual  steps  of  its  decline 
and  fall. 

The  present  volume  is  peculiarly  valuable  on  many 
accounts.  It  embraces  a  period,  the  history  of  which  exists 
in  no  accessible  form,  while  hs  facts  are  of  a  most  interest- 
ing and  important  nature,  as  connected  with  the  rise,  and 
spread,  and  influence,  and  corruptions  of  the  Christian 
church.  It  forms  a  connecting  link  between  the  times 
and  nations  properly  called  ancient,  and  those  properly 
called  modern,  inasmuch  as  it  displays  the  first  inroads 
of  the  peoples  and  races  destined  gradually  to  mould  the 
latter,  upon  the  strength,  and  power,  and  sway  of  the 
former,  and  their  final  rise  upon  their  ruins. 

The  same  impartiality  marks  this  History,  both  in  its 
treatment  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  affairs,  as  marks  Mr. 
Keightley's  other  histories. 


IV  PREFACE    TO    THE    AMERICAN    EDITION. 

The  labor  of  the  editor  has  been  somewhat  more  called 
for  in  this  volume  than  in  the  "  History  of  Rome."  More 
points  seemed  to  need  note  and  illustration,  it  being  a 
period  less  familiar.  In  some  places,  too,  owing  to  the 
confusion  of  authorities,  errors  of  dates,  Stc,  had  crept  in, 
all  of  which  have  been  carefully  altered.  In  this  case, 
the  alterations  have  been  made  without  any  distinctive 
mark.  In  all  other  cases,  the  same  marks  of  addition  or 
alteration  as  have  been  used  in  the  other  volumes  of  this 
series  of  historical  \\orks  have  been  here  used.  That  series, 
comprising  the  Histories  of  Greece,  Rome,  and  England,  is 
completed  with  this  volume. 

J.  T.  S. 

Boston,  December  1,  1840. 


PREFACE. 


The  present  work  completes  my  History  of  Rome.  In- 
stead, however,  of  entitling  it  a  second  volume,  I  have  made 
it  a  distinct  work ;  for,  having  been  induced  to  depart  from 
my  original  plan,  and  write  a  History  of  England  after  the 
completion  of  that  of  the  Roman  Republic,  and  fearing  lest 
some  event  might  occur  to  prevent  my  completing  my  de- 
sign, I  was  desirous  that  a  work  on  which  I  had  employed 
so  much  time  and  thought  should  not  present  an  imperfect 
appearance.  A  furtlier  motive  was,  that  some  persons  were 
of  opinion  that  the  History  of  the  Empire  would  not  be 
read  so  generally  in  schools  as  that  of  the  Republic  ;  and 
1  wished  to  shun  the  imputation  of  forcing  any  one  to  buy 
a  volume  that  he  might  not  want. 

This  last  opinion  I  am  disposed  to  regard  as  erroneous. 
There  is  no  part  of  the  Roman  history  more  necessary  to 
be  read  in  classical  schools  than  the  reigns  of  Augustus  and 
his  successors  to  the  end  of  tliat  of  Domitian  ;  for,  without 
a  knowledge  of  the  history  of  that  period,  the  writers  of 
the  Augustan  age,  and  Juvenal,  cannot  be  fully  understood. 
Of  this  period  we  have  actually  no  history,  at  least  none 
adapted  to  schools;  and  hence  arises  the  imperfect  acquaint- 
ance with  the  historic  allusions  in  Horace  and  the  other 
poets  which  most  readers  possess,  in  consequence  of  being 
obliged  to  derive  tlieir  information  piecemeal  from  annota- 
tions. I  have,  therefore,  taken  especial  care,  in  the  present 
volume,  to  obviate  this  inconvenience ;  and  1  believe  that 
scarcely  any  historic  allusion  in  those  poets  will  be  found 
unnoticed. 

Another  feature  of  this  work  is,  the  sketch  of  the  history 
of  llie  church,  its  persecutions,  sects,  and  heresies,  during 
the  first  four  centuries,  with  brief  notices  of  the  principal 


VI  PREFACE. 

Fathers  and  their  writinfrs.  To  write  a  hlstorv  of  the  Ro- 
man  Empire  without  inckiding  that  of  tlie  church,  would 
have  been  absurd  ;  but,  as  readers  might  not  have  sufficient 
confidence  in  me  as  an  ecclesiastical  guide,  and  as  my 
works  are  chiefly  designed  for  youth,  I  have  deemed  it  tlie 
safer  course  to  take  as  my  usual  authority  the  learned  and 
candid  Mosheim,  whose  works  have  stood  the  test  of  nearly 
a  century,  and  are  always  included  in  the  list  of  those 
recommended  to  students  in  divinity.  It  is  the  work  De 
Rebus  Christ iajiis  ante  Constantinum,  in  tiie  excellent 
translation  of  Mr.  Vidal,  that  I  have  chiefly  used.  At  the 
same  time,  1  must  declare  that  I  am  by  no  means  a  stran- 
ger to  the  Fathers.  Many  years  ago,  1  had  occasion  to 
read  them  a  good  deal ;  and  the  opinions  which  I  then 
formed  of  them  as  writers  and  teachers  have  been  con- 
firmed by  my  renewed  acquaintance  with  their  works. 

The  advantages,  therefore,  to  be  derived  by  students 
from  this  volume  are,  illustrations  of  the  Latin  poets,  some 
knowledge  of  the  early  history  of  the  church,  and  tolerably 
correct  ideas  of  the  causes  and  course  of  the  decline  and 
fall  of  the  mighty  empire  whose  rise  and  progress  have  been 
traced  in  the  History  of  Rome.  Nearly  one  half  of  it,  it 
will  be  observed,  is  devoted  to  the  history  anterior  to  the 
commencement  of  Gibbon's  work,  which  begins  with  the 
reign  of  Commodus.  As  I  have  already  said,  that  part  of 
the  history  is  not  generally  accessible;  and  with  respect  to 
the  remainder,  few,  I  believe,  would  willingly  put  Gibbon 
into  the  hands  of  youth. 

The  same  attention  has  been  directed  to  chronology  and 
geography  as  in  my  other  histories.  The  Roman  proper 
names  had  become  so  confused  in  this  period,  that  it  was 
not  possible  for  me  to  mark  the  pranominn,  and  arrange 
names  under  their  gentcs,  as  I  have  so  carefully  done  in  the 
History  of  Rome.  I  have  further  employed  the  modern 
forms  of  the  names,  as  it  would  have  seemed  mere  aflecta- 
tion  to  use  Vespasianus,  Constantinus,  etc. 

T.  K. 

London,  August  26,  1840. 


C  ONTENTS. 


PART  I. 

THE  CiESARIAN  FAMILY. 

CHAPTER   I. 

C.    JULIUS    CjESAR    OCTAVIANUS    AUGUSTUS. 

A.  u.  725—746.     B.  c.  29—8.                          page. 
The   Roman  empire.  —  Regulation  of  it  by  Augustus.  —  Augus- 
tus  in    Spain — in    Asia.  —  Laws.  —  Family    of  Augustus. — 
Death  of  Agrippa.  —  German  wars.  —  Death  of  Drusus,  and  of 
Maecenas.  —  Literature 1 

CHAPTER  n. 

AUGUSTUS,    (continued.) 

A.  u.  746— 7G7.     B.  c.  8— a.  d.  14. 

Tiberius.  —  Bnnisliment  of  Julia.  —  German  wars  of  Tiberius.  — 
Defeat  of  Varus. —  Death  and  character  of  Augustus.  —  Form 
and  condition  of  tlie  Roman  empire 20 

CHAPTER  HL 

TIBERIUS    CLAUDIUS    NERO    CiESAR. 

A.  u.  767—790.     A.  D.  14—37. 

Funeral  of  Augustus.  —  Mutiny  of  the  legions.  —  Victories  of  Gcr- 
manicus.  —  His  death. — Civil  government  of  Tiberiu.s. —  Rise 
and  fall  of  Sejanus.  —  Death  of  Agrippina  and  her  children. — 
Death  of  Tiberius SD 

CHAPTER   IV. 
CAIUS    JULIUS    CaeSAR    CALICUL.\. 

A.  u.  790—794.    A.  n.  37—41. 

Accession  of  Caius.  —  His  vices  and  cruelty.  —  Bridge  over  the 
Bay  of  BaifB.  —  His  e.xpedition  to  Germany.  —  His  mad  ca- 
prices. —  His  death 67 


Vm  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

TIBERIUS    CLAUDIUS    DUUSUS    CaeSAR. 

A.  u.  794—807.     A.  D.  41—55.  page. 

Accession  of  Claudius.  —  His  character.  —  His  useful  measures. — 
Messalina  and  the  freednien. —  Her  lust  and  cruelty.  —  Claudi- 
us in  Britain. —  Vicious  conduct  of  Messalina.  —  Her  death. — 
Claudius  marries  Agrippina.  —  Is  poisoned  by  her 77 

CHAPTER  VI. 
NERO    CLAUDIUS    C^SAR. 

A.  u.  808—821.     A.  D.  55—63. 

Decline  of  Agrippina's  power.  —  Poisoning  of  Britannicus.  — 
Murder  of  Agrippina.  —  Nero  appears  on  the  stage.  —  Murder 
of  Octavia.  —  Excesses  of  Nero.  —  Burning  of  Rome.  —  Conspir- 
acy against  Nero.  —  Death  of  Seneca.  —  Deaths  of  Petronius, 
Thraseas,  and  Soranus.  —  Nero  visits  Greece. —  Galba  pro- 
claimed emperor.  —  Death  of  Nero 90 

CHAPTER   VII. 

THE     CHRISTIAN    RELIGION. 

Tlic  Jewish  Messiah. — Jesus  Christ. — His  religion. — Its  propa- 
gation. —  Causes  of  its  success.  —  Church  government 116 


PART   II. 

EMPERORS  CHOSEN  BY  THE  ARMY. 

CHAPTER  I. 

GALEA,    OTHO,    VITELLIUS. 

A.  I).  821—823.    A.  D.  68—70. 

Galba.  —  Adoption  of  Piso. — Murder  of  Galba.  —  Otho.  —  Civil 
war.  —  Battle  of  Betlriacum.  —  Death  of  Otlio. —  Vitellius. — 
Vespasian  proclaimed  emperor.  —  Advance  of  the  Flavians. — 
Storming  of  Cremona.  —  Burning  of  the  Capitol.  —  Capture  of 
Rome.  —  Death  of  Vitellius 124 

CHAPTER   II. 
THE    FLAVIAN    FAMILY. 

A.  u.  823—849.     A.  D.  70— 9G. 
State  of  nlTairs  at  Rome.  —  Gorman  war.  —  Capture  and  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem.  —  Return  of  Tilus.  —  Vespasian.  —  Character 


CONTENTS.  IX 

FACE. 

of  his  STOvernment. —  His  death.  —  Character  and  reign  of  Ti- 
tus.—  Public  calamities.  —  Death  of  Titus.  —  Character  of  Do- 
inilian.  —  Conquest  of  Britain.  —  Dacian  war. — Other  wars. — 
Cruelty  of  Domilian.  —  His  death.  —  Literature  of  this  period..   145 


CHAPTER   HI. 

NERVA,    TRAJAN,    HADRIAN,    ANTONINUS,    AURELIUS. 

A.  u.  849—933.     A.  D.  96—180. 

Nerva.  —  Adoption  of  Trajan. —  His  origin  and  character.  —  Da- 
cian wars.  —  Parthian  wars.  —  Death  of  Trajan.  —  Observations. 

—  Succession  of  Hadrian.  —  His  character.  —  Affairs  at  Rome. 

—  Hadriau  in  Gaul  and  Britain — in  Asia  and  Greece  —  in 
Egypt.  —  Antinous.  —  Adoptions.  —  Death  of  Hadrian.  —  His 
character  as  an  emperor. —  Rebellion  of  the  Jews.  —  Reign  ot 
Antoninus  Pius.  —  M.  Aurelius.  —  Parthian  war.  —  German  wars. 

—  Revolt  of  Cassias.  —  Death  of  Aurelius.  —  His  character. ...   167 


CHAPTER   HI. 
COMMODUS,    PERTINAX,    JULIANUS,    SEVERUS. 

A.  u.  933— 9C4.    A.  D.  180—211. 

Commodus.  —  Conspiracy  against  him.  —  Perennis.  —  Cleander. 
—  Maternus  and  the  deserters.  —  Death  of  Cleander.  —  Vices 
of  Commodus.  —  His  death.  —  Elevation  and  murder  of  Perti- 
nax.  —  Empire  put  to  auction.  —  Pescennius  Niger.  —  Septimius 
Severus.  —  Clodius  Albinus.  —  March  of  Severus.  —  Death  of 
Julian.  —  Praetorians  disbanded.  —  Severus  at  Rome.  —  War 
vi^ilh  Niger —  with  Albinus.  —  Parthian  war.  —  Family  of  Se- 
verus. —  Plautianus.  —  Severus  in  Britain.  —  His  death.  —  Max- 
ims of  ffovernment 189 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CARACALLA,  MACRINUS,  ELAGABALUS,  ALEXANDER. 

A.  u.  964—988.    A.  D.  211—235. 

Caracalla  and  Geta.  —  Murder  of  Geta.  —  Cruelty  of  Caracalla. — 
German  war.  —  Parthian  war.  —  Massacre  at  Alexandria.  — 
Murder  of  Caracalla.  —  Elevation  of  Macrinus.  —  His  origin 
and  character.  —  Conspiracy  against  him.  —  His  defeat  and 
death.  —  Elagabalus.  —  His  superstition  and  cruelty.  —  Adop- 
tion of  Ale.xander.  —  Death  of  Elagabalus.  —  Mamtea.  —  Alex- 
ander's character  and  mode  of  life.  —  Murder  of  Ulpian. — '■■ 
Revolution  in  Persia.  —  Persian  war.  —  Alexander  in  Gaul. — 
His  murder.  —  The  Roman  army ; 207 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   V. 


MAXIMIN,    PUPIENUS,    BALBINUS,    AND    GORDIAN,    PHILIP, 
DECIUS,     GALLUS,    ^MILIAN,    VALERIAN,    GALLIENUS. 

A.  u.  988—10^1.     A.  D.  235—268.  page. 

The  empire.  —  Maxiniin.  —  His  tyranny.  —  Insurrection  in  Africa. 

—  The  Gordiiins.  —  Pujiienus  and  Balbinus.  —  Death  of  Maxi- 
min.  —  Murder  of  the  emperors.  —  (iordian.  —  Persian  war. — 
Murder  of  Gordian.  —  Piniip.  —  Secular  Games.  —  Decius. — 
Death  of  Philip.  —  Tlie  Golhs.  —  Gothic  war.  —  Death  of  Decius. 

—  Gallus.  —  j^milian.  —  Valerian.  —  The  Franks.  —  The  Ale- 
mans. —  Gothic  invasions.  —  Persian  war. —  Defeat  and  captiv- 
ity of  Valerian.  —  Gallienus.  —  The  Thirty  Tyrants.  —  Death 

of  Gallienus 223 


CHAPTER   VI. 
CLAUDIUS,    AURELIAN,      TACITUS,     PROBUS,     CARUS,      CARINUS, 

AND    NUMERIAN. 

A.  u.  1021—1033.    A.  D.  263—285. 

Claudius.  —  Invasions  of  the  Goths.  —  Aurelian.  —  Alemannic 
war.  —  War  against  Zenobia.  —  Tetricus. —  Death  of  Aurelian. 
—  Tacitus.  —  His  death.  —  Probus.  —  His  military  successes. — 
His  dealJK  —  Carus.  —  Persian  war.  —  His  death. — Death  of 
Numerian.  —  Election  of  Diocletian.  —  Battle  of  Margus 240 


CHAPTER   VH. 

THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

Persecutions  of  the  church.  —  Corruption  of  religion.  —  The 
Ebionites.  —  Gnostic  lieresies.  —  Montanus.  —  The  Paschal 
Question.  —  Councils.  —  The  hierarchy.  —  Platonic  philoso- 
phy, its  effects.  —  Rites  and  ceremonies.  —  Christian  writers.  .  259 


PART  III. 

THE  CHRISTIAN   E3IPER0RS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

DIOCLETIAN    AND    MAXIMIAN. 

A.  u.  1038—1056.    A.  I).  285—303. 

State  of  the  empire.  —  Character  of  Diocletian.  —  Imperial  power 
divided.  —  The  Bagauds  — Carausiiis.  —  Rebellion  in  Egypt. 
—  Persian  war.  —  Triumph  of  the  emperors.  —  Their  resigna- 
tion. —  Persecution  of  the  church 286 


CONTENTS.  Xi 

CHAPTER   II. 

GALERIUS,     CONSTANTIUS,     SF.VKRL'S,     MAXENTIUS,    MAXIMIAN, 

LICINIUS,    MAXIMIN,    CONSTANTFNE. 

A.  u.  1057—1090.     A.  D.  304—337.  page. 

The  emperors  and  Cipsars.  —  Constantine.  —  Ma.xenlius.  —  Fate 
of  Maximian.  —  War  between  Constantine  and  Ma.xentius. — 
Constantine  and  Licinius.  —  Constantine  sole  emperor.  —  Con- 
stantinople founded.  —  Hierarchy  of  the  state.  —  The  army. — 
The  crreat  officers.  —  Conversion  of  Constantine.  —  Deaths  of 
Crispus  and  Fausta.  —  The  imperial  fiinily.  —  War  with  the 
Goths.  —  Death  and  character  of  Constantino 299 


CHAPTER  HI. 

CONSTANTINE  II.,  CONSTANTIUS,  CONSTANS. 

A.  u.  1090—1114.     A.  D.  337— 3G1. 

Slaughter  of  the  imperial  family.  —  Persian  war.  —  Deaths  of  Con- 
stantine and  Constans.  —  Alagnentiiis.  —  Gallus.  —  Julian.  — 
Silvanus.  —  Court  of  Constantius.  —  War  with  liie  Limigantes. 
—  Persian  war.  —  Julian  in  Gaul. —  Battle  of  Strasbnrg.  —  Ju- 
lian proclaimed  emperor.  —  His  march  from  Gaul.  —  Deatli  of 
Constantius 318 


CHAPTER  IV. 
JULIAN,    JOVIAN. 

A.  u.  1114—1117.    A.  D.  361—364. 

Reformations  of  Julian.  —  His  rcliirion.  —  Hi.s  tolerance.  —  Julian 
at  Antioch.  —  Attempt  to  rebuild  the  tetni)!e  at  Jeru.salem.  —  The 
Persian  war.  —  Deatii  of  Julian. — Election  of  Jovian. — Sin*- 
render  of  territory  to  the  Persians.  — Retreat  of  the  Ron)an  ar- 
my. —  Death  of  Jovian 337 

CHAPTER   V. 

VALENTINIAN,      VALENS,      GRATIAN,      VALENTINIAN      II.,      AND 

THEODOSIUS. 

A.  c.  1117—1148.     A.  D.  364—395. 

Elevation  of  Valentinian  and  of  Valens.  —  Procopius. —  German 
wars.  —  Recovery  of  Britain.  —  Rebellion  in  Africa.  —  Quadan 
war.  —  Death  of  Valentinian.  —  His  character.  —  Gratian.  — 
The  Goths.  — The  Huns.  — Tlie  Gothic  war.  — Battle  of  Ha- 
drianople  and  death  of  Valens.  —  Ravages  of  the  Goths. —  The- 
odosius.  —  Settlements  of  the  Goths.  —  Ma.ximus.  —  Death  of 
Gratian.  —  Defeat  of  JVIa.ximus.  —  Massacre  at  Thessalonica.  — 
Clemency  of  Theodosius.  —  Death  of  Valentinian  II.  —  Defeat 
and  death  of  Eugenius.  —  Death  and  character  of  Theodosius.  — 
State  of  the  empire ouS 


•KM  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  Vl. 

THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

PAGE. 

Suppression  of  paganism.  —  Religion  of  the  fourth  century.  — 
State  of  morals.  —  The  Donatisls.  —  The  Arians.  —  Other  her- 
etics.—  Ecclesiastical  constitution. — Fathers  of  the  ciiurch. 
—  The  Manichffians 387 


CHAPTER  Vn. 
HONORIUS,    VALENTINIAN    III.,    ETC. 

A.  u.  1148—1229.    A.  D.  395—476. 

"Division  of  the  empire.  —  Rufinus.  —  The  Goths  in  Greece. — 
Gildo.  —  Invasion  of  Italy  by  Alaric  —  by  Radagaisus.  —  Mur- 
der of  Stilicho.  —  Claudian.  —  Alaric's  second  invasion.  —  Sack 
of  Rome.  —  Death  of  Alaric.  —  Barbarians  in  the  empire.  —  Val- 
entinian  III.  —  Boniface  and  .^tius. —  Genseric.  —  His  con- 
quest of  Africa.  —  Attila.  —  Theodoric.  —  Battle  of  Chalons.  — 
Attila's  invasion  of  Italy.  —  Murder  of.^tius  —  and  of  Valen- 
tinian.  —  Maximus.  —  Sack  of  Rome  by  Genseric.  —  Avitus.  — 
Majorian.  —  Severus.  —  Anthemius.  —  Nepos  and  Glycerius.  — 
Romulus  Augustus.  —  End  of  the  empire.  —  Conclusion 409 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE 


PART    I. 

THE    CiESARIAN    FAMILY. 


CHAPTER  I.* 

C.JULIUS   C^SAR   OCTAVIANUS   AUGUSTUS. 
A.  u.  725—746.     B.  c.  29—8. 

THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. REGULATION    OF    IT    BY    AUGUSTUS. 

AUGUSTUS     IN     SPAIN  IN     ASIA.  LAWS.  FAMILY     OF 

AUGUSTUS.  DEATH     OF     AGRIPPA.  GERMAN     WARS.   

DEATH    OF    DRUSUS,    AND    OF    M^CENAS. LITERATURE. 

The  battle  of  Actiuni,  fought  between  M.  Antonius  and 
C.  Caesar  Octavianus,  in  the  723d  t  year  of  Rome,  termina- 

*  Authorities  :  Velleius  Patcrculus,  Suetonius,  Dion  Cassius.  For 
a  full  account  of  the  authorities  for  this  History,  see  Appendix  {A.) 

t  We  shall  use  the  Varronian  chronology  in  this  volume,  as  it  is  tlie 
one  followed  by  Tacitus,  Dion,  and  other  historians.  [In  the  former 
part  of  this  work,  Mr.  K.  made  use  of  the  Catonian  computation.  It 
is  immaterial  which  is  used,  though  the  Varronian  is  undoubtedly  the 
more  correct,  and  was  employed  by  the  editor  in  the  "  Chronological 
Table,"  at  the  end  of  that  work.  The  difference  is  only  two  years  — ■ 
a  difference  of  little  importance  with  respect  to  the  history  of  the  Re- 
public, but  of  more  in  reference  to  the  history  of  the  Empire.  See  tlie 
editor's  "Comparative  View  of  Ancient  History,  and  Explanation  of 
Chronoloo-ical  Eras,"  p.  92,  title,  Era  of  the  Foundation  of  Rome.  — 
J.  T.  S.] 

CONTIN.  1  A 


a  AUGUSTUS. 

ted  the  contest  for  the  supreme  power  in  the  Roman  state, 
which  had  continued  for  so  many  years.  After  the  deatli  of 
his  rival,  Caesar,  now  in  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  saw 
himself  the  undoubted  master  of  tlie  Roman  world.  An 
army  of  forty-four  legions*  regarded  him  as  its  chief;  the 
civil  wars  and  the  proscription  had  cut  off  all  the  men  of  em- 
inence at  Rome;  the  senate  and  people  vied  with  each  other 
in  their  willingness  to  accept  a  sovereign;  and  thougli  we  may 
despise  their  servility,  reason  will  evince  that  they  were  right 
in  their  determination ;  for  he  must  be  strangely  inthralled 
by  sounds,  who,  charmed  by  the  mere  words  liberty  and  repub- 
lic, looks  back  through  the  last  century  of  the  history  of  Rome, 
and  prefers  the  turbulent  anarchy,  which  then  prevailed,  to 
the  steady,  firm  rule  of  a  single  hand.  We  will  ad<l,  though 
the  assertion  may  appear  paradoxical,  that  their  knowledge 
of  Caesar's  character  may  have  given  them  fair  hopes  of  his 
proving  an  equitable  sovereign. 

But,  independently  of  all  other  considerations,  the  enor- 
mous magnitude  of  the  Roman  empire  was  incompatible 
with  any  other  form  of  government  than  the  monarchic,  if 
the  happiness  of  the  subjects  was  to  be  a  matter  of  moment. 
The  formation  of  this  empire  is  perhaps  the  most  striking 
phenomenon  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  Fabulous  as  is 
the  early  history  of  Rome,  the  fact  of  its  having  been  in  its 
commencement  nothincr  more  than  a  sinrjle  town,  or  rather 
village,  with  a  territory  of  a  very  few  miles  in  compass,  may 
be  regarded  as  certain.  Step  by  step  it  thence  advanced  in 
extent ;  under  its  kings  it  became  respectable  among  the 
Italian  states :  when  the  supreme  magistracy  was  made  an- 
nual, the  consuls  were  anxious  to  distinguish  their  year  by 
Bome  military  achievement;  their  ambition  was  sustained  by 
the  valor  and  discipline  of  the  legions,  and  the  wisdom  of 
the  senate  cemented  together  into  one  strong  and  firm  mass 
the  various  territories  reduced  by  the  arms  of  Rome.  In 
the  East,  empires  of  huge  extent  are  at  times  formed  with 
rapidity,  but  their  decay  is  in  general  equally  rapid ;  modern 
Europe  has  seen  great  empires  formed  by  a  Charlemagne 
and  a  Napoleon,  but  they  fell  to  pieces  almost  as  soon  as 
erected :  the  Roman  empire,  on  the  contrary,  endured  for 
centuries.  Perhaps  the  nearest  parallel  is  that  of  Russia; 
but  of  this  the  stability  remains  to  be  proved  :  watched  by 

•  Orosius,  vi.  18.  These  legions,  however,  were  far  from  complete, 
some  of  them  being  mere  skeletons. 


B.  C.  29.]  RETURN    OF    AUGUSTUS.  3 

jealous  and  powerful  rivals,  its  step  is  stealthy,  artful,  and 
treacherous,  while  that  of  Rome  was  comparatively  open, 
bold,  and  daring. 

The  Roman  empire,  at  the  time  of  which  we  write,  em- 
braced all  the  countries  contained  between  the  Ocean,  the 
Rhine,  and  Euphrates,  on  the  west  and  east,  and  the  moun- 
tain ranges  of  the  Alps  and  Hajmus  on  the  north,  and  that  of 
Atlas  and  the  African  sandy  desert  on  the  south.  With  respect 
to  the  condition  of  the  various  nations  and  peoples  contained 
within  its  limits,  it  may  be  compared  to  that  acquired  with 
such  rapidity  by  England  in  India.  A  portion  were  under 
the  immediate  government  of  the  sovereign  state,  while 
others,  under  the  name  of  allies,  possessed  a  certain  degree 
of  independence  in  their  internal  relations,  but  their  external 
policy  was  under  the  control  of  Rome.*  As  aristocracy 
and  democracy  are  equally  tyrannic  to  subjects,  the  oppres- 
sions of  the  proconsuls  and  propraetors,  set  over  the  provinces 
by  the  republic,  had  been  such  as  to  make  the  provincials 
look  forward  with  hope  to  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy 
at  Rome.  Such,  then,  was  the  condition  of  the  Roman  world 
at  the  time  when  our  narrative  commences. 

When  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Antonius  reached 
Rome,  the  senate  hastened  to  decree  to  Caesar  the  tribunitian 
power  for  life,  a  casting-voice  in  all  the  tribunals,  the  power 
of  nominating  to  all  the  priesthoods,  and  various  other  hon- 
ors. They  ordered  that  he  should  be  named  in  all  the  pub- 
lic prayers,  and  libations  be  poured  to  him  at  both  public 
and  private  entertainments.  It  was  directed  that  the  gates 
of  Janus  should  be  closed,  as  war  was  now  at  an  end.t 

Caesar,  meantime,  having  regulated  the  affairs  of  Egypt, 
over  which  he  placed  Cn.  Cornelius  Gallus  as  governor,  set 
out  on  his  return  for  Rome.  He  spent  the  winter  in  the 
province  of  Asia,  adjusting  the  affairs  of  the  surrounding 
countries;  and  during  his  abode  there  the  Parthian  king 
Phraates  sent  his  son  to  him  to  be  conducted  as  a  hostage  to 
Rome.  In  the  summer  (725)  he  proceeded  to  Italy,  and  on 
coming  to  Rome  he  celebrated  a  triumph  of  three  days'  du- 
ration for  his  own  victories  at  Actium  and  Alexandria,  and 

'*  These  allies  were  either  kings  or  republics.  The  former  were 
those  of  JudfEa,  of  the  Arabs,  the  Nabathtcans,  Comagene,  Cilicia, 
Pontus,  Giilatia,  Cappadocia,  Armenia,  Thrace,  Numidia;  the  latter, 
Cydonia  and  Laiiipa;a  in  Crete,  Cyziciis,  Rhodes,  Athens,  Tyre  and 
Sidon,  Lycia,  and  ihe  Ligurians  of  the  Maritime  Alps. 

t  Dion,  li.  19,  20.  Suet.  Oct.  31. 


4  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  29. 

those  of  his  lieutenants  in  Dahiiatia  and  Pannonia.  He  dis- 
tributed money  to  the  people  ;  he  paid  all  his  debts  and  for- 
gave his  debtors  ;  and  the  abundance  of  money  became  so 
great  in  Rome,  that  the  rate  of  interest  fell  two  thirds.* 

We  are  told  that  at  this  time  Caesar  had  serious  thoughts 
of  laying  down  his  power  and  restoring  the  republic,  and 
that  he  consulted  with  his  friends  Agrippa  and  Maecenas 
on  the  subject.  The  historian  Dion  Cassius  has  composed 
speeches  for  these  two  eminent  men,  the  former  of  whom  he 
makes  advocate,  though  with  but  feeble  reasons,  the  cause  of 
the  republic,  while  the  latter  lays  down  the  whole  system 
of  the  future  monarchy.  It  is  almost  needless  to  state  that 
these  cannot  be  genuine  speeches;  yet  the  consultation  may 
have  been  held.  Caesar  was  of  a  cautious  temper  ;  he  had 
the  fate  of  his  uncle,  the  dictator,  before  his  eyes,  and  the  e.x- 
amples  of  Sulla  and  Pompeius  showed  that  power  might  be 
resigned  with  safety.  A  conspiracy  of  young  Lepidus,  the 
son  of  the  triumvir  and  nephew  of  Brutus,  to  assassinate  him 
on  his  return  to  the  city,  had  lately  been  discovered,  and  the 
author  put  to  death  by  Maecenas,  who  had  the  charge  of  the 
city.t  Still  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Caesar  could  have 
really  intended  to  divest  himself  of  his  authority. 

The  counsel  of  Maecenas  having  prevailed,  or  such  being 
his  previous  resolution,  Caesar  prepared  to  establish  his  pow- 
er on  a  firm  basis.  The  object  which  he  proposed  was  to 
frame  a  constitution  which,  under  the  forms  of  the  republic, 
should  be  in  reality  a  disguised  military  monarchy.  With 
this  view  he  conceived  it  necessary  that  the  senate  should 
be  limited  in  number  and  respectable  in  character ;  where- 
as it  was  at  this  time  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  degradation  ; 
for  the  dictator,  out  of  hatred  to  the  aristocracy,  had  in- 
troduced all  kinds  of  rabble  into  it,  and  after  his  death 
M.  Antonius  had,  for  money  or  out  of  favor,  admitted  any  one 
that  chose  to  seek  the  dignity ,|  so  that  the  senators  were 
now  upwards  of  a  thousand  in  number,  ('acsar  adopted  the 
following  course  of  reformation.  Having  caused  himself 
and  Agrippa  to  be  chosen  censors,  instead  of  arbitraruy 
ejecting  unworthy  persons  from  tiie  senate,  he  made  them 
judges  of  their  own  qualifications.  Fifty  were  thus  induced 
to  resign  voluntarily  ;  he  then  compelled  one  hundred  and 
forty  more  to  follow  their  e.vample,  and,  having  thus  got  rid 

•  Dion,  li.  21.    Suet.  Oct.  41.  t  Veil.  Pat.  ii.  88.  Suet.  Oct.  19. 

t  Suet.  Oct.  35. 


B.  C.  28-27.]       REGULATION    OF    THE    STATE.  5 

of  the  most  disreputable  portion,  he  went  no  farther  in  his 
reformation  fur  the  present.  As  the  patrician  families  had 
been  greatly  reduced  by  the  civil  wars,  he  augmented  their 
number.  In  order  to  obviate  the  danger  of  civil  commotions, 
he  renewed  the  regulation  of  his  uncle  for  preventing  the 
senators  from  visiting  the  provinces  without  permission,  ex- 
cepting Sicily  and  Narbonese  Gaul.  To  quiet  their  appre- 
hensions on  account  of  the  late  troubles,  and  prevent  their 
forming  any  designs  .igainst  himself  in  consequence  of  them, 
he  assured  them  that  he  had  burned  all  the  papers  of  M. 
Antonius  ;  and  he  had  in  fact  burned  some,  but  he  retained 
the  greater  part,  to  use,  if  he  found  it  necessary. 

The  title  of  Imperator  [general)  had  been  already  con- 
ferred on  Caesar,  as  on  his  uncle;  *  and  in  his  si.xth  consulate, 
(720,)  when  he  formed  the  list  of  the  senators,  he  received 
the  denomination  of  Princeps  Senatus,  {Flrst-of-thc  Senate,) 
according  to  the  old  republican  custom;  and  this  he  always 
used  as  his  favorite  title.  Having  forgiven  all  debts  due  to 
the  state,  and  burnt  the  securities,  gratified  the  people  with 
shows,  and  done  other  popular  acts,  Caesar  (727)  addressed 
the  senate,  requesting  them  to  take  the  government  now  into 
their  own  hands,  and  to  permit  him  to  retire  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  a  private  station.  He  was  heard  with  various  emo- 
tions; a  few  only  were  in  the  secret,  and  knew  his  object; 
there  were  some  who  were  willing  to  take  him  at  his  word, 
but  the  greater  number  had  a  horror  of  the  anarchy  and 
turbulence  of  a  republic;  all  therefore  united,  from  different 
motives,  in  calling  on  him  not  to  resign  his  authority.  He 
yielded  with  well-feigned  reluctance.  The  supreme  power 
was  conferred  on  him  by  a  decree  of  the  senate  and  people, 
and  double  pay  was  voted  to  his  guards,  to  increase  their 
vigilance  and  fidelity. 

Caesar  thus  attained  his  object,  the  legal  establishment  of 
his  power ;  but  he  refused  to  receive  it  for  more  than  a  pe- 
riod of  ten  years,  alleging  that  by  that  time  the  stale  would 
be  brought  to  a  condition  of  order  and  tranquillity.  He, 
further,  though  accepting  the  charge  of  superintendence 
over  the  whole  empire,  would  not  assume  the  direct  govern- 
ment of  all  the  provinces;  but,  making  a  division  of  them 
into  two  classes,  committed  the  more  peaceful  and  orderly, 

*  Hence  our  word  Emperor.  It  was  usually  bestowed  by  tlie  soldiers 
on  their  general  after  a  victory.  It  now  became  the  constant  title  of 
the  monarch,  beinir  prefixed  instead  of  poslfixed  (as  in  the  ordinary 
way)  to  his  name. 

1* 


6  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  27-24. 

such  as  Africa,  Asia,  Bactic  Spain,  to  the  senate  and  people; 
while  he  reserved  to  himself  the  administration  of  the  more 
warlike  and  turbulent,  such  as  Gaul,  nortiiern  Spain,  and 
Egypt.  The  governors  of  the  former  were  to  be  selected  by 
the  senate  out  of  their  own  body  by  lot ;  they  were  to  hold 
their  office  for  the  space  of  a  year,  under  the  title  of  Procon- 
sul, whether  they  had  been  consuls  or  not  ;  their  jurisdiction 
was  to  be  purely  civil,  and  they  were  therefore  neither  to 
carry  swords  nor  wear  the  military  habit.  Cassar  himself 
was  to  appoint  directly  the  governors  of  the  remaining  prov- 
inces; they  were  to  be  named  Legates  and  Proprrctors.  to 
continue  in  office  as  long  as  he  pleased,  and  to  wear  a  sword 
and  the  military  habit,  as  having  the  power  of  life  and  death 
over  the  soldiery.  A  proconsul  was  to  be  preceded  by  twelve, 
a  propraitor,  by  six  lictors.  Q,ua3stors  appointed  by  Cajsar 
were  to  be  sent  into  all  the  provinces  to  collect  and  regulate 
the  revenue,  and  all  the  governors  and  inferior  officers  were 
to  receive  fixed  salaries,  and  not  be  allowed  to  pay  them- 
selves, as  under  the  republic. 

The  senate  decreed  at  this  time  that  laurels  should  be 
placed  before  the  doors  of  Caesar's  house  on  the  Palatiura, 
and  an  oak-leaf-crown  be  suspended  over  them,  to  indicate 
that  he  was  perpetual  victor  over  the  enemies  of  the  state, 
and  perpetual  preserver  of  the  citizens.  It  was  also  pro- 
posed to  confer  on  him  some  peculiar  appellation.  lie  him- 
self would  have  preferred  that  of  Romulus,  as  being  a  second 
founder  of  the  state  ;  but  finding  that  it  would  excite  suspi- 
cion of  his  aiming  at  royalty,  he  acquiesced  in  that  of  Augus- 
tus, which  was  proposed  by  L.  Munatius  Plancus,  and  which 
indicated  a  certain  degree  of  sanctity.* 

Augustus,  (as  we  shall  henceforth  name  him,)  having  thus 
laid  the  foundations  of  his  power,  quitted  Rome  under  the 
pretext  of  completing  the  conquest  of  Britain. t  Finding 
Gaul  in  an  unsettled  state,  he  remained  some  time  there,  to 
reduce  it  to  order.  The  incursions  of  the  Asturians  and 
Cantabrians  into  the  Roman  provinces  in  Spain  then  induced 
him  to  assume  the  conduct  of  the  war  against  them.  lie, 
however,  found  them  a  foe  in  contending  with  whom  little 
glory  was  to  be  acquired  ;  for  they  would  not  descend  from 
their  mountains  and  give  battle  in  the  plain,  and  they  har- 

*  The  Tiber  overflowed  on  the  night  following  the  decree.  Dion, 
liii.  20.  This  is  thought  to  be  the  inundation  noticed  by  Horace, 
Carni.  i.  2. 

t  llor.  Carm.  i.  35,  29. 


B.C.  24-23.]  ILLNESS    OF    AUGUSTUS.  7 

assed  his  troops  by  ambushes  in  tlie  woody  glens.  Vexa- 
tion and  fatigue  causing  him  to  fail  sick,  he  retired  to 
Tarraco,  leaving  the  command  with  C.  Antistius,  by  whom 
and  T.  Carisius  some  advantages  were  gained  over  these 
mountaineers.  Augustus  tlien  discharged  such  of  the  sol- 
diers as  had  served  out  their  legal  time,  and  founded  for 
them  in  Lusitania  a  town  named  Augusta  Emerita,  {lUcrida.) 
He  then  returned  to  Rome,  {"/."Jl),)  having  been  absent  during 
the  better  part  of  three  years.*  He  had  hardly,  however, 
quitted  Spain,  when  the  Cantabrians  and  Asturians  again 
took  arms  ;  and  though  the  propraetor  L.  iEmilius  chastised 
them,  these  hardy  mountaineers  were  never,  properly  speak- 
ing, conquered,  and  they  always  retained  their  rude  inde- 
pendence. 

At  this  time  also  (730)  avarice  or  the  lust  of  conquest  in- 
duced Augustus  to  order  /Elius  Gallus,  the  governor  of  Egypt, 
to  undertake  an  expedition  against  the  Happy  Arabia.!  In 
the  attempt,  however,  to  cross  the  sandy  desert,  his  troops  suf- 
fered so  severely  from  the  heat  of  the  sun,  the  bad  quality 
of  the  waters,  and  a  novel  kind  of  disease,  and  they  were  so 
harassed  by  the  native  tribes,  that,  after  losing  the  greater 
part  of  them,  Gallus  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  design;  and 
the  conquest  of  Arabia  was  never  again  attempted  by  the 
Romans.| 

Auorustus,  it  would  seem,  long  continued  to  be  affected  by 
the  disease  with  which  he  had  been  first  attacked  in  Spain. 
The  year  after  his  return  to  Rome,  (T31,)  he  had  a  fit  so 
severe  as  to  leave  little  hopes  of  his  life  ;  and  believing  him- 
self to  be  near  his  end,  he  gave  to  Cn.  Calpurnius  Piso,  his 
colleague  in  the  consulate,  in  presence  of  the  principal  sen- 
ators and  knights,  a  book  containing  an  account  of  the 
forces  and  the  revenues  of  the  state ;  he  at  the  same  time 
placed  his  ring  on  the  finger  of  Agrippa,  but  said  not  a  word 
of  who  should  be  his  successor,  though  every  one  had  ex- 
pected him  to  appoint  his  nephew  Marcellus,  the  son  of  his 
sister  Octavia,  to  whom  he  had  given  in  marriage  his  only 
daughter  Julia.     A  physician  named  Antonius  Musa,  how- 

*  Hor.  Carm.  iii.  14;  8,21. 

t  Dion,  Iii.  29.  Strabo,  xvi.  p.  780  ;  xvii.  p.  819.  Plin.  H.  N.  vi.  28. 
Horace  seems  to  refer  to  this  e.xpedition,  Carm.  i.  29. 

t  [The  chief  cause  of  tlie  failure  of  tliis  expedition  seems  to  have 
been  the  treachery  of  Syllaeus,  chief  minister  to  Obodas,  kin^  of  the 
Nabathaean  Arabs,  throuyph  whose  country  the  Romans  had  to  pass. 
See  Strabo,  lib.  xvi.  —  J.  T.  S.] 


8  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  22— 21. 

ever,  restored  him  to  health  by  a  system  of  cold  bathing  and 
cold  drinking.  When  he  recovered,  he  wished  to  have  hia 
will  read  out  in  the  senate,  to  prove  that  he  had  not  named  a 
successor ;  but  the  senators  would  not  permit  it  to  be  done. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  it  was  his  intention  to  restore  the  re- 
public, or  if  he  wished  his  place  in  the  state  to  be  occupied 
by  Agrippa  :  the  latter,  which  is  more  consonant  to  his  char- 
acter, seems  to  be  the  more  probable  supposition.  The  sen- 
ate now  conferred  on  him  the  tribunitian  power  for  life,* 
gave  him  the  power  of  bringing  before  them  any  matter  he 
pleased,  even  when  not  consul,  and  granted  him  a  perpetual 
proconsular  authority. 

Whatever  the  designs  of  Augustus  might  have  been  with 
respect  to  Marcellus,  they  were  frustrated  at  this  time  by  the 
death  of  that  promising  youth  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his 
age  —  an  event  which  caused  a  general  grief,  as  he  had  in- 
herited the  amiable  qualities  of  his  mother  Octavia,  and  was 
beloved  of  all  people. t 

Augustus  had  now  been  consul  for  nine  successive  years ; 
and,  feeling  his  power  sufficiently  established,  he  regarded 
that  dignity  as  no  longer  needful  to  him.  The  consuls  there- 
fore for  the  year  732  were  M.  Claudius  Marcellus  and  L. 
Aruntias ;  but  the  year  proving  to  be  one  of  disease  and 
scarcity,  the  superstitious  people  fancied  that  their  calamities 
arose  from  Augustus's  not  being  consul,  and  surrounded  the 
senate-house,  threatening  to  burn  the  senate  in  it  if  they  did 
not  proclaim  him  dictator;  then,  seizing  the  rods  of  the 
twenty-four  lictors,  they  brought  them  to  him,  imploring  him 
to  assume  that  office,  and  also  that  of  overseer  of  the  corn- 
market.  The  latter  he  accepted  ;  but,  satisfied  with  possess- 
ing all  the  power  of  the  dictatorship,  he  declined  the  invidi- 
ous title,  and  even  rent  his  garments  when  the  people  would 
have  forced  him  to  accept  it.  He  in  like  manner  declined 
the  censorship  for  life  when  it  was  proffered  to  him,  but  he 
always  used  a  censorian  authority. 

Beloved  as  Augustus  was  by  the  people  in  general,  there 
were  still  some  unquiet  spirits  at  Rome,  who  could  not  sub- 
mit to  the  rule  of  a  single  person,  how  moderate  soever  it 

*  The  former  decree  of  this  power  (above,  p.  3)  had  not,  it  would 
eeem,  been  carried  into  effect.  Tacitus  (Ann.  iii.  oG)  says  that  Augus- 
tus di'visfd  the  term  tiilmnitia  potr.sUi.s ;  wiiile  Dion  (.xlii.  20)  asserts 
tliat  it  was  conferred  on  Caisar  the  dictator.  Lipsius  reconciles  them 
by  sliowing  that  Crcsar  did  not  use  it  publicly. 

t  Propert.  iii.  18.     See  Virg.  iEn.  vi.  661,  seq. 


Ui^ 


B.C.  20-19.]  AUGUSTUS    IN    ASIA.  9 

might  be.  A  conspiracy  against  Augustus  was  detected  at 
this  time,  at  the  head  of  wliich  was  Fannius  Ca;pio,  and  in 
which  L.  Muraena,  the  brother-in-law  of  Maecenas,  was  said 
to  be  implicated.  They  made  no  defence  on  their  tri;d,  and 
being  found  guilty  by  their  judges,  they  were  put  to  death. 

Augustus  now  resolved  to  visit  and  regulate  the  eastern 
parts  of  the  empire,  and  leaving  Rome,  he  first  proceeded  to 
Sicily,  (733.)  While  he  was  there,  the  consular  elections  at 
Rome  gave  occasion  to  so  much  tumult  and  disturbance, 
that  his  return  was  eagerly  desired  and  urged  by  the  more 
prudent  citizens.  He  would  not,  however,  comply  with  their 
wishes  ;  but  in  order  to  keep  the  city  in  order,  he  summoned 
Agrippa  from  Asia,  where  he  was  then  residing ;  and  having 
made  him  divorce  his  wife,  (though  she  was  his  own  niece,) 
and  marry  Julia,  the  widow  of  Marcellus,*  he  committed  to 
him  the  governn)ent  of  Rome,  where  his  able  administratioa 
speedily  restored  order  and  tranquillity. 

From  Sicily,  Augustus,  attended  by  his  stepson  Tiberius, 
proceeded  to  Greece ;  and  having  regulated  the  affairs  of 
that  now  insignificant  country,  he  passed  over  to  Samos, 
where  he  spent  the  winter.  In  the  spring  (734)  he  proceeded 
to  Asia,  and  thence  to  Syria.  He  arranged  all  matters  con- 
cerning the  petty  monarchies  which  were  in  alliance  with  or 
under  the  protection  of  Rome.t  and  then  returned  to  Samos 
for  the  winter.  Here  he  received  numerous  embassies  from 
various  nations,  among  whom  was  one  from  the  Indians,  to 
ratify  the  treaty  of  peace  and  amity  which  had  been  already 
concerted.  Among  the  presents  which  they  brought  was  a 
man  without  arms,  who  bent  a  bow  and  shot  arrows,  and 
held  a  trumpet  to  his  mouth,  with  his  feet.  They  also  pre- 
sented him  with  some  tigers,  being  the  first  of  this  species 
ever  brought  to  Europe.| 

While  Augustus  was  in  Asia,  Phraates,  the  Parthian  king, 
who  had  hitherto  eluded  the  fulfilment  of  his  engagement  to 
restore  the  standards  and  prisoners  taken  from  Crassus  an-d 
Antonius,  fearing  a  war,  hastened  to  perform  it.     We  are  not 


*  MfBcenas,  when  consulted  on  this  occasion,  is  reported  to  have 
said  to  him,  "  You  have  made  him  (Agrippa)  so  great  that  he  must 
either  be  your  son-in-law  or  be  put  to  death." 

t  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  sent  Tiberius  with  an  army  to  settle  a 
disputed  claim  to  the  throne  of  Armenia.  Some  of  the  Epistles  of 
Horace  (i.  3.  8,  and  perhaps  9.  and  ii.  2)  were  written  at  this  time. 
See  also  Ep.  i.  12,  26  sc?. 

X  Dion,  liv.  9.     Pliny,  N.  H.  viii.  17. 

B 


10  AUGUSTUS.  [b.c.  19-18. 

informed  of  the  number  of  soldiers  thus  restored  to  their 
country,  but  they  probably  bore  only  a  small  proportion  to 
the  number  originally  captured  ;  for  many  were  dead,  and 
many  more  preferred  remaining  in  a  country  to  which  they 
had  now  become  habituated.  By  Augustus  himself  this  was 
always  regarded  as  the  most  glorious  event  in  his  life,  and  to 
commemorate  it  he  built  a  temple  on  the  Capitol  to  Mars  the 
Avenger,  ( Ultur,)  while  the  poets  who  adorned  his  reign 
poured  forth  their  strains  in  commemoration  of  the  peaceful 
triumph.* 

A  new  sedition,  on  account  of  the  consular  elections, 
which  proceeded  even  to  bloodshed,  recalled  Augustus  to 
Rome,  (735.)  The  senate,  as  usual,  would  have  lavished 
honors  on  him,  but  he  would  only  allow  of  the  erection  of 
an  altar  to  Fortuna  Redux,  and  the  insertion  of  the  day  of 
his  return  among  the  public  holidays,  under  the  title  of 
Augustalia.  He  was  appointed  inspector  of  manners  for  five 
years,  and  given  the  censorian  power  for  the  same  period, 
and  the  consular  for  life.  Agrippa  was  at  this  time  in  Spain; 
for  after  he  had  established  order  at  Rome,  he  found  it 
necessary  to  proceed  to  Gaul,  which  was  suffering  from  se- 
dition and  from  the  incursions  of  the  Germans,  whence  he 
was  called  to  Spain  by  a  new  insurrection  of  the  Canta- 
brians.  Having,  not  without  much  difficulty,  red>iced  this 
restless  people,  he  returned  to  Rome,  declining,  with  his 
usual  moderation,  the  triumphal  honors  which  had  been  de- 
creed him  on  the  proposal  of  Augustus  himself 

The  senate  was  still  too  numerous  a  body  for  the  place  in 
the  state  which  Augustus  wished  it  to  occupy.  He  thought 
he  might  now  venture  to  make  a  further  reduction  in  it ;  but 
the  difficulties  which  he  encountered  were  such,  that,  instead 
of  bringing  it  down,  as  he  proposed,  to  three  hundred,  he 
was  obliged  to  be  content  with  a  house  consisting  of  six 
hundred  members.  Even  this  moderate  reduction  gave  oc- 
casion to  several  real  or  imputed  conspiracies  against  him 
and  Agrippa. 

To  keep  up  a  respectable  aristocracy  in  the  state  was  a 
favorite  object  with  this  prudent  prince,  who  was  well  aware 
of  the  evils  of  oligarchy  and  [an  ignorant]  democracy.  It 
was  with  this  view  that  he  labored  to  render  the  senate  lim- 

•  Hor.  Epist.  i.  18,  56;  Carm.  iv.  15,6.  Propcrt.  ii.  10;  iii.  4,9; 
5,  48  ;  iv.  6,  79.  Ovid,  Fast.  vi.  647  ;  Trist.  ii.  1,  228.  See  also  Virg. 
Mn.  vii.  606.     Hor.  Carm.  iii.  5. 


B.C.   17-12.]  FAMILY    OF    AUGUSTUS.  11 

ited  in  number  and  respectable  in  character.  As  a  further 
means,  he  most  anxiously,  both  by  law  and  precept,  en- 
couraored  marriage  amoncr  the  members  of  the  senatorian 
and  equestrian  orders,  (73G.)  *  But  the  profligacy  of  man- 
ners wliicli  tiien  prevailed  was  such  that  all  the  honors,  and 
rewards,  and  immunities,  which  he  proposed  were  of  but  little 
avail.  A  practice  was  even  introduced  by  which  the  inten- 
tion of  the  laws  might  be  eluded,  while  the  benefits  pro- 
posed by  them  were  attained  :  it  was  that  of  betrothal  with 
infants,  to  obviate  which  he  enjoined  that  no  betrothal  should 
be  valid  except  in  cases  where  the  marriage  might  be  con- 
summated within  the  space  of  two  years ;  that  is,  with  no 
child  under  ten  years  of  age.  It  was  unfortunate  for  Augus- 
tus that  his  own  character  and  conduct  save  but  little  weight 
to  his  regulations  on  the  subject  of  matrimony,  for  he  was 
notoriously  unfaithful  to  his  wife  Livia. 

It  may  be  of  use  to  give  here  some  account  of  the  family 
of  Augustus.  By  his  first  wife,  Scribonia,  he  had  one  child, 
a  daughter,  named  of  course  Julia;  he  had  no  children  by 
Livia,  and  we  hear  nothing  of  any  natural  children.  He  first 
married  Julia  to  his  nephew  Marcellus,  the  son  of  his  sister 
Octavia  by  her  first  husband,  Claudius  Marcellus;  and  on 
his  death  he  obliged  Agrippa  to  divorce  his  wife,  who  was  the 
sister  of  Marcellus,  and  espouse  the  widow,  by  whom  he  had 
two  sons,  named  Caius  and  Lucius,  both  of  whom  Augustus 
adopted.  By  her  first  husband,  Tib.  Claudius  Nero,  Livia  had 
two  sons,  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  the  latter  of  whom  was  born 
after  her  marriage  with  Augustus.  The  former  was  married 
to  Agiippina,  the  daughter  of  Agrippa  by  his  first  wife,  a 
daughter  of  Cicero's  friend  Atticus. 

In  the  737th  year  of  Rome,  Augustus  and  Agrippa  cele- 
brated with  great  magnificence  the  Saccular  Games. t  Au- 
gustus then  deemed  it  advisable  to  absent  himself  for  some 
time  from  Rome,  and  having  sent  Agrippa  to  Asia,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Gaul  on  the  pretext  of  the  invasions  of  the  Ger- 
mans requiring  his  presence  ;  but  some  said  that  his  secret 
motive  was  the  desire  of  enjoying  more  freely  the  society  of 
Terentia,  the  wife  of  Maecenas,  with  whom  he  had  long  car- 
ried on  an  intrigue.  He  took  with  him  his  stepson  Tiberius, 
and  after  an  absence  of  about  three  years,  spent  in  regulating 

*  See  Hor.  Carra.  iii.  6,  17,  seq.;  iv.  5,  12,  seq.;  15,  9,  seq.;  Carm. 
ScBC.  17  seq. 

t  They  were  the  fifth  that  had  been  celebrated.  Dion,  liv.  18.  Cen- 
sorin.  17.     Horace  composed  the  hymn  sung  on  the  occasion. 


12  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  12. 

the  concerns  of  Gaul,  Spain,  and  the  German  provinces,  he 
returned  to  Rome,  (741,)  and  in  the  following  year  (742)  he 
assumed  the  dignity  of  Pontifex  Maximus,  now  vacant  by 
the  death  of  Lepidus,  his  former  colleague  in  the  triumvirate, 
whom  (though  he  at  all  times  treated  him  with  studied  indig- 
nity) he  allowed  to  hold  that  honorable  office  as  long  as  he 
lived. 

Agrippa,  who  had  been  all  this  time  in  Asia,  returned  to 
Rome  likewise  in  741 ;  and  Augustus,  whose  confidence  in 
him  never  abated,  had  the  tribunitian  power  conferred  on 
him  for  another  period  of  five  years.  He  also  committed  to 
him  the  charge  of  suppressing  an  expected  invasion  of  the 
Pannonians.  This  people,  however,  when  they  heard  of  the 
approach  of  Agrippa,  laid  aside  all  thoughts  of  war.  He 
therefore  led  back  his  troops,  and  in  the  following  spring 
(742)  he  fell  dangerously  ill  in  Campania.  Augustus,  who 
was  then  celebrating  the  festival  of  the  Q,uinquatrus  at  Rome, 
hastened  to  him,  but  found  him  dead.  He  caused  the  corpse 
to  be  conveyed  to  Rome,  where  he  himself  pronounced  the 
funeral  oration  over  it  in  the  Forum,  and  then  laid  his  ashes 
in  his  own  monument,  though  the  deceased  had  prepared  one 
for  himself  in  the  Field  of  Mars.  Agrippa  had  not  completed 
his  fifty-first  year  when  he  was  thus  prematurely  carried  off.* 

There  are  few  characters  in  history  more  pleasing  to  con- 
template than  that  of  M.  Vipsanius  Agrippa.  Born  in  a 
humble  station,  he  raised  himself  entirely  by  his  own  merit, 
and  by  the  honorable  fidelity  which  he  always  exhibited  to 
the  man  to  whose  fortunes  he  was  attached.  To  prince  and 
people  he  was  equally  acceptable :  the  former  viewed  in  him 
a  sincere  friend  and  an  able  minister  and  general ;  the  latter 
regarded  him  as  a  patron  and  a  benefactor.  His  wealth, 
which  was  immense, t  he  devoted  to  the  public  service,  ben- 
efiting the  people  and  adorning  the  city.  He  thus  raised  at 
a  great  expense  several  aqueducts,  particularly  that  which 
conveyed -the  Aqua  Virgo  to  the  Field  of  Mars,  (735.)  He 
adorned  (728)  the  porticoes  built  round  the  Septa,  in  the 
same  place,  by  Lepidus,  with  marble  plates  and  with  paint- 
ings, naming  them  Julian  in  honor  of  Augustus.  He  also 
built  a  beautiful  portico  to  the  temple  of  Neptune,  and  erected 
the  circular  temple  named  the  Pantheon,  |  which  still  exists. 

*  Plin.  N.  H.  vii.  8. 

t  He  owned  the  entire  Chersonese,  (Dion,  liv.  29 ;)  he  had  also  large 
estates  in  Sicily  (flor.  Ep.  i.  12)  and  elsewliorc. 

t  Pliny  (N.  H.  xxxvi.  15)  says  it  was  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Ultor. 


B.C.  11.]  FOREIGN    AFFAIRS.  13 

By  his  will  he  left  his  gardens  and  the  baths  named  after  him 
to  the  Roman  people.  Augustus,  who  was  his  principal  heir, 
gave  in  his  name  a  donation  of  one  hundred  drachmas  a  man 
to  the  plebeians. 

The  place  of  Agrippa  was  not  to  be  supplied  ;  but  as  some 
one  in  his  station  was  absolutely  necessary  to  Augustus,  he, 
much  against  his  inclination,  made  choice  of  his  stepson 
Tiberius.  As  he  seems  to  have  made  it  a  rule  that  the  per- 
son next  to  himself  should  be  the  husband  of  his  daughter 
Julia,  he  obliged  Tiberius  to  divorce  Agrippina,  the  daughter 
of  Agrippa,  to  whom  he  was  most  sincerely  attached,  and 
who  had  borne  him  one  child  and  was  bearing  another,  and 
espouse  Julia.  He  then  sent  him  against  the  Pannonians, 
who  had  resumed  their  arms  when  they  heard  of  the  death 
of  Agrippa. 

We  will  now  for  some  time  direct  our  attention  to  the 
foreign  relations  and  military  affairs  of  the  empire. 

Within  the  limits  of  the  empire  the  only  people  who  ven- 
tured to  resist  the  arms  of  Rome  was  the  Basque  population 
of  the  mountains  in  the  north  of  Spain,  who,  secured  by  the 
nature  of  their  country,  though  often  defeated  and  reduced, 
were  never  completely  conquered.  On  the  southern  frontier 
in  Africa  the  native  tribes  gave  occasional  employment  to 
the  governors  of  the  adjoining  provinces.  In  the  year  732, 
the  ^Ethiopians,  led  by  their  queen  Candace,  invaded  Upper 
Egypt,  and  advanced  as  far  as  the  city  of  Elephantina;  but 
they  were  speedily  repelled  by  the  governor  C.  Petronius,  who 
invaded  their  country  in  return,  and  forced  them  to  sue  for 
peace.  On  the  side  of  Parthia  all  was  quiet  during  the  reign 
of  Augustus ;  but  the  tribes  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Danube 
and  Rhine,  who  were  destined  to  be  Rome's  most  dangerous 
foes,  even  now  required  the  employment  of  large  armies  to 
repel  or  subdue  them,  and  more  than  once  they  sent  alarm 
even  into  the  city. 

The  reduction  of  Thrace  to  a  province  gave  occasion  to 
some  warfare ;  for  the  native  tribes,  unused  to  submission, 
and  defended  by  the  ranges  of  Rhodope  and  Haemus,  were 
prone  to  rebellion.  A  general  rising  among  them  took  place 
in  743;  and,  after  lasting  three  years,  it  was  at  length  sup- 
Dion  (liii.  27)  would  seem  to  intimate  that  it  was  consecrated  to  Mars 
and  Venus.  He  thinks  that  it  was  named  from  its  resemblance  in  form 
to  the  heaven.  The  supposition  of  its  being  dedicated  to  all  the  gods 
is  a  modern  error. 

CONTIN.  2 


14  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  C.    11. 

pressed  by  the  governor  L.  Piso,  who  thereby  obtained  the 
triumphal  honors. 

The  Roman  frontier  had,  in  the  latter  times  of  the  repub- 
lic, been  gradually  advanced  into  Illyricum,  the  region  lying 
to  the  north  of  the  Adriatic,  and  commercial  relations  were 
formed  with  the  nations  who  dwelt  farther  inland.  Their 
own  unquiet  spirit,  and  the  arrogance  and  oppression  of  the 
Romans,  naturally  gave  occasion  to  hostilities.  In  73S  two 
of  the  Alpine  tribes,  named  Cammunians  and  Venians,  took 
arms ;  but  they  were  speedily  reduced  by  P.  Silius,  the  pro- 
praetor. Immediately  after,  the  Pannonians,  aided  by  the 
Noricans,  invaded  Istria;  but  they  were  repelled  also  by 
Silius,  who  then  carried  his  arms  into  Noricum  and  reduced 
it.  Shortly  after,  the  Rjetians  of  the  Alps,  and  the  Vindeli- 
cans  *  who  dwelt  between  them  and  the  Danube,  began  to 
make  incursions  into  Gaul  and  Italy,  and  they  seized  and  put 
to  death  such  of  the  Romans  or  allies  whom  they  found  travel- 
ling through  their  country.  Augustus  committed  the  task  of 
reducing  them  to  his  stepson  Drusus,  who  gave  them  a  de- 
feat in  the  hills  of  Tridentum,  (  Trent ;)  and,  as  they  still  plun- 
dered Gaul,  he  caused  Drusus's  brother  Tiberius  to  attack 
them  on  that  side;  and  by  the  united  efforts  of  the  two  broth- 
ers and  their  lieutenants,  the  mountaineers  were  completely 
brought  under  subjection.t  The  more  vigorous  portion  of 
their  male  population  was  carried  away,  and  only  those  left 
who  were  too  feeble  for  insurrection.  The  Pannonic  war 
already  alluded  to  broke  out  in  743.  It  was  conducted  and 
successfully  terminated  by  Tiberius,  who  was  decreed  for  it 
a  triumph  by  the  senate ;  but  Augustus  would  only  allow  him 
to  receive  the  triumphal  ornaments. 

Drusus  was  meantime  carrying  on  war  in  Germany.  The 
Roman  dominion  having  been  extended  by  CiTcsar,  the  dictator, 
to  the  Rhine,  the  Ubians,  Vangionians,  and  some  other  Ger- 
man tribes,  |  had  been  induced  to  cross  that  river  and  settle 
on  its  left  bank,  under  the  protection  and  authority  of  the 
Romans,  whose  loanners  they  gradually  adopted.  The  ter- 
ritory in  which  they  dwelt  was  hence  named  the  Upper  and 


*  Dion  (liv.  22)  mentions  only  the  RrDtians,but  he  appears  to  include 
the  Vindelicans  in  that  name.  Tiie  Vindelicans  are  expressly  men- 
tioned by  Suetonius,  (Tib.  0.)  Velleius,  (ii.  95,)  and  Horace,  (Carni.  iv. 
4,180 

t  See  Horace,  Carm.  iv.  4  and  14. 

X  See  Appendix  (C.)  for  an  account  of  the  German  tribes. 


B.C.   13-11.]  GERMAN    WARS.  15 

liOwer  Germany ;  it  extended  from  the  modern  town  of 
Schlettstadt  into  the  district  of  Cleves.  The  Romans  had 
several  fortified  posts  along  the  Rhine,  but  they  had  as  yet 
no  footing  beyond  that  river.  Tliey  had,  however,  the  usual 
relations  of  trade  and  intercourse  with  the  peoples  of  the  op- 
posite bank. 

In  729  the  Germans  murdered  some  Romans  who  had  gone 
over  in  the  usual  manner  into  their  country.  To  punish  them, 
M.  Vinicius,  who  commanded  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 
led  his  troops  against  them,  and  his  successes  gained  him  the 
honor  of  the  triumplial  ornaments.  Nothing  further  occurred 
till  the  year  7'3S,  when  the  tribes  named  Sicambrians,  Usipe- 
tans,  and  Tencterans,  seized  and  crucified  the  Roman  traders 
in  their  country,  and  then,  crossing  the  Rhine,  ravaged  Gaul 
and  the  Germanies.  M.  Lollius,  tiie  legate,  led  his  troops  to 
engage  them  ;  but  they  laid  an  ambush  for  the  cavalry,  which 
was  in  advance,  and  routed  it.  In  the  pursuit  they  came  un- 
expectedly on  Lollius  himself,  and  defeated  him,  taking  the 
eagle  of  the  fifth  legion.  The  intelligence  of  this  disgrace 
caused,  as  we  have  seen,  Augustus  to  set  out  for  Gaul ;  but 
the  Germans  did  not  wait  for  his  arrival,  and  when  he  came, 
they  obtained  a  truce  on  giving  hostages. 

Augustus  remained  nearly  three  years  in  Gaul.  When 
leaving  it,  (741,)  he  committed  the  defence  of  the  German 
frontier  to  his  stepson  Drusus.  His  departure  imboldened 
the  Sicambrians  and  their  allies  to  resume  hostilities;  and  as 
disaffection  appeared  likely  to  spread  among  the  Gauls,  Dru- 
sus took  care  to  secure  their  leading  men  by  inviting  them  to 
Lugdunum,  {Lyons,)  under  pretext  of  the  festival  which  was 
to  be  celebrated  at  the  altar  raised  there  in  honor  of  Aucrus- 
tus  :  then  watching  the  Germans  when  they  passed  the  Rhine, 
he  fell  on  and  cut  them  to  pieces,  and  crossing  that  river 
himself,  he  entered  the  country  of  the  Usipetans,  and  thence 
advanced  into  that  of  the  Sicambrians,  laying  both  waste, 
(742.)  He  embarked  his  troops  on  the  Rhine  and  entered 
the  ocean,  and  sailing  along  the  coast,  formed  an  alliance  with 
the  Frisians  who  inhabited  it.  His  slight  vessels,  however, 
being  stranded  by  the  ebb  of  the  tide  on  the  coast  of  the 
Chaucans,  he  was  indebted  for  safety  to  his  Frisian  allies. 
He  then  led  his  troops  back,  and  put  them  into  winter-quar- 
ters. In  the  spring  (743)  he  again  crossed  the  Rhine,  and 
completed  the  subjection  of  the  Usipetans  ;  and  taking  advan- 
tage of  the   absence  of  the  Sicambrian  warriors,  who  had 


16  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  10-9. 

marched  against  the  Chattans  on  account  of  their  refusal  to 
join  their  league,  lie  threw  a  bridge  over  the  Lippe,  (Liipia,) 
and  marching  rapidly  through  the  Sicainl)rian  country,  and 
entering  that  of  the  Cheruscans,  advanced  as  fiir  as  the  Weser, 
(Visurgis.)  Want  of  supplies,  however,  forced  the  Romans 
to  return  without  passing  that  river.  In  their  retreat  they 
were  harassed  by  the  Germans,  and  on  one  occasion  they  fell 
into  an  ambush,  where  they  were  only  saved  from  destruction 
by  the  excessive  confidence  of  the  enemy,  who,  regarding 
them  as  already  conquered,  attacked  them  in  disorder,  and 
were  therefore  easily  repelled  by  the  disciplined  legionaries. 
Drusus  built  a  fort  at  the  confluence  of  the  Elison  and  the 
Lippe,  and  another  in  the  Chattan  country  on  the  Rhine,  and 
then  returned  to  Gaul  for  the  winter.  The  following  year 
(744)  Augustus,  on  account  of  the  German  war,  went  and  took 
up  his  abode  at  Lugdunum,  while  Drusus  again  crossed  the 
Rhi^e.  and  carried  on  the  war  against  the  Sicambrian  league, 
which  had  now  been  joined  by  the  Chattans,  who  became  in 
consequence  the  principal  sufferers.  At  the  end  of  the  cam- 
paign, Augustus  and  his  stepsons  returned  to  Rome. 

The  next  year  (745)  Drusus  passed  the  Rhine  for  the 
fourth  time.  He  laid  waste  the  Chattan  territory,  whence  he 
advanced  into  Suevia,  which  he  treated  in  a  similar  manner, 
routing  all  that  resisted  him;  then  entering  the  Cheruscan 
country,  he  crossed  the  Weser,  and  advanced  till  he  reached 
the  Elbe,  (Albis,)  wasting  all  on  his  way.  Having  made  a 
fruitless  effort  to  pass  this  river,  he  led  back  his  troops  to  the 
Rhine;  but  his  horse  having  fallen  with  him  on  the  way,  he 
received  so  much  injury  by  the  fall,  that  he  died  before  he 
reached  the  banks  of  that  stream.*  His  body  was  conveyed 
to  Rome,  where  the  funeral  orations  were  pronounced  by 
Augustus  and  Tiberius,  and  his  ashes  were  deposited  in  the 
Julian  monument.  The  title  of  Germanicus  was  decreed  to 
him  and  his  children,  and,  among  other  honors,  a  cenotaph 
was  raised  by  the  army  on  the  bank  of  the  Rhine. 

Drusus  was  only  in  his  thirtieth  year  when  he  thus  met 
with  his  untimely  fate.  He  was  married  to  the  younger 
daughter  of  Octavia  by  M.  Antonius,  the  triumvir,  by  whom 
he  had  several  children  ;  but  only  three,  Germanicus,  Clau- 
dius, and  Livilla,  survived  their  father.  The  character  of 
Drusus  stood   high  both  as  a  soldier  and  a  citizen  ;   and  it 

*  Livy,  Epit.  140. 


B.  C.  8.]  LATIN    LITERATURE.  17 

was  generally  believed  that  he  intended  to  restore  the  repub- 
lic, il"  ever  lie  should  possess  the  requisite  power.*  It  is 
even  said  that  at  one  time  he  wrote  to  his  brother  proposing  ^ 
to  compel  Augustus  to  reestablish  the  popular  freedom,  but 
that  Tiberius  showed  the  letter  to  his  stepfather.t  Some 
even,  in  the  usual  spirit  of  calumniating  Augustus,  went  so 
far  as  to  hint  that  he  caused  Drusus  to  be  taken  off  by  poison 
when  he  neglected  to  give  instant  obedience  to  his  mandate 
of  recall,  issued  in  consecjuence  of  that  information. | 

Death  had  already  (743)  deprived  Augustus  of  his  sister 
Octavia,  and  within  two  years  after  the  loss  of  Drusus,  he  had 
to  lament  that  of  Maecenas,  his  early  friend,  adviser,  and 
minister,  who  died  toward  the  end  of  the  year  746,  leaving 
him  his  heir,  notwithstanding  the  affair  of  Terentia. 

Maecenas  was  a  man  in  whom  were  united  the  apparently 
opposite  characters  of  the  refined  voluptuary  and  the  able 
and  judicious  statesman.  When  called  on  to  exert  himself 
in  public  affairs,  no  man  displayed  more  foresight,  vigor,  and 
activity ;  but  the  moment  he  could  withdraw  from  them,  he 
hastened  to  relax  into  an  ease  and  luxury  almost  more  than 
feminine.  Satisfied  with  the  abundance  of  wealth  which  he 
derived  from  the  bounty  of  Augustus,  and  content  with  hav- 
ing the  power  to  bestow  honors  and  offices  on  others,  he 
sought  them  not  for  himself,  and  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  re- 
mained a  simple  member  of  the  equestrian  order  in  which  he 
had  been  born.  It  does  not  appear,  that,  like  Agrippa,  he 
devoted  his  wealth  to  the  improvement  or  ornament  of  the 
city  ;  but  he  was  the  patron,  and  in  some  cases  the  benefac- 
tor, of  men  of  letters ;  and  while  the  poetry  of  Virgil  and 
Horace  shall  be  read,  (and  when  shall  it  not?)  the  name  of 
Mscenis  will  be  pronounced  with  honor  by  thousands  to 
whom  that  of  the  nobler  Agrippa  will  be  comparatively  un- 
known. Such  is  the  power  of  literature  to  confer  everlast- 
ing renown  ! 

This  was  in  effect  the  most  splendid  period  of  Rome's 
literary  history.  Though  we  cannot  concede  that  literary 
genius  is  the  creition  of  political  circumstances,  yet  we  may 
observe  that  it  usually  appears  synchronously  with  great  po- 
litical events.  It  was  during  the  Persian  and  Peloponnesian 
wars,  that  the  everlasting  monuments  of  the  Grecian  muse 

•  Suet.  Cbud.  1.     Tac.  Ann.  i.  33.  ]  Suet.  Tib.  50. 

i  Suet.  Claud.  1.     Tac.  Ann.  ii.  82. 

2*  c 


18  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  8. 

were  produced  ;  and  it  was  while  the  fierce  wars  excited  by 
religion  agitated  modern  Europe,  that  the  most  noble  works 
of  poetic  genius  appeared  in  Italy,  Spain,  and  England.  So 
also  the  first  band  of  Roman  poets  were  coexistent  with  the 
Punic  wars,  and  the  second  and  more  glorious,  though  per- 
haps less  vigorous,  display  of  Italian  genius  rose  amid  the  ca- 
lamities of  the  civil  wars. 

The  first  of  these  poets  in  name,  as  in  genius,  is  P.  Vir- 
gilius  Maro,  who  was  born  at  Andes,  a  village  near  Mantua, 
in  G84,  and  died  at  Brundisium,  in  735.  Residing  in  the 
coimtry,  and  fond  of  rural  life,  his  first  poetic  essays  were 
pastorals  in  the  manner  of  Theocritus.  In  this  attempt,  how- 
ever, his  success  was  not  eminent ;  for  though  his  verse  is 
sweet  and  harmonious,  and  his  descriptions  are  lovely,  he  at- 
tains not  to  the  nature  and  simplicity  of  his  Grecian  master. 
He  next  wrote  his  Georgics,  a  didactic  poem  on  agriculture  ; 
and  here  his  success  was  beyond  doubt ;  for  it  is  the  most 
perfect  piece  of  didactic  poetry  that  the  world  possesses.  He 
then  made  the  daring  attempt  of  competing  with  Homer  in 
the  fields  of  epic  poetry  ;  and  though  the  ^Eneis  is  inferior  in 
fire  and  spirit  to  the  Ilias,  and  possesses  not  the  romance  and 
the  domestic  charms  of  the  Odyssey,  and  as  an  epic  must  even 
perhaps  yield  to  the  Jerusalem  Delivered  of  modern  Italy,  it 
is  a  poem  of  a  very  high  order,  and  one  which  will  never 
cease  to  yield  delight  to  the  cultivated  mind.  In  thus  select- 
ing Roman  subjects,  Virgil  proved  his  superior  judgment ; 
and  he  assumed  the  place  which  had  been  occupied  by  En- 
nius,  and  became  the  national  poet. 

Q,.  Horatius  Flaccus,  born  at  Venusium  in  Apulia,  in  689, 
is  distinguished  for  the  graceful  ease,  mild,  philosophic  spirit, 
and  knowledge  of  men  and  the  world,*  displayed  in  his  satires 
and  epistles.  He  had  also  the  merit  of  transferring  the  lyric 
measures  of  Alcaeus,  Sappho,  and  other  Grecian  poets,  to  the 
Latin  language.  His  odes  of  a  gay  and  lively,  or  of  a  bland, 
philosophic  tone,  are  inimitable ;  in  those  of  a  higher  flight 
he  has  less  success,  and  the  appearance  of  effort  may  at  times 
be  discerned.  Horace  died  in  746,  in  the  same  year  with  his 
friend  and  patron  Maecenas. 


•  Omne  vafer  vitium  ridenti  Flaccus  amico 
Tangit,  et  admissus  circurn  prsecoidia  ludit, 
Cailidus  cxcusso  populutii  suspendei'c  nasn. 

Persius,  Sat.  i.  116 


B.C.  8.]  LATIN    LITERATURE.  19 

Albius  Tibullus  and  Sex.  Aurelius  Propertius  wrote  love 
elegies  addressed  to  their  courtesan-mistresses  under  feigned 
names,  such  as  Nea^ra  and  Cynthia.  The  former  approaches 
nearer  than  any  of  the  ancient  poets  to  modern  sentimental- 
ity ;  the  latter  shows  extensive  mythologic  learning,  correct 
taste,  and  a  degree  of  delicacy  and  purity  hardly  to  be  ex- 
pected from  an  amatory  poet  of  tliat  age. 

Varius,  Valgius,  Cornelius  Gallus,  Plotius  Tucca,  Varro 
Atacinus,  and  a  number  of  other  poets,  wrote  at  this  period. 
They  are  praised  by  their  surviving  contemporaries,  but  their 
works  have  perished  —  a  proof,  perhaps,  that  their  merit  was 
not  considerable.     They  were  all  imitators  of  the  Greeks. 

P.  Ovidius  Naso  belongs  to  the  second  period  of  the  reign 
of  Augustus,  whom,  he  survived.  He  was  born  in  711,  at 
Salmo,  in  the  Pelignian  country,  and  died  in  771,  in  exile,  at 
Tomi,  on  the  Euxine.  Ovid  was  a  poet  of  original  genius, 
which  he  tried  on  a  variety  of  subjects.  He  wrote  Heroic 
Epistles  in  the  names  and  characters  of  the  heroes  and  her- 
oines of  Grecian  antiquity;  love  elegies;  a  didactic  poem 
called  the  Art  of  Love  ;  Metamorphoses  ;  and  a  poem  on  the 
Roman  Fasti.  He  also  composed  a  tragedy,  named  Medea, 
which  was  much  praised  by  the  ancient  critics.  Grace,  ease, 
and  gayety,  prevail  throughout  the  compositions  of  this  poet; 
but  he  was  deficient  in  vigor,  and  was  too  prone  to  trifle  on 
serious  subjects;  and  in  his  amatory  poetry  he  was  very  far 
from  imitating  the  delicacy  of  Tibullus  and  Propertius.  Yet, 
with  all  his  defects,  he  is  a  deliglitful  poet.  The  origin  of 
his  exile  to  Tomi  in  7C2  is  a  mystery  which  can  never  be  un- 
veiled. He  ascribes  it  himself  to  two  causes,  his  Art  of  Love, 
and  his  having  seen  something  which  he  should  not  see.  The 
epistles  written  after  his  exile  evince  a  spirit  quite  broken, 
and  exhibit  little  trace  of  the  poet's  former  powers. 

The  reign  of  Augustus  was  also  the  period  of  the  appear- 
ance of  the  eloquent  and  picturesque  history  of  the  Roman 
republic  by  T.  Livius.  Tiiis  great  historian  was  born  at  Pa- 
dua {Patavium)  in  695,  and  he  died  in  771,  the  same  year 
with  Ovid.  His  history  (of  which  the  larger  and  more  valu- 
able part  is  lost)  extended  from  the  landing  of  ^neas  to  the 
death  of  Drusus  in  745. 


20  AUGUSTUS.  [b.  c.  8-6. 

CHAPTER  IL* 

AUGUSTUS,     (continued.) 

A.  u.  746-767.     B.  c.  8-a.  d.  14. 

TIBERIUS. BANISHMENT  OF  JULIA. GERMAN    WARS    OF    TI- 
BERIUS.  DEFEAT    OF    VARUS. DEATH     AND     CHARACTER 

OF     AUGUSTUS. FORM     AND    CONDITION     OF    THE     ROMAN 

EMPIRE. 

Twenty-one  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  return  of 
Augustus,  victorious  over  Antonius,  and  his  assumption  of  the 
sole  supreme  authority  in  the  state.  In  that  period,  death 
had  deprived  him  of  his  nephew,  his  nobler  stepson,  and  his 
two  ablest  and  most  attached  friends.-  His  hopes  now  rested 
on  his  two  grandsons  and  adopted  sons  Caius  and  Lucius,  and 
their  posthumous  brother,  named  Agrippa  after  their  father; 
on  Tiberius,  and  on  the  children  of  Drusus. 

Caius  was  now  (746)  in  his  thirteenth  year  ;  his  brother 
was  three  years  younger.  As  they  grew  up,  the  characters 
which  they  displayed  were  such  as  caused  pain  to  their 
grandfather.  They  were  in  fact  porplii/rogmiti,  (the  first 
that  Rome  had  seen,t)  and  therefore  were  spoiled  by  public 
and  private  flattery,  and  displayed  insolence  and  presumption 
in  their  conduct.  Though  Augustus  was  fully  aware  of  the 
defects  in  the  character  of  Tiberius,  he  could  not  avoid  as- 
signing him  the  place  in  the  state  for  which  his  age,  and  his 
abilities  and  experience,  qualified  him.  He  had,  therefore, 
on  the  death  of  Drusus,  committed  to  him  the  conduct  of 
the  war  in  Germany  ;  and,  in  746  and  the  following  year,  the 
Roman  legions  were  led  by  him  over  the  Rhine,  but  no  re- 
sistance was  offered  by  the  Germans.  The  next  year,  (748,) 
Augustus  conferred  on  him  the  tribunitian  power  for  a  period 
of  five  years,  and  appointed  him  to  go  to  regulate  Armenia, 
where  affairs  were  now  in  some  disorder. | 

Tiberius,  however,  had  resolved  on  retiring  for  a  time  from 
public  life.  The  pretext  under  which  he  sought  permission 
from  Augustus,  was  a  satiety  of  honors  and  a  longing  for 

*  Authorities  same  as  for  the  preceding  chapter, 
t   [That  is,  t)ie   first  princes-born  ;  liaving  been  'born  since  the  as- 
sumption of  supreme  autliority  by  Auijustus.  —  J.  T.  S.] 
X  Zonaros,  x.  35. 


B.C.   l.-A.D.  2.]  TIBERIUS.  21 

quiet  and  repose.  VVliat  he  afterwards  assigned  as  the  real 
cause  was  his  wish  not  to  appear  to  stand  in  the  way  of 
Caius  and  his  brother,  who  were  now  growing  up  to  man's 
estate.*  The  improper  conduct  of  his  wife,  Julia,  was  also 
given  as  a  reason  for  his  retirement,  or  his  expectation  by 
absence  to  increase  his  authority  in  the  state  in  case  his 
presence  should  be  again  required :  it  was  even  said  that  he 
was  banished  by  Augustus  for  conspiring  against  his  sons. 
It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he  obtained  permission  from 
his  mother  and  stepfather  to  put  his  design  into  execution. 
We  are  told  that,  to  extort  it,  he  menaced  to  starve  himself, 
and  actually  abstained  from  food  for  four  days.  When  he 
had  thus  drawn  from  them  a  reluctant  consent,  he  went  down 
privately  with  a  very  few  attendants  to  Ostia,  and,  getting 
on  board  a  vessel,  proceeded  along  the  coast  of  Campania 
Hearing  that  Augustus  was  taken  ill,  he  halted ;  but,  finding 
that  his  so  doing  was  imputed  to  a  design  of  aiming  at  the 
empire  in  case  of  his  death,  he  set  sail,  though  the  weather 
was  not  very  favorable,  and  proceeded  on  his  voyage  to 
Rhodes. 

lie  had  selected  this  island  for  his  retreat,  having  been 
pleased  with  its  amenity  and  salubrity,  when  he  visited  it  on 
his  return  from  Armenia,  in  the  year  735.  He  adopted  a  pri- 
vate mode  of  life,  dwelling  in  a  moderately-sized  house,  and 
living  on  terms  of  equality  with  the  respectable  inhabitants. 
He  was  visited  in  his  retreat  by  all  those  who  were  going  out 
as  proconsuls  or  legates  to  Asia.  When  Caius  Ca?sar  was 
sent  out  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  Armenia,  (753,)  Tiberius 
passed  over  to  Chios  to  wait  on  him.  The  young  man  showed 
him  all  marks  of  respect  as  his  stepbrother  and  elder;  but 
the  insinuations  of  M.  Lollius,  whom  Augustus  had  given 
him  as  a  director,  soon  alienated  his  mind  from  Tiberius. 

The  period  of  his  tribunitian  power  being  now  expired, 
Tiberius  sought  permission  to  return  to  Rome,  avowing  that 
his  motive  for  quitting  it  had  been  the  wish  to  avoid  the  sus- 
picion of  emulation  with  Caius  and  Lucius.  As  they  were 
now  grown  up,  and  were  able  to  maintain  their  station  as  the 
second  persons  in  the  state,  his  absence  was  no  longer  requi- 
site, and  he  wished  to  be  permitted  to  revisit  his  friends  and 
relatives.  He,  however,  received  a  positive  refusal ;  and  all 
his  mother  could  obtain  was  his  being  named  a  legate,  in 
order  to  cover  his  disgrace.  He  remained  at  Rhodes  two 
years  longer,  when  Caius,  without  whose  approbation  Augus- 

*  Suet.  Tib.  10.     Veil.  Pat.  ii.  99. 


22  AUGUSTUS.  [a.  D.  2-5. 

tus  had  determined  to  do  nothing  in  his  case,  having  quar- 
relled with  Lollius,  gave  his  consent  to  his  recall,  lie  was 
therefore  permitted  to  return,  but  on  the  express  condition 
of  abstaining  from  public  affairs,  (755.) 

During  the  absence  of  Tiberius  from  Rome,  the  dissolute 
conduct  of  his  wife,  Julia,  after  having  long  been  generally 
known,  had  at  length  (752)  reached  the  ears  of  her  father. 
Julia  had  been  unchaste  even  when  the  wife  of  the  excellent 
Agrippa ;  some  of  the  noblest  men  of  Rome  were  among  her 
paramours ;  and  she  had  at  length  become  so  devoid  of 
shame  and  prudence  as  to  carouse  and  revel  openly  at  night 
in  the  Forum,  and  even  on  the  Rostra.  Augustus  had  al- 
ready had  a  suspicion  that  her  mode  of  life  was  not  quite  cor- 
rect ;  when  now  convinced  of  the  full  extent  of  her  depravity, 
his  anger  knew  no  bounds.  lie  communicated  his  domestic 
misfortune  to  the  senate  :  he  banished  his  dissolute  daughter 
to  the  isle  of  Pandateria,  on  the  coast  of  Campania,  whither 
she  was  accompanied  by  her  mother,  Scribonia.  He  forbade 
her  there  the  use  of  wine  and  of  all  delicacies  in  food  or 
dress,  and  prohibited  any  person  to  visit  her  without  his  special 
permission.  He  caused  a  bill  of  divorce  to  be  sent  her  in  the 
name  of  her  husband,  Tiberius,  of  whose  letters  of  interces- 
sion for  her  he  took  no  heed.  He  constantly  rejected  all 
the  solicitations  of  the  people  for  her  recall ;  and,  when  one 
time  they  were  extremely  urgent,  he  openly  prayed  that  they 
might  have  wives  and  daughters  like  her.*  At  length,  after 
a  period  of  five  years,  he  allowed  her  to  remove  to  the  town 
of  Rhegium,  on  the  continent,  and  made  her  treatment  some- 
what milder. 

Among  the  adulterers  of  Julia  was  Julus  Antonius,  the  son 
of  the  triumvir  by  Fulvia.t  Augustus  had  treated  him  with 
the  greatest  kindness  ;  he  had  given  him  in  marriage  the 
daughter  of  his  sister  Octavia,  and  had  conferred  on  him  all 
the  honors  and  dignities  of  the  state.  His  ingratitude  was 
therefore  without  excuse,  and  he  expiated  his  offence  by  a 
voluntary  death. |  Of  the  rest,  such  as  Sempronius  Grac- 
chus, Quinctius  Crispinus,  and  Appius  Claudius,  some  were 
executed  and  others  banished. 

*  Her  freedvvoman  and  confidant  Pliccbe  Iiaving  hunop  horself  when 
the  discovery  was  made,  Augustus  declared  that  he  would  sooner  have 
been  the  father  of  Phojbe  than  of  Julia. 

t  It  was  to  him  that  Horace  addressed  the  second  ode  of  the  4th  book 
of  his  Odes,  probably  in  the  year  739. 

t  Veil.  Pat.  ii.  100. 


A.  D.  6.]  GERMAN    WARS.  23 

It  was  in  his  family  and  his  domestic  relations  that  Augus- 
tus was  destined  to  feel  the  adverse  strokes  of  fortune.  In 
755,  his  grandson  Lucius  fell  sick  on  his  way  to  Spain,  and 
died  at  Massalia;  and,  eighteen  months  later,  (757,)  Caius 
breathed  his  last  in  Lycia,  as  he  was  on  his  return  to  Italy. 
Augustus  had  now  only  one  grandson  remaining,  the  posthu- 
mous child  of  Agrippa,  of  the  same  name  with  his  father. 
He  therefore  adopted  him  and  Tiberius  on  the  same  day, 
saying  with  regard  to  the  latter,  "  This  I  do  for  the  sake  of 
the  republic."  He  at  the  same  time  made  Tiberius  adopt 
Germanicus,  the  eldest  son  of  his  brother  Drusus,  although 
he  had  a  son  of  his  own  by  his  first  wife,  also  named  Drusus. 

Tiberius  was  invested  with  the  tribunitian  power  for 
another  period  of  five  years,  and  was  immediately  despatched 
to  assume  the  conduct  of  the  German  war,  which  had  been 
going  on  for  the  last  three  years.*  In  his  first  campaign,  he 
passed  the  Weser,  and,  having  kept  the  field  till  the  month 
of  December,  he  placed  his  troops  in  winter  quarters  at  the 
head  of  the  Lippe,  and  returned  himself  to  Rome.  In  the 
following  campaign,  (758,)  having  received  the  submission 
of  the  Chaucans  and  broken  the  power  of  the  Langobards, 
who  were  regarded  as  the  fiercest  of  the  German  tribes,  he 
advanced  to  the  banks  of  the  Elbe ;  while  his  fleet,  having 
safely  circumnavigated  the  coast  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Rhine  to  that  of  the  Elbe,  joined  the  land  army  in  this  river, 
and  aided  its  operations. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  for  the  ensuing  year  (759)  was 
a  very  extensive  one.  The  people  named  Marcomans  had 
quitted  their  original  seats,  and  occupied  the  country  named 
Bohemum,  {Bohemia,)  which  lay  in  the  heart  of  the  great 
Hercynian  forest.  Their  prince,  named  Maroboduus,  was 
one  of  those  men  of  superior  talent,  who  have  so  often,  among 
barbarous  tribes,  evinced  the  power  of  mental  over  corporeal 
qualities.  He  had  established  an  undisputed  authority  over 
his  own  nation,  and  reduced  all  his  neighbors  to  submission 
by  arms  or  by  persuasion.  He  maintained  a  disciplined  army 
of  70,000  foot  and  4000  horse ;  and,  as  his  southern  frontier 
was  little  more  than  two  hundred  miles  from  the  Alps,  it  was 
in  his  power  suddenly  to  pour  a  large  army  even  into  Italy  j 
and  he  was  always  ready  to  support  revolt  in  the  German 
or  Illyrian  provinces.  Tiberius,  a  far-seeing  statesman,  re- 
solved to  anticipate  the  danger,  and  prepared  to  make  a  com- 
bined attack  on  the  Marcoman  prince.     He  therefore  sent 

Veil.  Pat.  ii.  104. 


24  AUGUSTUS.  [a.  d.  6—9. 

orders  to  C.  Sentius  Saturninus  to  invade  Bohemia  in  the 
north  from  the  country  of  the  Cattans,  while  he  himself 
should  enter  it  from  the  south  with  the  army  of  lllyricum, 
which  he  had  assembled  for  the  purpose  at  Carnuntum,  in 
Noricum. 

But  this  extensive  plan  was  frustrated  by  a  formidable  in- 
surrection of  the  Dalmatians;  for  this  people,  who  ill  bore 
the  weight  of  tribute  imposed  on  them  by  the  Romans,  when 
they  saw  the  troops  that  were  in  their  country  drawn  away 
for  the  German  war,  and  at  the  same  time,  in  consequence 
of  orders  given  them  to  prepare  an  auxiliary  force,  became 
aware  of  their  own  numbers  and  strength,  at  the  impulsion 
of  a  Dalmatian  named  Bato,  resolved  to  assert  their  inde- 
pendence. The  Breucans,  a  Pannonian  tribe,  led  by  another 
Bato,  joined  them,  and  speedily  all  Pannonia  shared  in  the 
revolt. 

We  should  only  weary  the  reader  were  we  to  enter  into 
the  details  of  this  war,  which  lasted  for  the  space  of  three 
years,  employed  fifteen  legions  and  an  equal  number  of  aux- 
iliaries, and  was  regarded  as  the  most  dangerous  foreign  war 
that  had  occurred  since  the  days  of  Hannibal  ;  for  the  seat 
of  it  was  the  confine  of  Italy;  so  that  Augustus  declared 
openly  in  the  senate,  that,  if  proper  measures  were  not  adopt- 
ed, the  enemy  might  come  within  view  of  the  city  on  the 
tenth  day.  The  Pannonians  were  also  remarkably  familiar 
with  the  language,  arts,  and  knowledge  of  the  Romans.  The 
forces  of  the  confederates  were  estimated  at  200,000  foot 
and  9000  horse,  under  able  and  active  leaders.  In  order  to 
raise  a  force  sufficient  for  the  war,  Augustus  was  obliged  to 
call  out  all  the  veterans,  to  employ  freedmen  as  soldiers,  and 
to  purchase  for  this  purpose  able-bodied  slaves  from  their 
masters  and  mistresses.  To  add  to  his  difficulties,  Rome 
was  at  this  time  suffering  severely  from  famine. 

In  the  conduct  of  the  war,  Tiberius  certainly  proved  him- 
self to  be  an  able  general,  and  his  adopted  son  Germanicus, 
to  whom  Augustus  had  given  a  command,  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  his  future  fame.  The  success  of  the  war  was  com- 
plete, the  whole  country,  from  the  Adriatic  to  the  Danube, 
and  from  Noricum  to  Thrace  and  Macedonia,  being  reduced 
to  complete  submission,  (762.)* 

*  When  Bato  surrendered  and  appeared  before  the  tribunal  of  Tibe- 
rius, tlie  latter  asked  him  why  they  had  revolted.  "Yourselves,"  re- 
plied he,  "are  the  cause,  for  you  send  to  your  flocks,  wolves,  and  not 
dogs  or  herdsmen."     Dion,  Iv.  33;  Ivi.  ]6. 


A.D.  9.]  VARUS.  25 

Tliis  clangorous  war  was  hardly  brought  to  a  close,  when 
intelligence  arrived  of  a  dreadful  disaster  which  had  be- 
fiillen  the  Roman  arms  in  Germany.  Since  the  reduction 
of  a  part  of  the  country  beyond  the  Rhine,  a  military  force 
had  been  maintained  in  it,  and  some  forts  were  erected  ;  the 
Germans  were  gradually  adopting  Roman  manners,  and  ac- 
customing themselves  to  Roman  institutions.  Had  they  been 
prudently  managed,  they  might  have  been  civilized  and  made 
useful  subjects;  but  the  present  commander  in  Germany,  P. 
Quinctilius  Varus,  who  had  been  governor  of  Syria,  and  was 
therefore  in  the  habit  of  meeting  with  a  prompt  obedience 
to  all  his  commands,  forgetting  the  difference  between  un- 
warlike  Syrians  and  barbarous  Germans,  began  to  treat  them 
with  rigor,  and  to  impose  heavy  taxes.  Their  native  spirit 
was  roused,  and  they  secretly  formed  a  plan  for  deliverincr 
themselves  from  the  foreign  yoke.  Their  principal  leader  was 
Arminius,  [Hermann,)  son  of  Sigimer,  a  Cheruscan  prince 
wlio  had  long  served  with  the  Roman  armies,  and  had  ob- 
tained the  freedom  of  the  city  and  the  equestrian  rank.  The 
plan  adopted  being  to  lull  Varus  into  security,  they  made  a 
show  of  yielding  the  most  cheerful  obedience  to  all  his  com- 
mands, and  thus  induced  him  to  quit  the  Rhine,  and  advance 
toward  the  Weser.  Sigimer  and  Arminius  were  continually 
with  him;  and  so  completely  had  they  won  his  confidence, 
thit  when  Scgestes,  prince  of  the  Chattans,  had  given  him 
information  of  the  plot,  and  advised  him  to  seize  himself 
Arminius  and  the  other  leaders.  Varus  refused  to  believe 
in  it. 

When  all  the  necessary  preparations  had  been  made,  some 
of  the  more  distant  tribes  were  directed  to  take  up  arms,  in 
order  that  Varus  might  be  attacked  with  more  advantatre 
when  on  his  march  to  reduce  them.  Arminius  and  the 
others  remained  behind,  under  the  pretext  of  raisintr  troops 
with  which  they  were  to  join  him ;  and,  as  soon  as  he  was 
gone,  they  fell  on  and  slaughtered  the  various  detachments, 
which,  at  their  own  particular  desire,  he  had  stationed  in 
their  country;  then,  collecting  a  large  force,  they  followed 
and  came  up  with  the  legions  when  in  a  place  suited  to  their 
purpose. 

The  Roman  army,  consisting  of  three  legions,  with  their 
requisite  cavalry  and  auxiliaries,  in  all  of  upwards  of  24,000 
men,  accompanied  by  women  and  children,  by  wagons  and 
beasts  of  burden,  was  advancing  without  regular  order,  as 
in  a  friendly  country.     They  had  reached  a  place  surround- 

CONTIN.  3  D 


26  AUGUSTUS.  [a.  D.  10-12. 

ed  by  hills,  and  covered  with  marshes,  and  with  trees,  which 
they  were  obliged  to  cut  down  in  order  to  effect  a  passage. 
The  weather  was  tempestuous,  and,  in  the  midst  of  the  wind 
and  rain,  while  they  were  floundering  in  the  mire,  and  im- 
peded by  the  standing  stumps  and  fallen  trunks  of  the  trees, 
they  found  themselves  assailed  on  all  sides  by  the  Germans. 
After  suffering  much  from  their  desultory  assaults,  they 
seized  a  dry  spot,  where  they  encamped  for  the  night,  having 
burnt  or  abandoned  the  greater  part  of  their  baggage.  Ne.\t 
day  they  attempted  to  march  through  the  woods ;  but  the 
wind  and  rain  still  continued,  and  the  persevering  enemy 
gave  them  no  rest.  At  length  Varus  and  his  principal 
officers,  seeing  no  chance  of  escape,  rather  than  be  taken  or 
slain  by  the  barbarians,  terminated  their  lives  with  their  own 
hands.  The  soldiers  now  lost  all  courage:  some  imitated 
the  act  of  their  officers,  others  ceased  to  resist,  and  suffered 
themselves  to  be  slain  or  taken ;  and,  had  not  the  barbarians 
fallen  to  plunder,  not  a  man  had  escaped  captivity  or  death. 
The  legate  Numonius  Vala*  broke  away  with  the  greater 
part  of  the  horse,  and  made  for  the  Rhine. 

When  intelligence  of  this  calamity  arrived  at  Rome,  the 
consternation  which  prevailed  was  extreme.  Since  the  days 
of  Crassus,  no  such  misfortune  had  befallen  the  Roman 
arms.  It  was  feared  that  the  victorious  Germans  would  in- 
vade Gaul,  and  even  push  on  for  Italy  and  Rome  itself,  and 
there  was  no  army  of  either  citizens  or  allies  on  foot  to  re- 
sist them.  Augustus  shared  in  the  general  alarm-  He  rent 
his  raiment  in  grief;  he  vowed  (what  had  only  been  done 
in  the  Cimbric  and  Marsic  wars)  great  games  to  Jupiter 
Optimus  Maximus,  if  the  state  should  return  to  a  safer  con- 
dition;! he  doubled  the  guards  in  the  city,  and  prolonged 
the  command  of  the  governors  of  the  provinces.  Finding 
that  none  of  the  men  of  the  military  age  came  forward  to 
enroll  themselves,  he  made  them  cast  lots:  and  of  those 
under  five-and-thirty  every  fifth,  of  those  over  that  age  every 
tenth  man,  was  to  lose  his  property  and  to  be  infamous. 
Yet  so  degenerate  were  the  Romans  become,  that  even  this 

*  This  is  probably  the  person  to  whom  the  fifteenth  epistle  of  the 
1st  book  of  Horace's  Epistles  is  addressed. 

t  Any  one  acquainted  witli  tlie  character  of  Auirustus  will  not 
easily  believe,  that,  accordinjr  to  the  report  (frruitt)  mentioned  by 
Suetonius,  (Oct.  2:1,)  and  Dion,  (Ivi.  2:3,)  he  let  his  hair  and  beard  grow 
for  several  months,  and  used  to  dasli  his  head  against  the  doors, 
crying,  "  Quiiictilius  Varus,  give  back  the  legions."  Augustus,  we 
may  observe,  was  at  this  time  upwards  of  seventy  years  of  age. 


A.  D.    13,    11.]       LAST    ILLNESS    OF    AUGUSTUS.  27 

severe  measure  failed  to  fill  the  ranks,  and  Augustus  found 
it  necessary  to  put  some  of  them  to  death.  He  finally  took 
the  veterans  by  lot,  and  as  many  freedmen  as  he  could  col- 
lect, and,  having  thus  formed  an  army,  he  sent  Tiberius  in 
all  haste  with  it  to  Germany.  At  the  same  time,  he  ordered 
all  the  Gauls  and  Germans  at  Rome  to  quit  the  city,  and  he 
removed  his  German  guards  to  some  of  the  islands  off  the 
coast,  lest  they  should  revolt.*  Tiberius  led  his  army  over 
the  Rhine,  (763,)  but  met  with  no  enemies.  In  the  follow- 
ing year,  he  and  Germanicus  again  appeared  in  Germany, 
but,  as  before,  no  opportunity  was  given  for  fighting.  In 
765,  Tiberius,  with  the  permission  of  Augustus,  triumphed 
in  the  usual  manner  for  the  Punnoniarj  war. 

The  domestic  events  of  late  years  had  not  been  numerous. 
Augustus  still  was  doomed  to  suffer  in  his  own  family.  His 
granddaughter  Julia,  whom  he  had  married  to  L.  yEmilius 
Paulus,  imitated  the  profligacy  of  her  mother,  and  he  found 
it  necessary  to  banish  her.  Her  brother,  the  young  Agrippa, 
proved  of  so  violent  and  dangerous  a  temper,  that  Augustus, 
having  at  first  renounced  him  and  placed  him  in  retirement 
at  Surrentum,  at  length,  finding  him  growing  worse  every 
day,  had  him  removed  to  the  isle  of  Planesia,  near  Corsica, 
and  a  guard  of  soldiers  set  over  him. 

The  life  of  Augustus  still  continued  to  be  menaced  by 
conspiracies.  In  757,  one  was  discovered,  in  which  the 
person  chiefly  concerned  was  L.  Cornelius  Cinna,  the 
grandson  of  Pompeius  Magnus,  and  of  the  dictator  Sulla. 
Augustus  was  long  in  doubt  how  to  act,  for  experience  had 
shown  him  that  the  execution  of  those  engaged  in  one  plot 
did  not  prevent  the  formation  of  another.  He  was  finally 
induced  by  the  arguments  of  his  wife,  Livia,  to  try  the  effects 
of  lenity.  He  called  the  conspirators  before  him,  and,  after 
remonstrating  with  them,  pardoned  and  dismissed  them;  and 
he  even  made  Cinna  consul  for  the  following  year.  The 
effect  of  such  generosity  on  the  minds  of  them  and  others 
was  such,  that  no  plots  were  formed  against  him  during  the 
remaining  years  of  his  life.t 

*  He  had  had  Spanish  guards  till  after  the  battle  of  Actium  :  he 
then  employed  Germans.     Suet.  Oct.  49. 

t  Dion,  Iv.  14— 2-i.  Seneca  de  Clem.  1.  9.  Suetonius  (Oct.  19) 
mentions  various  persons  who  had  conspired  against  Augustus,  but 
■without  giving  the  dates  of  their  attempts.  Such  were  thnse  of  M. 
Egnatius  Rufus,  (see  Dion,  liii.  24,)  of  Plautius  Rufiis,  and  L.  Paulus, 
of  Asinius,  and  of  Audasius,  a  forger,  Epicadius,  a  Parthinian  hybrid, 


28  AUGUSTUS.  [a.  d.   14. 

The  year  after  the  triumph  of  Tiberius,  Augustus  received 
the  supreme  power  for  a  fifth  period  of  ten  years.  He  then 
invested  Tiberius  anew  with  the  tribunitian  power,  and  he 
took  a  census  of  the  people  for  the  third  time.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year,  (TUT,)  having  sent  Gernianicus  to  command  in 
Germany,  he  proposed  sending  Tiberius  to  regulate  the 
affairs  of  Illyricum,  intending  to  dismiss  him  at  Beneventum, 
after  they  should  have  assisted  at  the  gymnic  games,  cele- 
brated every  fifth  year  in  his  honor  by  the  people  of  Neapo- 
lis.  He  proceeded  by  land  as  far  as  Astura,  and,  contrary 
to  his  usual  habit,  he  left  that  place  in  his  litter  by  night  for 
the  sake  of  the  cool  air.  He  was,  in  consequence,  attacked 
by  a  complaint  in  his  bowels;  but  he  did  not  heed  it.  He 
went  on  shipboard,  and  sailed  leisurely  along  the  coast  of 
Campania.  He  spent  four  days  in  the  isle  of  Capreaj,  passed 
then  over  to  Neapolis,  and  viewed  the  games.  He  thence 
proceeded  to  Beneventum,  where  he  dismissed  Tiberius,  and 
then  returned  to  Nola,  growing  every  day  worse  and  worse. 
Messengers  were  sent  to  recall  Tiberius,  with  whom  he  is 
said  to  have  held  a  long  private  conference,  after  which  he 
spoke  no  more  of  public  affairs.*  On  the  day  of  his  death, 
he  called  for  a  mirror,  and  had  his  hair  arranged  and  his 
cheeks  plumped  out.  He  asked  those  present  if  they 
thought  that  he  had  played  his  part  well  in  the  drama  of 
life,  adding  the  formula  in  which  actors  at  the  conclusion 
besought  the  applause  of  the  audience.  He  then  dismissed 
them ;  and,  as  he  was  inquiring,  of  some  who  were  just 
come  from  Rome,  after  the  health  of  one  of  Drusus's  daugh- 
ters who  was  sick,  he  breathed  his  last  in  the  arms  of  Livia, 
saying,  "Livia,  live  mindful  of  our  marriage,  and  fare- 
well !  "  t     The  chamber  in  which  he  expired,  it  may  be  ob- 

and  of  Telephus,  a  slave.  It  was  the  plan  of  Audasius  and  Epicadlus 
to  release  Julia  and  Agrippa,  and  take  them  to  llie  armies,  and  to 
attack  Augustus  and  the  senate. 

*  Veil.  Pat.  ii.  123.  Suet.  Oct.  98.  Tib.  21.  Dion  (Ivi.  31)  says 
that  the  more  general  and  credible  account  was,  tliat  he  died  before  tho 
arrival  of  Tiberius,  but  that  Livia  kept  his  death  secret.  Tacitus 
(Ann.  i.  5)  leaves  the  matter  uncertain. 

t  l.iivia  was  accused  of  poisoning  him  (Dion,  Ivi.  30;  Tac.  Ann.  i. 
5)  by  means  of  some  fresh  figs  which  he  gathered  with  his  own  hand 
off  the  tree,  but  which  she  had  previously  anointed.  This,  by  the 
way,  was  odd  diet  for  a  man  with  a  bowel  com[)l;unt.  The  reason 
assigned  was,  that  Augustus  had  some  months  before  gone  secretly  to 
Pbmosia  to  see  Agrippa.  We  consider  charges  of  this  nature  to  bo 
entitled  to  little  credit. 


CHARACTER  OF  AUGUSTUS.  29 

served,  was  that  in  which  his  father  had  died  seventy-two 
years  before. 

Augustus  died  on  the  afternoon  of  the  19th  of  August. 
He  wanted  little  more  than  a  month  of  completing  his 
seventy-sixth  year.  Computing  from  the  battle  of  Actiura, 
he  had  exercised  the  supreme  authority  in  the  Roman 
world  for  a  space  of  forty-four  years.*  In  person  Augus- 
tus was  below  the  middle  size ;  his  countenance  was  at  all 
times  remarkably  serene  and  tranquil,  and  his  eyes  had  a 
peculiar  brilliancy.  He  was  careless  of  his  appearance,  and 
plain  and  simple  in  his  mode  of  living,  using  only  the  most 
ordinary  food,  and  wearing  no  clothes  but  what  were  woven 
and  made  by  his  wife,  sister,  and  daughters.  In  all  his  do- 
mestic relations  he  was  kind  and  affectionate;  he  was  a  mild 
and  indulgent  master,  and  an  attached  and  constant  friend. 
He  was  fond  of  witnessing  the  sports  of  the  Circus  and 
other  public  shows,  though  it  may  be  that  he  only  sought 
thus  to  increase  his  popularity.  He  also  took  pleasure  in 
playing  at  dice,  but  not  for  gain,  as  he  did  not  exact  his 
winnings.  The  heaviest  charge  made  against  him  is  his  in- 
continence ;  but,  as  we  have  above  observed,  this  is  evident- 
ly greatly  exaggerated. 

In  his  public  character,  as  the  sovereign  of  the  Roman 
empire,  few  princes  will  be  found  more  deserving  of  praise 
than  Augustus.  He  cannot  be  justly  charged  with  a  single 
cruel,  or  even  harsh  action,  in  the  course  of  a  period  of 
forty-four  years.  On  the  contrary,  he  seems  in  every  act  to 
have  had  the  welfare  of  the  people  at  heart.  In  return, 
never  was  prince  more  entirely  beloved  by  all  orders  of  his 
subjects ;  and  the  title.  Father  of  his  Country,  so  spontane- 
ously bestowed  on  him,  is  but  one  among  many  proofs  of 
the  sincerity  of  their  affection. 

Nothing,  however,  is  more  common  with  modern  writers, 
than  to  treat  Augustus  as  a  tyrant  t  who  had  destroyed  lib- 

*  Exactly  44  years  minus  14  days.  The  rei^n  of  Augustus  is  also 
computed  by  some  from  tlie  death  of  Ca;sar  in  710,  =  57>  5"^  4'' ;  by 
others  from  his  first  consulate  in  711,  =  50'  ;  or  from  the  triumvirate 
in  712,  =  55-^  8'"  23' ;  or,  finally,  from  his  entrance  into  Alexandria  in 
724,  =  43y  10'.     See  Clinton  ad  A.  D.  14. 

t  Montesquieu  (Considerations,  &.c.  ch.  13)  terms  him  a  rusi  tyran. 
In  a  note  he  says  that  he  uses  the  word  tijran  in  its  Greek  and  Latin 
sense,  signifyinop  one  who  had  overturned  a  democracy.  The  employ- 
ment of  the  term,  when  thus  explained,  is  not  very  objectionable. 
Gibbon  (ch.  iii.)  calls  Augustus  a  crafty  tijrant,  witliout  any  limitation 
of  the  term. 

3* 


30  AUGUSTUS. 

erty,  and  had  raised  liis  own  power  on  the  servitude  of  his 
country.  But  liberty  had  vanished  from  Rome  long  before 
his  time,  and  surely  no  friend  of  mankind  would  prefer  the 
preceding  anarchy  to  the  peace  and  tranquillity  which  he 
introduced  and  maintained.  It  was  the  evil  destiny  of 
Rome,  not  the  fault  of  Augustus,  that  his  successors  did 
not  resemble  himself;  it  was  necessity,  not  choice,  that 
made  him  raise  Tiberius  to  the  second  place  in  the  state, 
and  his  evident  desire  that  his  own  place  should  be  filled  by 
the  noble  Agrippa,  vouches  for  his  love  of  his  country.  In 
fine,  we  recognize  in  Augustus  a  man  of  consummate  pru- 
dence,* and  of  a  temperament  naturally  mild  and  moderate, 
raised  by  the  force  of  circumstances  to  supreme  power,  and 
exercising  it  for  the  advantage  of  those  over  whom  he  ruled. 

The  Roman  empire,  as  modelled  by  Augustus,  presented 
the  following  appearance:  — 

Augustus  himself  was  at  its  head,  but  not  in  the  manner 
of  emperors  and  kings  of  ancient  or  modern  times.  He  was 
surrounded  by  no  pomp ;  no  guards  attended  him ;  no  offi- 
cers of  the  household  were  to  be  seen  iti  his  modest  dwell- 
ing;  he  lived  on  terms  of  familiarity  with  his  friends;  he 
appeared,  like  any  other  citizen,  as  a  witness  in  courts  of 
justice,  and  in  the  senate  gave  his  vote  as  an  ordinary  mem- 
ber. His  power  arose  from  the  union  in  his  person  of  all 
the  high  and  important  offices  of  the  state.  As  High  Pon- 
tiff, he  had  the  greatest  authority  in  affairs  of  religion,  and 
as  Censor,  the  ricrht  to  regulate  the  morals  of  all  orders  of 
the  people.  By  possessing  the  consular  power  for  life,  he 
enjoyed  the  supreme  authority,  civil,  judicial,  and  military; 
and  the  tribunitian  power,  with  which  he  was  also  invested, 
being  in  its  nature  the  constitutional  check  on  that  of  the 
consuls,  his  authority  was  thus  without  legal  control.  His 
titles  were.  First  of  the  Senate,  [Princrps  S(natifx,f)  which 
was  his  favorite  one;  Augustus  and  General,  [Inipcrator :") 
that  of  Master,  [Dominus,)  when  offered  to  him,  he  always 
rejected  with  indignation.  Cajsar  was  merely  his  family 
name. 

It  may  have  been  that  Augustus  saw  the  importance  of  a 
respectable  aristocracy  in  a  monarchy;  but  it  is  more  prob- 

*  As  a  general,  too,  he  was  extremely  cautions.  A  baltle,  he  sard, 
Bhould  never  be  fought,  unless  the  hope  of  inlvanliige  was  visibly 
greater  than  tlie  fear  of  loss.  Tlie  contrary  conduct  lie  conipnred  to 
tliat  of  a  man  who  should  angle  with  gold  hooks.     Suet.  Oct.  25. 

t  Honce  the  modern  term  prince. 


SENATE    AND    PEOPLE.  31 

able  that  he  was  under  the  influence  of  the  love  of  con- 
servation of  ancient  institutions,  so  strong  in  tiie  ciiaracter 
of  every  Roman.  At  all  events,  he  knew  that,  if  a  senate 
was  to  remain  a  part  of  the  constitution,  it  was  necessary 
that  its  members  siiould  possess  both  character  and  property. 
Ilencc,  as  we  have  seen,  he  twice  purged  the  senate,*  and, 
though  he  did  not  reduce  it  as  low  as  he  designed,  he 
brought  it  down  to  little  more  than  one  half  of  its  number 
at  the  time  when  he  obtained  the  sole  power,  and  he  raised 
the  qualification  for  a  seat  in  the  house  to  121)0  sestprtia.t 
He  required  the  senate  to  meet  only  on  the  Kalends  and  Ides 
of  each  month,  and  he  excused  their  attendance  entirely  in 
the  sickly  months  of  September  and  October,  excepting  a 
committee  chosen  by  lot,  in  order  to  make  the  requisite  de- 
crees. To  give  greater  solemnity  to  their  acts,  he  directed 
that  each  member,  before  taking  his  place,  should  offer  wine 
and  incense  on  the  altar  of  the  deity  in  whose  temple  the 
senate  sat.  The  first  row  of  seats  at  every  public  show  was 
ordered  to  be  reserved  for  the  senators.  Their  sons  were  also 
allowed  to  wear  the  laticlave,  or  senatorian  dress,  and  to  be 
present  at  the  sittings  of  the  senate;  and  when  they  entered 
the  army,  they  were  made  at  once,  not  merely  tribunes  of  the 
legions,  but  colonels  of  horse,  {prcefecti  alarum.)  The  sena- 
torian order  thus  assumed  the  form  of  a  body  of  nobility,  in 
the  modern  sense  of  the  term  ;  the  senate  formed  a  council 
of  state,  a  high  court  of  justice,  and  a  legislative  assembly, 
in  some  points  resembling  the  British  house  of  lords,  in 
others  the  French  chamber  of  peers.  In  order  to  give  a 
share  of  the  honors  and  emoluments  of  the  state  to  as  many 
of  the  two  higher  orders  as  possible,  he  devised  a  great  num- 
ber of  new  offices;  he  increased  the  number  of  the  praetors, 
and  he  introduced  the  practice  of  making  suffect  consuls, 
i.  e.  consuls  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  ones  of  the  year.  J 
The  populace  at  Rome,  in  consequence  of  the  civil  wars, 

*  He  made  a  trifling  purgation  in  757,  (Dion,  Iv.  13.)  Perhaps  this 
was  tlie  occasion  of  the  conspiracy  of  Cinna  in  that  year.  When  se- 
lecting the  senate  in  736,  lie  wore,  it  was  said,  his  sword,  and  had  a 
corselet  under  his  tunic,  and  ten  of  the  most  able-bodied  of  his  friends 
stood  round  his  seat,  and,  according  to  Cremutius  Cordus,  no  senator 
was  admitted  until  he  had  been  searched,  (Suet.  35.)  At  this  time 
many  plots  were  said  to  be  formed  against  him  and  Agrippa.  Dion, 
liv.  15. 

I  Suet.  Oct.  41. 

\  This  was  afterwards  carried  to  so  great  an  extent,  that  in  the  reign 
of  Comraodus  there  were  25  consuls  in  one  year. 


32  AUGUSTUS. 

and  of  its  degradation  by  the  enfranchisement  of  numerous 
slaves,  no  longer  bore  a  resemblance  to  the  commonalty  of 
the  better  days  of  the  republic.  It  was  factious  and  turbu- 
lent, and  at  the  same  time  mean  and  servile.  A  body  of 
disciplined  troops  was  therefore  always  at  hand  to  repress  its 
excesses,  and  Augustus  sought  at  the  same  time  to  keep  it 
in  good  temper  by  gifts  and  entertainments.  The  greatest 
care  was  taken  that  the  supply  of  corn  from  the  provinces 
should  be  regular  and  abundant.  In  times  of  scarcity  Au- 
gustus gave  corn  gratis,  or  at  a  very  low  price,  to  the  peo- 
ple; he  also  frequently  made  distributions  of  money  (cow- 
giaria)  among  them ;  and  in  the  Forum,  the  Circus,  the 
Amphitheatre,  the  Septa,  and  other  public  places,  he  enter- 
tained them  with  shows  of  all  kinds.  Sometimes  they  were 
assembled  to  witness  the  bloody  combats  of  gladiators,  or  the 
less  cruel  contests  of  wrestlers ;  at  others  they  were  amused 
with  chariot  or  foot  races,  or  the  hunting  and  slaughter 
of  wild  beasts  fetched  from  various  parts  of  the  empire  — 
even  the  crocodiles  of  the  Nile  beinff  brought  to  Rome  to 
gratify  the  populace  with  the  sight  of  their  expiring  agonies. 
On  one  occasion,  a  large  lake  was  dug  in  the  Field  of  Mars, 
for  the  exhibition  of  a  naval  combat.  At  the  same  time, 
Augustus  endeavored  to  purify  and  elevate  the  character  of 
the  people  of  Rome,  by  throwing  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
manumission,  and  by  granting  citizenship  very  sparingly  to 
strangers.* 

To  adorn  and  improve  the  city  was  another  great  object 
with  Augustus,  and  he  effected  so  much  by  his  own  exer- 
tions and  the  cooperation  of  his  friends,  that  when  dying  he 
could  boast  that  he  had  found  the  city  built,  of  brick,  and 
left  it  built  of  marble. t  Thus  he  built  (72G)  a  temple  of 
Apollo  on  the  Palatine,  with  a  portico  and  a  library,  and  a 
temple  of  Jupiter  Tonans  on  the  capitol.  He  also  made  a 
new  Forum  with  a  temple  in  it  of  Mars  Ultor.  Others  of 
his  works  bore  the  names  of  his  wife  and  the  other  members 
of  his  family.  Such  were  the  portico  of  Livia  and  that  of 
Octavia,  the  theatre  of  Marcellus,  and  the  portico  and  basili- 

*  Suet.  Oct.  40.  [Tlie  idea  of"  purifying  and  elevating  their  char- 
acter" by  such  exclusive  and  untrenerous  means  as  tlirsc,  while  their 
lowest  propensities  were  daily  fed  and  nourished  by  brutal  combats 
such  as  have  been  named,  savors  somewhat  of  a  satire  on  all  th;it  is 
truly  pure,  and  lofty,  and  noble,  in  the  character  of  a  people.  —  J.  T.  S.] 

1  /(/.  ill.  28.  Dion,  Ivi.  30.  [This  was  a  somewhat  more  effectual 
means  of  elevating  their  character.  It  was,  at  any  rate,  refining  their 
taste,  which  is  a  great  step  towards  elevating  character.  — J.  T.  S.] 


IMPROVEMENTS    OF    THE    CITY.  33 

ca  of  Caius  and  Lucius.  Tiberius  built  tlie  temples  of  Con- 
cord and  of  Castor  and  Pollux;  Marcius  Philippus  that  of 
Hercules  of  the  Muses;  Munatius  Plancus  that  of  Saturn; 
L.  Cornificius  that  of  Diana.  Asinius  Pollio  built  the  hall 
or  court  {atrium)  of  Liberty,  and  Statilius  Taurus  a  mag- 
nificent amphitheatre.  The  works  of  Agrippa  have  been 
already  enumerated. 

To  secure  the  city  against  inundations,  Augustus  cleared 
out  and  widened  the  bed  of  the  Tiber.  He  first  divided  the 
city  into  wards  or  quarters,  (ngioiics,)  fourteen  in  number, 
and  subdivided  into  streets,  (vici,)  with  officers  over  them, 
chosen  out  of  the  inhabitants  by  lot.  He  established  a  body 
of  watchmen  and  firemen  to  prevent  the  conflagrations  which 
were  so  frequent.  He  caused  all  the  great  public  roads  to 
be  repaired  and  kept  in  order.  As  the  confusion  and  license 
of  the  civil  wars  had,  as  is  usually  the  case,  given  origin  to 
illegal  associations,  and  to  the  formation  of  bands  of  rob- 
bers, (grassatores,)  he  took  every  care  to  suppress  them.  He 
therefore,  as  his  uncle  had  done,  dissolved  all  guilds  but  the 
ancient  ones,  and  he  disposed  guards  in  proper  stations  for 
the  prevention  of  liighway  robbery.  He  caused  all  the  slave- 
houses  [ergastula)  throughout  Italy  to  be  visited  and  exam- 
ined, it  having  been  the  practice  to  kidnap  travellers,  (free- 
men and  slaves  alike,)  and  shut  them  up  and  make  them  work 
in  these  prisons.  In  order  to  facilitate  the  administration 
of  justice,  he  added  upwards  of  thirty  days  to  the  ordinary 
court-days,  and  he  increased  the  number  of  the  decuries  of 
jurors,  and  reduced  the  legal  age  of  jurymen  from  five-and- 
twenty  to  twenty  years.  He  himself  sat  constantly  to  hear 
causes  and  administer  justice. 

Every  wise  sovereign  will  be  desirous  to  see  a  proper 
sense  of  religion  prevalent  among  his  subjects.  Augustus 
accordingly  turned  his  serious  attention  to  this  important 
subject.  He  rebuilt  or  repaired  the  temples  which  had  been 
burnt  or  had  fallen ;  he  reestablished  and  reformed  various 
ancient  institutions  which  had  gone  out  of  use,  such  as  the 
augury  of  health,  the  fiamcn  dialh,  the  secular  games,  the 
Lupercal  rites,  &c.  He  increased  the  number  and  the  hon- 
ors and  privileges  of  the  priesthoods,  particularly  that  of  the 
Vestal  Virgins;  he  caused  all  the  soothsaying  books  which 
were  current,  to  the  number  of  upwards  of  two  thousand,  to 
be  collected  and  burnt,  only  retaining  the  Sibylline  oracles,* 

*  [For  an  excellent  account  of  the  Sibylline  oracles,  see  Prideaux's 
Connection  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  under  the  year  13.  —  J.  T.  S.] 

E 


34  AUGUSTUS. 

which  he  had  carefully  revised  and  placed  in  two  cases  under 
the  statue  of  the  Palatine  Apollo.  His  efforts,  however,  re- 
mained without  effect ;  infidelity  and  its  constant  concomi- 
tant, immorality,  were  spread  too  widely  for  him  or  any 
human  legislator  to  be  able  to  check  them,  and  the  polythe- 
ism of  Greece  and  Rome  was  destined  to  fall  before  a  far 
purer  system  of  faith  and  doctrine. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  exertions  made  by  Augus- 
tus to  overcome  the  prevalent  aversion  to  marriage.  The 
principal  cause  of  this  was  the  extreme  dissoluteness  of  man- 
ners at  the  time,  exceeding  any  thing  known  in  modern  days  ; 
but  poverty  prevented  many  a  man  of  noble  birth  from  un- 
dertaking the  charge  of  supporting  a  wife  and  family,  and 
the  court  which  was  paid  by  greedy  legacy-hunters  to  the 
rich  and  childless  *  had  charms  for  many  of  both  sexes.  The 
promotion  of  marriage  had  always  been  an  object  of  attention 
with  the  Roman  government.  One  of  the  questions  invaria- 
bly put  to  each  person  by  the  censors  was,  whether  he  was 
married  or  not ;  and  there  was  a  fine,  named  uxorium,  laid  on 
old  bachelors.  Caesar  the  dictator  had  sought  to  encourage 
marriage  by  offering  rewards;  but  the  first  law  on  the  sub- 
ject was  the  Julian  De  rnaritandis  ordinibus  of  73(5,  and,  this 
having  proved  ineffectual,  a  new  and  more  comprehensive 
law,  embracing  all  the  provisions  of  the  Julian,  and  named 
the  "  Papia-Poppaean,"  (from  the  consuls  M.  Papius  and  Q. 
PoppaBus,)  was  passed  in  the  year  762.t 

The  principal  heads  of  this  law  were,  1.  All  persons  ex- 
cept senators  might  marry  freedvvomen.  2.  No  maiden  was 
to  be  betrothed  under  the  age  of  ten  years.  3.  Widows  were 
allowed  to  remain  single  two  years,  divorced  women  a  year 
and  a  half,  before  contracting  a  second  marriage.  4.  Those 
who  had  children  were  to  have  various  honors  and  advan- 
tages, such  as  better  seats  at  the  public  spectacles,  the  pref- 
erence when  candidates  for  honors  and  in  the  allotment  of 
the  provinces,  immunity  from  guardianship  and  other  per- 
sonal burdens,  etc.  etc.  5.  Bachelors  could  receive  no 
legacies  except  from  their  nearest  relations,  and  the  child- 
less only  the  half  of  what  was  left  them.  6.  A  woman  whose 
guilt  was  the  cause  of  a  divorce  was  to  lose  her  dower. 

The  evil,  however,  was  too  deeply  seated  to  be  eradicated 
by  law,  and  it  still  remained  a  subject  of  complaint.     Of  as 

*  See  Horace,  Sat.  ii.  5. 

t  See  Dion,  Ivi.  1—10.  He  remarks  that  neither  of  the  consuls  had 
wife  or  child. 


THE    ARMY.  35 

little  avail  was  the  sumptuary  law  which  he  caused  to  be 
enacted ;  he  even  failed  iu  his  desire  to  bring  the  toga  again 
into  general  use.* 

Such  were  the  principal  civil  regulations  made  during  the 
reign  of  Augustus.  The  changes  in  the  military  system  were 
also  considerable. 

In  Rome,  as  in  all  the  ancient  republics,  the  army  had 
been  ;i^othing  more  than  a  burgher  militia,  in  which  every 
freemwi  of  the  military  age  was  required  to  serve  when  called 
on.  jhe  long  foreign  wars,  however,  in  which  Rome  was 
afterwrds  engaged,  gradually  converted  the  original  militia 
into  ^Standing  army,  and  war  became  a  profession,  as  in 
modern  times.  The  character  of  the  soldier  had  also  deteri- 
orated since  the  change  in  the  mode  of  enlistment  made  by 
C.  Marius;  and  the  Roman  soldiery,  further  demoralized  by 
the  various  civil  wars,  stood  no  higher  in  moral  worth  than 
the  mercenary  troops  of  modern  Europe.  The  extent  of  the 
Roman  empire,  with  warlike  nations  on  its  frontiers,  could 
only  be  guarded  by  a  regular  standing  army,  disciplined  and 
always  in  readiness  to  take  the  field.  Accordingly,  in  the 
speech  which  Dion  ascribes  to  Maecenas,  we  find  that  states- 
man thus  advising  Augustus  :  t  "  The  soldiers  must  be  kept 
up,  immortal,  citizens,  subjects,  and  allies,  in  some  places 
more,  in  some  less,  through  each  nation  as  need  may  require, 
and  be  always  in  arms,  and  always  engaged  in  military  exer- 
cises ;  having  their  winter  quarters  in  the  most  suitable 
places,  and  serving  for  a  limited  period,  so  as  to  have  some 
part  of  their  life  to  themselves  before  old  age.  For,  living  so 
far  away  from  the  frontiers  of  the  empire,  and  having  ene- 
mies dwelling  on  every  side  of  us,  we  could  not  have  troops 
ready  for  any  sudden  emergency;  but  if  we  allow  all  Who 
are  of  the  suitable  age,  to  possess  arms  and  to  practise  mili- 
tary exercises,  they  will  be  always  raising  factions  and  civil 
wars ;  and  again,  if  we  prohibit  them  to  do  so,  and  then  call 
upon  them  to  serve  on  any  occasion,  we  shall  run  the  risk 
of  having  none  but  raw  and  undisciplined  troops.     I  there- 

*  The  lacerna,  a  kind  of  military  great-coat  of  a  dark  color  and  with 
a  hood  to  it,  was  irenerally  worn  instead  of  the  toga.  Augustus  one 
day  seeing,  as  lie  sat  on  his  tribunal  in  the  Forum,  a  number  of  the 
people  thus  habited,  cried  out  in  indignation  :    "  En 

Romanes  rerum  dominos,  gentemque  togatam," 

and  gave  orders  to  the  sediles  henceforth  not  to  admit  any  one  without 
a  toga  into  the  Forum  or  Circus.     Suet.  Oct.  40. 
t  Dion,  hi.  27. 


36 


AUGUSTUS. 


fore  give  it  as  my  opinion  that  all  the  rest  should  live  with- 
out arms  or  camps,  while  the  most  able-bodied  and  neces- 
sitous should  be  selected  and  disciplined ;  for  these  will 
fight  the  better,  having  nothing  else  to  occupy  them ;  and 
the  others  can  devote  themselves  more  entirely  to  agricul- 
ture, navigation,  and  the  other  arts  of  peace,  not  being  called 
on  to  serve  personally,  and  having  others  to  protect  them  ; 
and  that  portion  of  the  population  which  is  the  strongest  and 
most  vigorous,  and  the  most  likely  to  live  by  robbery,  will 
be  supported  at  its  ease,  and  all  the  rest  will  live  free  from 
danger." 

It  was  therefore  determined  that  the  legions  should  be 
immo7'tal,  i.  e.  that  the  army  should  henceforth  be  a  stand- 
ing one.  The  legions  were  to  be  twenty-five  in  number, 
which  we  find  thus  stationed  at  the  time  of  Augustus's 
death:*  —  On  the  Rhenish  frontier  eight ;  in  Spain  three; 
in  Africa  one;  in  Egypt  two;  in  Syria  four;  in  Pannonia 
three;  in  McEsia  two,  and  two  more  in  Dalmatia  for  the 
protection  of  Italy.  Attached  to  each  of  these  divisions 
was  a  body  of  troops  termed  auxiliaries,  furnished  by  the 
different  states  subject  .to,  or  in  alliance  with  the  empire; 
and,  as  in  the  old  days  of  the  republic,  their  number  nearly 
equalled  that  of  the  legions. t  The  legion  at  this  time  con- 
tained ClOO  infantry  and  726  horse ;  the  twenty-five  legions, 
therefore,  mustered,  when  complete,  170,000  men;  to  which 
adding  as  many  more  for  the  auxiliaries,  we  have  a  sum  total 
of  340,000  men.  These,  however,  did  not  form  the  whole 
military  force  of  the  empire ;  there  was  a  body  of  10,000 
guards,  divided  into  nine  cohorts,  named  PrjEtorian,  and 
three  Urban  cohorts,  containing  GOOO  men. J  These  two 
last  bodies  were  always  recruited  in  Etruria,  Umbria,  La- 
tium,  and  the  ancient  Roman  colonies.  They  had  double 
pay,  and  their  period  of  service  was  shorter  than  that  of  the 
legionaries.  Augustus  allowed  only  three  of  the  cohorts  to 
remain  in  the  city;  the  rest  were  distributed  through  the 
towns  in  the  vicinity.^      There  were  two  commanders  of  the 

*  Dion,  Iv.  23.  Tac.  Ann.  iv.  5.  It  is  for  the  ninth  year  of  Tiberius 
that  this  last  furnishes  us  with  the  distribution  of  the  legions  given 
in  the  text;  but  there  had  been  no  alteration  of  any  account  since  the 
time  of  Augustus. 

t  "  Neque  multo  secus  in  iis  virium."     Tac.  Ann.  iv.  5. 

t  Tac.  ut  supra.  Dion  (Iv.  24)  says  10  Praetorian  and  4  Urban  co- 
horts. 

§  Suet.  Oct.  49 ;  the  three  would  seem  to  be  the  Urban  cohorts,  thus 
confirming  the  numbers  given  by  Tacitus. 


THE    ARMY.  37 

Pr?Dtorian  guards  named  prefects ;  they  were  always  to  be 
taken  from  the  eejuestrian  order.  At  Ravenna  in  the  Up- 
per, and  Misenum  in  the  Lower  Sea,  were  stationed  fleets 
of  galleys,  with  their  due  complement  of  rowers,  and  each 
with  its  legion  of  marines  attached  to  it;  there  also  laj 
at  Forum  Julii,  (Frejus,)  on  the  coast  of  Gaul,  a  fleet 
composed  of  the  ships  taken   at  Actium.* 

Tlie  pay  of  the  legionary  soldier  was  ten  asses  a  day; 
that  of  the  praetorian  was  douhle;  the  former  had  to  serve 
twenty,  the  latter  sixteen  years  before  he  could  claim  his 
discharge.  The  former  then  received  a  gratuity  of  3000, 
the  latter  of  5000  denars,  answering  to  the  pension  of  mod- 
ern times. 

The  pay  and  rewards  of  so  large  an  army,  the  salaries  of 
the  numerous  public  officers,  and  the  otiier  indispensable 
expenses  of  government,  required  a  considerable  revenue. 
From  the  time  when  iEmilius  Paulus  brought  the  treasures 
of  Perseus  to  Rome,  the  citizens  had  been  free  from  the 
payment  of  the  annual  tributes  or  direct  taxes  hitherto  lev- 
ied, and  so  often,  in  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  the  cause 
of  seditions.  An  annual  tribute  was  imposed  on  every  con- 
quered state;  and  as  the  tide  of  conquest  rolled  eastwards 
and  westwards,  a  larger  amount  of  revenue  flowed  annually 
to  Rome.  In  the  time  of  Augustus,  the  annual  tributes  of 
Asia,  Egypt,  Africa,  Spain,  and  Gaul,  produced  a  sum  which 
has  been  estimated  at  from  fifteen  to  twenty  millions  ster- 
lincr.t  Yet  even  this  large  revenue  did  not  suffice  for  the 
exigencies  of  the  state,  and  Augustus  found  it  necessary 
not  merely  to.  continue  the  port  duties,  (jjortoria,)  or  customs 
which  had  been  imposed  by  the  dictator,  but  to  establish  an 
excise,  and  to  lay  on  some  direct  taxes. 

In  all  commercial  states,  at  all  ages  of  the  world,  duties 
have  been  levied  on  imported  foreign  commodities;  they 
originated,  probably,  in  the  mistaken  idea,  that  it  was  on  the 
foreign  merchant,  and  not  on  the  domestic  consumer,  that 
they  fell.     They  were  levied  at  Rome  as  elsewhere  till  the 

*  Tac.  Ann.  iv.  5.     Suet.  Oct.  49.     Vegetius,  v.  1. 

t  Gibbon,  i.  ch.  vi.  [This  sum  is  just  equal  to  the  annual  ex- 
penditure of  the  British  governinent  at  present,  though  the  British 
dominions  are  far  more  extensive  than  tliose  of  Rome  in  lier  most 
powerful  days,  and  though  that  e.xpenditure  is  commonly,  and  not 
unjustly,  considered  to  be  on  a  very  lavish  scale.  Hovi'  wasteful,  then, 
must  have  been  the  expenditure  of  Rome,  for  which  even  this  sum  did 
not  suffice!— J.  T.  S.J 

CONTIN.  4 


38  AUGUSTUS. 

end  of  the  Mithridatic  war,  when  they  were  abolished ;  but 
Julius  Cajsar  caused  them  to  be  again  collected.*  They 
were  levied  ad  valorem  by  Augustus,  and  varied  from  twelve 
and  a  half  to  two  and  a  half  per  cent. ;  articles  of  luxury, 
such  as  the  precious  stones,  silks,  and  spices,  of  the  East, 
being,  of  course,  the  most  highly  taxed.  The  excise  was 
imposed  by  Augustus  chiefly  with  the  view  of  providing  a 
fund  for  the  payment  of  the  troops ;  it  was  a  duty  of  one  per 
cent,  (ccntesima)  levied  on  all  articles,  great  and  small,  sold 
in  the  markets  or  by  auction  at  Rome  or  throughout  Italy. 
This  not  proving  sufficient,  he  imposed  (759)  a  duty  of  five 
per  cent,  on  all  legacies  and  inheritances,  except  in  the  case 
of  the  poor,  or  of  very  near  relations.!  This  equitable  tax, 
however,  proving  very  odious  to  the  legacy-hunting  nobility 
of  Rome,  in  order  to  stop  their  murmurs,  he  sent  (760)  to 
the  senate,  requesting  them  to  suggest  some  less  onerous 
imposition  to  the  same  amount ;  and  when  they  could  not, 
yet  declared  that  they  would  pay  any  thing  rather  than  it,  he 
substituted  a  property  tax,  and  sent  out  officers  to  make  an 
estimate  of  the  property  in  lands,  houses,  etc.,  throughout 
Italy.  This  brought  them  to  reason,  and  there  was  no  fur- 
ther opposition  to  the  legacy  duty.| 

The  treasury  of  the  prince,  whence  the  pay  of  the  army 
was  to  issue,  was  named  the  Fisc,  {Fiscus,)  and  was  distinct 
from  the  public  treasury,  {jErarium,)  and  managed  by  dif- 
ferent officers ;  but  the  distinction  was  more  apparent  than 
real,  as  both  were  equally  at  the  devotion  of  the  master  of 
the  legions. 

Such  was  the  form  of  the  Roman  empire,  as  reduced  into 
order,  and  regulated  by  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  Augus- 
tus. While  the  civilized  world  thus  formed  one  body,  ruled 
by  one  mind,  it  pleased  the  Ruler  of  the  universe  to  send 
his  Son  into  it,  as  the  teacher  of  a  religion  unrivalled  in 
sublimity,  purity,  and  beneficence,  and, which  was  gradually 
to  spread  to  the  remotest  ends  of  the  earth.  In  the  year  of 
Rome  752  by  the  Catonian,  754  by  the  Varronian  computa- 
tion, Jesus  Christ  was  born  in  Bethlehem  of  Judaea.§ 

*  Cic.  Att.  ii.  16.     Dion,  xxxvii.  51.     Suet.  Jul.  43. 
t  Dion,  Iv.  25.  t  Dion,  Ivi.  28. 

§  We  shall  henceforth  reckon  by  the  Christian  era. 


A.  D.   14.]  FUNERAL    OB"    AUGUSTUS.  39 

CHAPTER   III.* 

TIBERIUS   CLAUDIUS   NERO   C^SAR. 

A.  u.  767—790.     A.  D.  14—37. 

FUNERAL  OF  AUGUSTUS. MUTINY  OF  THE  LEGIONS. VICTO- 
RIES OF  GERMANICUS. HIS  DEATH. CIVIL    GOVERNMENT 

OF  TIBERIUS. RISE  AND    FALL    OF    SEJANUS. DEATH    OF 

AGRIPPINA  AND  HER  CHILDREN. DEATH  OF  TIBERIUS. 

The  death  of  Augustus  was  kept  secret  by  Livia  and 
Tiberius  till  the  danger  of  a  disputed  succession  should  be 
removed  by  the  death  of  Agrippa  Posthuinus.  Orders  in  the 
name  of  Augustus  were  therefore  sent  to  the  officer  who  had 
him  in  charge,  to  put  him  to  death.  The  orders  were  forth- 
with executed;  but  when  the  centurion,  who  was  the  agent, 
made  his  report  to  Tiberius,  according  to  the  usual  custom, 
the  latter  made  answer  that  he  had  not  ordered  it,  and  that 
the  centurion  must  account  to  the  senate  for  it.  The  mat- 
ter, however,  ended  there,  for  no  inquiry  was  ever  instituted. 

When  the  death  of  Augustus  was  at  length  made  known 
at  Rome,  the  senate,  the  knights,  the  army,  and  the  people, 
hastened  to  swear  obedience  to  Tiberius,  who  had  already 
assumed  the  command  of  the  army  as  Impcrator.  The  body 
of  Augustus  was  conveyed  by  night  from  town  to  town  by 
the  decurions  or  councilmen  of  each.  At  Bovillae  it  was 
met  by  the  Roman  knights,  who  carried  it  into  the  city,  and 
deposited  it  in  the  vestibule  of  his  house  on  the  Palatine. 
Tiberius,  by  virtue  of  his  tribunitian  authority,  convoked 
the  senate  to  consult  about  the  funeral  and  the  honors  to  be 
decreed  to  the  deceased.  These,  had  the  real  or  pretended 
wishes  of  the  senate  prevailed,  would  have  been  excessive; 
but  Tiberius  set  a  limit  to  their  adulation,  and  only  con- 
sented that  the  senators  should  carry  the  body  to  the  pyre. 
The  will  of  Augustus,  which  was  in  the  custody  of  the  Ves- 
tals, was  then  produced  and  read.  The  funeral  orations 
were  pronounced  by  Tiberius  liimself  and  his  son  Drusus. 
The  body  was  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the  senate  to  the 
Campus  Martins,  and  there  burnt;  the  ashes  were  collected 

*  Authorities:  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  Dion. 


40  TIBERIUS.  [a.  D.   14. 

by  the  principal  men  of  the  equestrian  order,  and  deposited 
in  the  Mausoleum,  wliich  he  had  built  in  his  sixth  consulate, 
(720,)  between  the  Flaminian  road  and  tlie  Tiber,  and  sur- 
rounded with  plantations  and  public  walks.  An  eagle  had 
been  let  to  ascend  from  the  flaming  pyre,  as  the  bearer  of 
the  soul  of  the  deceased  to  heaven;  and  Numinius  Atticus, 
a  man  of  praetorian  rank,  swore  publicly  that  he  saw  Augus- 
tus mountincr  to  the  skies  ;  for  which  falsehood  Livia  gratified 
him  with  a  gift  of  25,000  denars.  A  Hcroiim  was  therefore 
decreed  to  be  raised  to  Augustus,  as  to  one  who  had  not 
shared  the  fate  o.f  ordinary  mortals,  but,  like  Hercules  or 
Romulus,  was  become  a  god. 

By  his  last  will,  Augustus  had  made  Tiberius  and  Livia 
(whom  he  had  placed  in  the  Julian  family,  and  named  Au- 
gusta) his  heirs,  the  former  of  two  thirds,  the  latter  of  one 
third,  of  the  property  which  would  remain  after  payment  of 
the  numerous  legacies  which  he  left.  He  bequeathed  a  sum 
of  43,500,000  sesterces  to  the  Roman  people ;  to  the  Pr.-e- 
torians  1000  sesterces  each;  half  that  sum  to  each  of  the 
Urbans,  and  300  to  each  of  the  legrionaries.  He  also  be- 
queathed  various  sums  to  his  friends.  He  expressly  forbade 
either  of  the  Julias  to  be  laid  in  his  monument  when  they 
died.  Beside  his  will,  Augustus  left  three  pieces  in  writing, 
the  one  containing  the  directions  about  his  funeral,  another 
an  account  of  his  actions,  which  he  directed  to  be  cut  on 
brazen  tables,  and  set  up  before  his  Mausoleum,  and  a  third 
giving  a  view  of  the  condition  of  the  whole  empire,  the 
number  of  soldiers  under  arms,  tlie  quantity  of  money  in  the 
treasury  and  fisc,  or  elsewhere,  adding  the  names  of  the  freed- 
men  and  slaves  who  micrht  be  called  on  to  account  for  It. 
y^'  The  man  into  whose  hands  the  supreme  power  was  now 
(^  transferred,  was  in  character  diametrically  opposite  to  Au- 
\  gustus.  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero,  who  was  by  ado])tion  a 
member  of  the  Julian  house,  was  nearly  fifty-four  years  of 
age.  He  had  exercised  all  the  principal  offices  in  the  state, 
and  had  commanded  armies  with  reputation.  He  was  fond 
of  literature  and  science,  and  of  the  society  of  learned  men  ; 
b-ut  he  had  all  the  innate  haughtiness  of  the  Claudian  fwnily; 
he  was  suspected  of  an  inclination  to  cruelty  ;  yet  so  profound 
was  his  power  of  dissimulation,  that  he  had  attained  to  that 
mature  age  without  his  character  being  generally  understood.* 

*  In  his  first  campaigns,  tlie  soldiers,  noticing  his  love  of  wine,  called 
him  Biberius  Caldius  Mero.     Suet.  Tib.  42. 


A.  D.    14.]  MUTINY    OF    THE    LEGIONS.  41 

His  manners  and  carriage  were  repulsive  and  forbidding; 
he  was  generally  silent,  and  did  not  unbend  and  decline  into 
familiarity. 

When  all  due  honors  had  been  decreed  to  Aucrustus,  the 
senate  turned  to  Tiberius,  imploring  him  to  assume  the  su- 
preme power;  but  he  feigned  reluctance,  spoke  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  task,  and  his  own  incompetence,  saying  that,  in 
a  state  possessing  so  many  illustrious  men,  such  power  should 
not  be  committed  to  any  single  person.  This  only  caused 
them  to  urge  him  the  more;  they  called  on  the  gods  and  on 
the  statue  of  Augustus :  Tiberius  marked  the  words  of  each, 
and  for  some  incautious  speakers  he  laid  up  future  vengeance. 
At  length,  yielding  as  it  were  to  compulsion,  he  accepted  the 
wretched  and  onerous  servitude,  as  \\e  termed  it,  until  the 
senate  should  see  fit  to  grant  some  repose  to  his  old  age. 

In  this  affected  reluctance,  Tiberius,  no  doubt,  was  act- 
ing according  to  his  natural  character  of  dissimulation,  and 
seeking  to  learn  the  real  sentiments  of  the  leading  senators; 
but  he  had  other  reasons  and  causes  of  apprehension.  He 
was  uncertain  how  the  two  great  armies,  which  were  stationed 
in  Pannonia  and  Germany,  would  act  when  they  heard  of 
the  death  of  Augustus;  and  he  feared  lest  Germanicus,  who 
commanded  the  latter,  and  who  was  universally  beloved, 
might  choose  to  grasp  the  supreme  power  when  within  his 
reach,  rather  than  wait  for  it  to  come  to  him  by  the  more 
tedious  course  of  succession.  He  did,  however,  the  noble 
Germanicus  injustice;  but  his  suspicions  of  the  legions  were 
not  unfounded,  for  they  broke  out  into  mutiny  when  intelli- 
gence reached  them  of  the  late  events. 

The  mutiny  commenced  in  the  Pannonian  army  of  three 
lewions  under  the  command  of  Junius  Bknesus.  Tlie  soldiers 
complained  of  the  smallness  of  their  pay  and  the  length  of 
their  service,  and  demanded  to  be  placed  on  an  equality  in 
both  these  points  with  the  Prajtorians.  Blajsus  having  suc- 
ceeded, in  some  measure,  in  calming  them,  they  selected  his 
own  son  as  their  deputy,  to  lay  their  grievances  before  Ti- 
berius; but  when  he  was  gone,  the  mutiny  broke  out  anew, 
and  they  killed  one  of  their  officers,  drove  the  rest  out  of  the 
camp,  and  plundered  their  baggage.  When  Tiberius  heard 
of  the  mutiny,  he  sent  off  his  son  Drusus  with  a  guard  of  the 
Praetorians,  and  bearing  letters  to  the  troops,  in  which  he 
promised  to  lay  their  grievances  before  the  senate,  adding 
that  Drusus  was  authorized  to  concede  at  once  all  that  could 
be  granted  without  a  decree  of  the  senate. 

4*  F 


42  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.   14. 

The   soldiers   received  and  listened   to  Drusus   with  re- 
spect ;   but  when   they  found   that  he  had  not  in  fact  the 
power  to  grant  any  of  their  demands,  tliey  quitted  his  tribu- 
nal in  anger.     The  greatest  apprehensions  were  entertained 
that  they  would  break  out  into  violence  during  the  night; 
but  an  unexpected  event  altered  the  whole  course  of  affairs. 
The  moon,  which  was  shining  at  the   full    in    an   unclouded 
sky,   was   suddenly  observed   to  grow  dim.     The   ignorant, 
superstitious  soldiers,  viewing  this  as  ominous  of  their  own 
condition,  clashed  their  arms  and   sounded  their   horns   and 
trumpets,  to  relieve  the  labor  of  the  goddess  of  the  night; 
and  as  she  still  grew  darker,  they  gave  way  to  despair,  saying 
that  the  gods  had   declared  against  them,  and  that  their  toils 
were  to  have  no  end.     The  officers,  who  had  influence  with 
them,  took  advantage  of  this  disposition,  and  went  about  all 
the  night  long  reasoning  with  and  persuading  them.     In  the 
morning,  Drusus  again  addressed  them,  and  Blaesus  and  two 
other  deputies  were   sent  to  Tiberius.     Meantime  Drusus 
caused  some   of  the  most  mutinous  to  be  executed.     A  pre- 
mature winter,  with  violent  rain    and   storm,   increased   the 
superstitious  terrors  of  the  soldiery,  and  the  legions  gradually 
returned  to  their   obedience   without  even   waiting  for  the 
answer  of  Tiberius. 

The  mutiny  which  broke  out  at  the  same  time  in  the  Ger- 
man army  was  still  more  formidable.  This  army,  consisting 
of  two  divisions  of  four  legions  each,  was  quartered  in  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Germany ;  the  former  commanded  by  C. 
Silius,  the  latter  by  A.  Csecina.  The  commander-in-chief 
was  Germanicus,  who  was  at  this  time  absent,  being  engaged 
in  taking  a  census  of  Gaul.  The  mutiny  commenced  in  the 
camp  of  CfEcina ;  the  complaints  were  the  same  as  those  of 
the  Pannonian  legions,  but  the  soldiers  showed  themselves 
more  determined  and  ferocious.  They  seized  their  centu- 
rions, threw  them  on  the  ground,  beat  them  nearly  to  death, 
and  then  cast  them  out  of  the  camp  or  into  the  Rhine;  they 
refused  all  obedience  to  their  superior  officers ;  they  set  the 
guards  themselves,  and  performed  all  the  necessary  military 
duties. 

Germanicus  hastened  to  the  camp  ;  the  soldiers  came  forth 
to  meet  him  with  all  tokens  of  respect.  He  entered  and 
ascended  his  tribunal ;  they  stood  round  in  their  companies. 
He  addressed  them;  they  listened  in  silence,  while  he  spoke 
in  praise  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius,  and  extolled  their  own 
exploits.     But,  when  he  began  to  touch  on  their  late  con- 


A.  D.   14.]  MUTINY    OF    THE    LEGIONS.  43 

duct,  they  stripped  their  bodies,  showing  the  scars  of  wounds 
and  the  marks  of  blows  ;  tliey  enumerated  the  laborious 
tasks  they  had  to  perform ;  the  veterans  counted  up  the 
thirty  and  more  campaigns  that  they  had  served.  Some 
called  for  the  money  be(iueathed  to  them  by  Augustus,  and 
expressed  their  wishes  for  Germanicus  himsel*'  to  assume 
the  supreme  power.  At  these  words,  he  sprang  down  from 
the  tribunal;  they  opposed  his  departure  with  menaces;  he 
drew  his  sword,  and  was  about  to  plunge  it  into  his  bosom, 
but  those  near  him  caught  his  hand.  Some  of  the  more 
distant,  however,  called  out  to  him  to  strike;  and  one  soldier 
had  the  audacity  to  offer  him  his  sword,  saying  thnt  it  was 
sharper  than  his  own.  The  rest  wore  appalled  at  this  daring 
act,  and  paused  ;  and  his  friends  then  got  Germanicus  into 
his  tent.  He  there  deliberated  on  the  state  of  affairs;  and, 
as  it  was  known  that  the  mutineers  were  about  to  send 
deputies  to  solicit  the  legions  in  Upper  Germany,  and  that 
the  Germans  would  probably  take  advantage  of  the  mutiny 
to  cross  the  Rhine,  it  was  resolved  to  try  to  appease  them. 
A  letter  was  therefore  written,  in  the  name  of  Tiberius, 
giving  a  total  discharge  to  those  who  h  id  served  twenty,  and 
a  partial  one  to  those  who  had  served  sixteen  campaigns; 
and  addincr,  that  they  should  receive  double  the  sum  left 
them  by  Augustus.  As  two  of  the  legions  insisted  on  being 
paid  their  money  down,  Germnnicus  and  his  friends  had  to 
supply  it  from  their  own  private  funds. 

Germanicus  then  proceeded  to  the  army  of  Upper  Ger- 
many, in  which  the  spirit  of  mutiny  had  been  very  slight; 
and,  though  the  soldiers  did  not  ask  for  them,  he  gave  dis- 
charges and  money  as  to  the  other  army.  On  his  return  to 
the  place  named  The  Ubians'  Altar,  {Bonn,)  where  two  of  the 
lately  mutinous  legions  wore  quartered,  he  met  a  deputation 
from  the  senate,  headed  by  Munatius  Plancus.  The  soldiers, 
conscious  of  guilt,  began  to  fear  that  they  were  the  bearers 
of  a  decree  for  annulling  the  concessions  which  they  had 
extorted  by  their  mutiny;  they  again  broke  into  a  tumult; 
they  assailed  the  gate  of  Germanicus's  dwelling  in  the  night, 
and  forced  him  to  get  up  and  deliver  to  them  a  standard 
which  they  demanded.*  The  deputies  (especially  Plancus, 
whom  they  fancied  to  have  been  the  proposer  of  the  ob- 
noxious decree)  narrowly  escaped  with  their  lives.     In  the 

*  Tac.  Ann.  i.  3i).  Lipsliis  thinks  it  was  the  red  flag  wliich  used  to 
be  liung  out  over  the  gencial's  tent  as  the  signal  for  battle. 


44  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  14. 

morning,  Germanicns  remonstrated  with  them  on  their  con- 
duct, but  they  listened  in  sullen  silence.  He  then  dismissed 
the  deputies  with  an  escort  of  horse  of  the  allies ;  and,  on 
his  friends  representing  to  him  the  imprudence  of  allow- 
ing his  wife  and  young  son  to  remain  in  a  place  of  so 
much  danger,  he  resolved  to  send  them  to  the  Trevirians  for 
security. 

Agrippina,  tlie  wife  of  Germanicus,  was  the  daughter  of 
Agrippa  and  Julia;  she  was  a  woman  of  a  high  spirit,  de- 
votedly attached  to  her  husband,  and  of  unsullied  chastity; 
and  she  was  now  far  advanced  in  pregnancy.     Her  young 
son,  Caius,  had  been  reared  in  the  camp,  and  been  given  by 
the  soldiers  the  name  of  Caligula,  from  his  being  made  to 
wear  the  military  shoes,  which  were  so  called.     When,  there- 
fore, the  soldiers  saw  the  wife  and  child  of  their  general, 
accompanied  by  the  wives  of  his  friends,  all  weeping  and 
lamenting,  about  to  quit  a  Roman  camp  in  order  to  seek  the 
protection  of  provincials,  they  were  filled  with  grief  and 
shame,  and   more   especially  with   envy  of  the  Trevirians. 
Some  stopped  them,  and  insisted  on  their  remaining,  while 
others  crowded  round  Germanicus,  who  now  rebuked  them 
severely  for  their  conduct.     They  acknowledged  their  fault, 
besought  him  to  punish  the  guilty,  to  forgive  the  misguided, 
to  lead  them  against  the  enemy,  but  to  bring  back  his  wife 
and  child,  and  not  deliver  the  nursling  of  the  legions  as  a 
hostage  to  Gauls.     He  consented  to  the  return  of  his  son, 
but  excused  that  of  his  wife,  on  account  of  her  pregnancy 
and  the  approach  of  the  winter.     The  soldiers  were  con- 
tented :  they  forthwith  seized  the  ringleaders  of  the  mutiny, 
and  draaiied  them,  bound,  before  C.  Cetronius,  the  legate  of 
the  first  legion.     They  then  stood  with  their  swords  drawn  : 
each  of  the  prisoners  was  placed  on  a  bank  of  earth  before 
the  tribunal:    if  the  soldiers  cried  out,  "Guilty,"   he  was 
thrown  down,  and  they  despatched  him.     Germanicus  finally 
made  an  inquiry  into  the   conduct  of  the   centurions,  and 
dismissed  the  service  all  who  were  proved  guilty  of  avarice 
or  cruelty. 

Order  beinsf  thus  restored  in  these  two  legions,  Germanicus 
made  preparations  for  conducting  a  body  of  the  allies  against 
the  other  two  legions,  who  had  begun  the  mutiny,  and  were 
now  lying  at  the  Old  Camp,  {Vcfrra  Castra  'Santeu.')  He 
wrote,  however,  previously,  to  Ca;cina,  to  say  that,  if  not 
prevented  by  the  punishment  of  the  guilty,  he  would  come 
and  make  a  promiscuous  slaughter.     Caicina  secretly  com- 


A,  D.   15.]  GERMANICUS.  45 

municated  this  letter  to  the  officers  and  the  sound  part  of  the 
army,  and  it  was  resolved  to  fall  unawares  on  the  mutineers, 
and  slaughter  them.  The  plan  was  carried  into  effect,  and 
numbers  were  thus  butchered.  Gerinanicus,  on  coming  to 
the  camp,  shed  copious  tears,  calling  it  a  massacre,  and  not 
a  medicine,  and  ordered  the  bodies  of  the  slain  to  be  burnt. 
The  soldiers  clamored  to  be  led  against  the  enemy,  in  order, 
by  receiving  honorable  wounds,  to  appease  the  Manes  of 
their  comrades.  A  bridge  was  hastily  thrown  over  the  river, 
and  they  advanced  some  way  into  Germany,  where,  falling 
on  the  unsuspecting  barbarians  on  the  night  of  one  of  their 
solemn  festivals,  they  slaughtered  all  ages  and  sexes  promis- 
cuously ;  they  laid  the  country  waste  for  a  space  of  fifty 
miles,  levelling  all  edifices,  sacred  and  profane,  alike.  Ger- 
man icus  then  led  them  back  to  winter  quarters. 

Tiberius  received  the  account  of  the  suppression  of  the 
mutiny  with  mingled  feelings.  He  rejoiced  that  it  was  at  an 
end,  while  he  was  uneasy  at  the  popularity  which  Germanicus 
must  have  acquired  by  his  able  and  vigorous  conduct.  He, 
however,  praised  him  to  the  senate ;  but  it  was  observed  that 
his  praises  of  Drusus,  at  the  same  time,  though  more  brief, 
were  more  sincere.  He  gave  the  Pannonian  legions  all  the 
advantages  which  Germanicus  had  granted  to  the  German 
army. 

Early  in  the  spring,  (15,)  Germanicus  led  his  whole  army 
over  the  Rhine,  and  invaded  the  country  of  the  Chattans, 
where  he  wasted  the  land  and  slaughtered  the  inhabitants  in 
the  usual  manner.  Segestes,  the  Chattan  prince,  who,  as  we 
have  seen,  through  enmity  to  Arminius,  was  in  favor  of  the 
Romans,  having  sent  to  apprize  Germanicus  that  he  was  sur- 
rounded by  his  hostile  countrymen,  who  were  under  the  ii  - 
fluence  of  Arminius,  the  Roman  army  was  instantly  marched 
to  his  relief,  and  he  and  his  family,  (among  whom  was  his 
daughter,  the  wife  of  Arminius,)  and  a  large  body  of  his 
clients,  were  received  under  the  protection  of  the  Romans, 
and  given  a  settlement  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine. 

Germanicus  led  back  his  army;  but  Arminius,  maddened 
at  the  captivity  of  his  wife,  went  from  place  to  place,  rousing 
the  Cheruscans  and  the  conterminous  tribes  to  arms  against 
the  Romans.  He  was  joined  by  his  uncle,  Inguiomer,  a  man 
whose  talents  the  Romans  held  in  the  highest  respect;  and 
Germanicus,  therefore,  judging  that  the  war  would  be  very 
serious,  resolved  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  whole  weight  of 
it  from  falling  on  one  place.     With  this  view,  he  despatched 


46  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  15. 

Caecina,  with  forty  cohorts,  through  the  Briicterian  country, 
to  the  River  Ems,  {Amisia,)  while  the  prefect  Pedo  led  the 
cavalry  through  the  country  of  the  Frisians;  and  he  himself, 
putting  four  legions  on  shipboard,  sailed  through  the  lakes. 
The  whole  force  rendezvoused  on  the  Ems,  and  all  the  coun- 
try between  it  and  the  Lippe  was  laid  waste. 

As  the  Teutoburg  forest,  in  which  Varus  and  his  legions 
had  been  slaughtered,  was  at  hand,  Germanicus  resolved  to 
proceed  thither,  and  render  the  last  honors  to  the  slain.  On 
arriving  at  the  fatal  spot,  the  Romans  found  the  camp  of 
Varus  bearing  evidence  of  the  fate  of  the  army  :  around  lay 
whitening  the  bones  of  men  and  horses;  broken  weapons 
strewed  the  ground ;  human  heads  were  fixed  on  trunks  of 
trees;  the  altars,  at  which  the  officers  had  been  sacrificed, 
stood  in  the  adjoining  woods.  The  soldiers  mournfully  col- 
lected the  bones  of  their  comrades,  and  raised  a  mound  over 
them,  Germanicus  himself  laying  the  first  sod.  The  jealousy 
of  Tiberius  was  offended  at  this  popular  act,  which,  he  said, 
tended  to  damp  the  spirit  of  the  soldiers. 

The  Romans,  on  their  return  to  the  Ems,  were  fallen  on,  in 
their  march  through  the  woods  and  marshes,  by  Arminius,  and 
narrowly  escaped  a  defeat.  Germanicus  then  reembarked 
bis  legions,  sending  the  cavalry,  as  before,  round  the  coast. 
He  charged  Caecina  to  make  all  the  speed  he  could  to  get 
beyond  the  Long  Bridges,  as  a  causeway  was  named  which 
the  Romans  had  some  years  before  constructed  in  the  exten- 
sive marshes  which  lay  not  far  from  the  Ems.  Caecina  ac- 
cordingly advanced  with  rapidity,  but  the  speed  of  Arminius 
exceeded  his ;  and,  on  arriving  at  the  Bridges,  he  found  the 
woods  all  occupied  by  the  Germans.  He  also,  to  his  nior- 
t.-'ication,  saw  that  the  causeway  had  become  so  decayed  with 
time,  that  it  must  be  repaired  before  the  army  could  pass  it ; 
he  therefore  resolved  to  encamp  on  the  spot. 

The  Germans  assailed  the  Romans  as  they  were  engaged 
in  forming  their  camp,  and  the  legions  were  saved  from  de- 
struction only  by  the  intervention  of  night.  As  there  was 
now  little  chance  of  their  being  able  to  pass  by  the  Bridges, 
Caecina  saw  that  his  only  course  was  to  endeavor  to  force 
his  way  through  a  narrow  plain,  which  lay  between  the 
marshes  and  the  hills  occupied  by  the  enemy.  After  passing 
a  miserable  night,  the  army  set  out  at  dawn;  but  the  two  le- 
gions, which  were  appointed  to  cover  the  flank  of  the  line  of 
march,  disobeyed  orders,  and  pushed  on  for  the  dry  ground; 
and  Arminius,  waiting  till  he  saw  the  Romans  completely  en- 


A.    D.   16.]  VICTORIES    OF    GERMANICUS.  47 

gaged  in  the  marshes,  charged  the  unprotected  line,  and  broke 
it.  The  horses  were  the  chief  object  of  attack  .:  and,  pierced 
by  the  long  spears  of  the  Germans,  they  fell,  and  flung  their 
riders,  or,  rushing  on,  trampled  on  those  before  them  ;  Cajci- 
na's  own  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  he  was  near  being 
taken  by  the  enemy.  Fortunately  for  the  Romans,  the  bar- 
barians, in  their  usual  manner,  fell  to  plundering,  and,  at  the 
approach  of  evening,  they  succeeded  in  reaching  the  dry 
ground.  Here  they  were  obliged  to  encamp,  but  most  of 
their  implements  were  lost;  they  were  without  tents,  they 
had  no  dressings  for  their  wounded,  and  their  provisions 
were  all  spoiled  ;  they,  however,  succeeded  in  securing  them- 
selves for  the  nisrht. 

A  horse  having  got  loose  in  the  night,  the  soldiers  fancied 
that  the  Germans  had  broken  into  the  camp ;  and  they  were 
preparing  to  fly  for  their  lives,  when  Caecina,  having  ascer- 
tained that  the  alarm  was  groundless,  called  them  together, 
and  showed  them  that  their  only  chance  of  safety  was  to  re- 
main within  their  ramparts  till  the  enemy  should  assail  them, 
and  then  to  break  out  and  push  on  for  the  Rhine.  The 
horses,  not  excepting  his  own,  were  then  given  to  the  bravest 
men,  who  were  to  be  the  first  to  charge  the  enemy.  The 
Germans,  on  their  part,  were  also  deliberating  how  to  pro- 
ceed;  Arminius  was  for  letting  the  Romans  quit  their  camp 
unmolested,  and  assailing,  as  before,  their  line  of  march; 
but  Inguiomer  insisted  on  storming  the  ramparts,  as  there 
would  then  be  more  captives  made,  and  the  plunder  would 
be  in  better  condition.  His  opinion  prevailed,  and  a  general 
assault  was  made  at  daybreak.  But,  while  the  Germans 
were  scaling  the  ramparts,  the  signal  was  given  to  the  co- 
horts, the  trumpets  sounded,  and  the  assailants  found  them- 
selves attacked  in  the  rear.  They  made  but  a  feeble  resist- 
ance;  they  were  slaughtered  in  heaps  all  through  the  day 
by  the  legionaries,  who  next  morning  pursued  their  march 
unmolested  for  the  Rhine. 

Germanicus  resolved  to  conduct  the  next  campaign  (16) 
on  different  principles  from  the  preceding  ones.  He  had 
observed  that,  in  consequence  of  the  nature  of  the  country, 
abounding  in  forests  and  morasses,  the  loss  of  men  and  horses 
in  an  invasion  of  Germany  was  immense;  whereas,  if  the  in- 
fantry were  conveyed  thither  by  sea,  and  the  horse  led  round 
the  coast,  the  campaign  might  be  begun  earlier,  and  the 
troops  be  exposed  to  less  toil  and  danger.  He  therefore 
caused  a  multitude  of  vessels  of  all  descriptions  to  be  built 


48  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  16. 

in  various  places,  and  appointed  the  isle  of  the  Bntavians  as 
the  place  of  rendezvous  and  embarkation.  When  all  was 
ready,  he  put  the  Roman  army  of  eight  legions  and  their  at- 
tendant auxiliaries  on  board  of  a  fleet  of  about  1000  vessels, 
of  all  forms  and  sizes,  and,  sailing  up  the  Rhine,  through  the 
lake,  and  along  the  coast  of  the  ocean,  entered  the  mouth  of 
the  Ems,  where  having  landed  his  troops,  he  advanced  to  the 
Weser.  On  reaching  that  river,  he  found  its  opposite  bank 
occupied  by  Arminius  and  the  Cheruscan  warriors.  He, 
however,  forced  the  passage,  and,  the  Germans  having  given 
him  battle  in  a  plain  encompassed  by  hills  on  one  side,  on 
the  other  by  the  river,  they  were  routed  with  great  slaughter, 
the  oTound  for  a  space  of  ten  miles  being  covered  with  their 
arms  and  bodies.  Undismayed  by  their  reverses,  they  fell 
once  more  on  the  Romans,  as  they  were  marching  through  a 
narrow,  marshy  plain,  hemmed  in  by  woods  and  the  river; 
but  success  was  once  more  on  the  side  of  discipline  and  supe- 
rior arms,  and  Germanicus,  in  the  inscription  which  he  put  on 
a  pile  of  the  armor  of  the  vanquished  Germans,  could  boast 
of  having  conquered  all  the  nations  between  the  Rhine  and 
the  Elbe.  As  the  summer  was  now  far  advanced,  he  sent  a 
part  of  his  army  to  their  winter  quarters  by  land  ;  he  himself 
embarked  with  the  remainder  in  the  Ems  ;  but,  when  they  got 
into  the  open  sea,  they  were  assailed  by  a  furious  tempest ; 
some  of  the  vessels  were  driven  on  the  German  coast,  others 
on  the  adjacent  islands,  others  even  to  Britain ;  and  the  loss 
of  horses  and  baggage  was  immense.  When  the  storm  was 
over,  the  ships  which  had  escaped  were  repaired  without  de- 
lay, and  sent  to  search  the  islands,  and  bring  off  the  men 
who  had  been  cast  away  on  them. 

Germanicus  and  his  officers  were  decidedly  of  opinion 
that  one  campaign  more  would  end  the  war,  and  complete 
the  subjugation  of  Germany;  but  the  jealousy  of  Tiberius 
would  not  let  him  permit  Germanicus  to  reinain  longer  at 
the  head  of  so  large  an  army ;  and  he  urged  him  to  return  to 
Rome  to  celebrate  the  triumph  which  had  been  decreed 
him,  offering  him,  as  an  inducement,  a  second  consulate. 
Germanicus,  though  he  saw  through  his  motives,  yielded 
obedience  to  his  wishes ;  and  thus  finally  terminated  the 
projects  of  the  Romans  for  conquest  in  northern  Germany.* 

*  The  gallant  Arminius  afterwards  engaged  in  war  with  and  defeat- 
ed Maroboduus.  He  finally  perished  by  the  treachery  of  his  relations, 
being  charged  with  aiming  at  royalty.  Tacitus  (ii.  88)  gives  him  the 
following  encomium :  "  Liberator  hand  dubie  Germanise,  et  qui  non 


A.  D.    17-19.]  DEATH    OF    GERMANICUS.  49 

On  his  return  to  Rome,  (17,)  Germanicus  celebrated  his 
triumph  over  the  Chattans,  Cheruscans,  and  Angivarians. 
Tiberius  gave  in  his  name  a  donation  to  the  people  of  300 
sesterces  a  man,  and  nominated  him  his  colleague  in  the 
consulate  for  the  ensuing  year.  As,  about  this  time,  the 
kings  of  Cappadocia,  Commagene,  and  Cilicia,  were  dead, 
and  the  affairs  of  Armenia  were  in  their  usual  disorder,  and 
Syria  and  Judica  were  applying  for  a  diminution  of  their 
burdens,  Tiberius,  who  did  not  wish  to  let  Germanicus  re- 
main at  Rome,  or  who,  as  some  suspected,  had  designs  on 
him  which  could  best  be  accomplished  at  a  distance,  took 
advantage  of  this  occasion  for  removing  him  ;  by  a  decree 
of  the  senate,  he  was  therefore  assigned  the  provinces  beyond 
the  sea,  with  an  authority,  when  in  any  of  them,  paramount 
to  that  of  its  actual  governor.  Tiberius  at  the  same  time 
removed  Silanus,  the  governor  of  Syria,  whose  daughter 
was  affianced  to  Gcrmanicus's  son,  and  appointed  in  his 
place  Cn.  Piso,  a  man  of  a  fierce  and  violent  temper,  and 
whose  wife,  Plancina,  a  haughty  and  arrogant  woman,  was 
the  intimate  friend  of  Livia.  It  was  suspected  that  they 
were  selected  as  fit  agents  for  the  execution  of  some  secret 
design  against  Germanicus. 

After  visiting  his  brother  Drusus,  who  held  the  command 
in  Illyricum,  and  with  whom  he  was  always  on  the  most 
cordial  terms,  Germanicus  proceeded  to  Greece,  (18,)  whence 
he  passed  over  to  Asia,  where  he  invested  Zeno,  son  of  the 
king  of  Pontus,  with  the  diadem,  and  reduced  Commagene 
and  Cappadocia  to  the  form  of  provinces.  He  thence  (19) 
proceeded  to  Egypt,  urged  chiefly  by  the  laudable  curiosity 
of  viewing  the  wonders  of  that  land  of  mystery.  On  his 
return  to  Syria,  he  fell  sick,  and  it  was  suspected  that  the 
cause  of  his  disease  was  poison,  privily  administered  by 
Piso  and  Plancina,  with  whom  he  was  now  at  open  enmity  : 
Germanicus  himself  was  of  this  opinion,  and  he  therefore 
sent  Piso  orders  to  quit  the  province.  The  disease,  however, 
proved  fatal,  and  he  died  shortly  after,  with  his  last  breath 
charging  his  friends  to  appeal  to  his  father,  brother,  and  the 
senate,  for  punishment  on  Piso  and  Plancina,  as  the  authors 
of  his  death. 

primordia  Pop.  Rom.  sicut  alii  reges  ducesque,  sed  florenlissimum  im- 
periuin  lacessierit ;  praeliis  ambiguus,  bello  non  victus;  xxxvii.  annos 
vittE,  xii.  potentifE  explevit;  canitur  adliuc  barbaras  apud  gentes; 
GrtEcorum  annalibus  ignotus,  qui  suatantum  mirantur ;  Romanis  baud 
perinde  Celebris,  dum  Vetera  extoUinius  recentium  incuriosi." 
CONTIN.  5  G 


50  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  20. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  noble  Germaiiicus,  in  the  tliirty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age.  Unlike  the  Claudian  family,  from 
which  he  sprang,  he  was  mild,  affable,  and  clement  in  tem- 
per. Not  content  with  military  glory,  he  sought  fame  also 
in  the  peaceful  fields  of  literature.*  lie  was  a  faithful 
husband,  an  affectionate  parent,  a  constant  friend ;  in  fine, 
both  in  public  and  private  virtues,  he  has  few  superiors  ia 
the  pages  of  history. 

After  the  death  of  Germanicus,  a  consultation  was  held,  by 
such  of  the  senators  as  were  present,  on  the  subject  of  the 
government  of  the  province  of  Syria,  now  vacant,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  commit  it  to  Cn.  Sentius.  Meantime  Piso,  who 
was  at  Cos  when  the  news  of  the  death  of  Germanicus 
reached  him,  consulted  as  to  what  he  should  do.  His  son 
urged  him  to  pursue  his  journey  to  Rome  without  a  mo- 
ment's delay  ;  but  one  of  his  friends,  Domitius  Celer,  advised 
him  to  return  to  Syria,  and  wrest  the  government  of  it  from 
Sentius.  Piso  adopted  this  last  course  ;  but,  failing  in  his 
attempts  to  seduce  the  legions,  he  was  besieged  by  Sentius  in 
a  castle  on  the  coast  of  Cilicia,  and  surrendered  on  con- 
dition of  being  allowed  to  proceed  to  Rome. 

Agrippina  had  already  (20)  reached  the  city  with  the  urn 
which  contained  the  ashes  of  her  illustrious  husband.  The 
mourning  of  the  people  was  universal  and  sincere ;  but  the 
honors  of  the  dead  were  limited  by  the  jealousy  of  Tiberius. 
When  Drusus,  after  the  funeral,  returned  to  Dalmatia,  he 
was  visited  by  Piso,  who  hoped  to  gain  his  protection  ;  but, 
failing  in  his  object,  he  had  to  proceed  to  Rome,  where  the 
friends  of  Germanicus  made  no  delay  in  exhibiting  articles 
of  accusation  against  him.  The  cause  was  referred  by  Ti- 
berius to  the  senate.  All  the  charges  but  that  of  poisoning 
were  proved  ;  and  Piso,  seeing  Tiberius,  the  senate,  and  the 
people,  equally  hostile  to  him,  sought  a  refuge  from  ignominy 
in  a  voluntary  death.  Plancina  was  acquitted  through  the 
influence  of  Augusta,  at  whose  desire  Tiberius  himself  be- 
came her  intercessor. 

Before  we  proceed  to  notice  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
empire  during  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  we 
will  mention  briefly  the  slight  military  movements  on  the 
frontiers. 

In  Africa  a  Numidian  named  Tacfarinas,  who  had  served 
in  the  Roman  army,  and  had  then  become  a  freebooter,  and 

•  The  Fasti  of  Ovid  are  dedicated  to  this  prince. 


A.  D.  21.]  MILITARY    MOVEMENTS.  f)! 

gradually  collected  a  good  body  of  men,  being  joined  by 
a  Moorish  chief  named  Ma/.ippa,  began  to  lay  waste  and 
plunder  the  province,  (17.)  Tlie  proconsul  Furius  Camillus 
led  the  Roman  troops  out  against  them ;  Tacfarinas  had  tho 
courage  to  give  him  battle,  but  his  Numidians  were  easily 
routed  ;  the  triumphal  insignia  were  decreed  to  Camillus, 
who,  as  the  historian  observes,  was  the  first  of  his  family, 
since  the  time  of  the  great  Camillus  and  his  son,  who  had 
acquired  military  glory.  Tacfarinas  continued  to  harass  tho 
province  by  his  incursions  for  some  years  ;  at  length  (24)  he 
was  defeated  and  slain  by  the  proconsul  P.  Dolabella. 

The  trifling  commotions  which  took  place  in  Thrace,  and 
were  easily  repressed,  are  not  deserving  of  particular  notice; 
but  an  insurrection  which  broke  out  in  Gaul  (21)  threatened 
to  be  of  serious  consequence.  The  origin  of  it  was  the 
heavy  weight  of  debt  caused  by  the  excessive  amount  of  the 
tributes,  to  meet  which  the  states  were  obliged  to  borrow 
money  from  the  wealthy  men  nt  Rome  on  enormous  interest; 
to  which  were  added  the  pride  and  severity  of  the  Roman 
governors.  The  heads  of  the  revolt  were  Julius  Florus,  a 
Trevirian,  and  Julius  Sacrovir,  an  JLduan,  both  men  of 
great  influence,  and  whose  ancestors  had  been  honored  with 
the  Roman  right  of  citizenship.  The  people  of  Anjou  and 
Touraine  were  the  first  to  rise,  but  they  were  easily  put 
down ;  Sacrovir,  who  had  not  yet  declared  himself,  fighting 
on  the  occasion  in  the  Roman  ranks.  Florus,  with  his  Tre- 
virians,  occupied  the  forest  of  Ardenne,  {Arduenna ;)  but 
his  unorganized  rabble  was  easily  dispersed  by  a  party  under 
Julius  Indus,  another  Trevirian,  who  was  at  enmity  with 
him;  and  he  slew  himself  to  escape  captivity.  Sacrovir 
meantime  seized  on  Autun,  {Aiigin^toclumim ,)  the  capital 
of  the  iEduans,  where  most  of  the  young  nobility  of  Gaul 
were  placed  for  the  purpose  of  education,  in  order  that  he 
might  thus  draw  their  parents  and  relations  in  to  share  in  the 
war.  He  collected  40,000  men,  only  a  fifth  of  whom  were 
completely  armed  :  with  these  he  gave  battle  to  the  Roman 
legions  ;  and,  being  defeated,  he  fled  with  a  few  companions 
to  a  country-house  near  Autun,  where  he  put  an  end  to 
himself  The  Gallic  war  was  thus  terminated,  and  the  em- 
pire remained  at  peace  during  the  remainder  of  the  reign  of 
Tiberius. 

It  is  now  time  that  we  should  trace  the  conduct  of  tbi.s 
wily  prince  during  the  period  of  which  we  have  related  the 
military  transactions. 


52  TIBERIUS.  [a.  D.  21. 

All  the  historians  are  agreed  that  he  both  disliked  and 
feared  Germanicus,  and  that  it  was  the  awe  in  which  he 
stood  of  that  favorite  of  the  soldiery  and  the  people  that 
caused  him  to  act  with  so  much  moderation  in  his  first  years, 
in  which  there  is  really  little  to  reprehend. 

His  plan  was  to  possess  the  reality  of  power  without  ex- 
citing hatred  or  envy  by  the  useless  display  of  the  show  of 
it.  He  therefore  rejected  the  titles  that  were  offered  him, 
such  as  that  of  Imperator,  as  a  pra;nomcii,  and  that  of  Father 
of  his  Country ;  even  that  of  Augustus,  though  hereditary, 
he  would  only  use  in  his  letters  to  kings  and  dynasts  :  above 
all,  he  rejected  that  of  Master,  [Dominiis;)  he  would  only  be 
called  Caesar,  or  First  of  the  Senate.  This  last  (which  we 
shall  henceforth  term  Prince)  was  his  favorite  title  :  he  used 
to  say,  "  I  am  the  Master  of  my  slaves,  the  Imperator  of  the 
soldiers,  and  the  Prince  of  the  rest."  He  would  not  allow 
any  thing  peculiar  to  be  done  in  honor  of  his  birthday,  nor 
suffer  any  one  to  swear  by  his  fortune  ;  neither  would  he 
permit  the  senate  to  swear  to  his  acts  on  new  year's  day,  or 
temples,  or  any  other  divine  honors,  to  be  decreed  him.  He 
was  affable  and  easy  of  approach;  he  took  no  notice  of  libels 
and  evil  reports  of  which  he  was  the  object,  while  he  re- 
pelled flattery  of  every  kind. 

To  the  senate  and  the  magistrates  he  preserved  (at  least 
in  appearance)  all  their  pristine  dignity  and  power.  Every 
matter,  great  or  small,  public  or  private,  was  laid  before  the 
senate.  The  debates  were  apparently  free,  and  the  prince 
was  often  in  the  minority.  He  always  entered  the  senate- 
house  without  any  attendants,  like  an  ordinary  senator ;  he 
reproved  consulars  in  the  command  of  armies  for  writing  to 
him  instead  of  the  senate;  he  treated  the  consuls  with  the 
utmost  respect,  rising  to  them  and  making  way  for  them. 
Ambassadors  and  deputies  were  directed  to  apply  to  them,  as 
in  the  time  of  the  republic.  It  was  only  by  his  tribiinitian 
riirht  of  intercedins  that  he  exercised  his  power  in  the  sen- 
ate.  He  used  also  to  take  his  seat  with  the  magistrates  as 
they  were  administering  justice,  and  by  his  presence  and 
authority  gave  a  check  to  the  influence  of  the  great  in  pro- 
tecting the  accused  ;  by  which  conduct  of  his,  while  justice 
gained,  liberty,  it  was  observed,  suffered.* 

The   public   morals  and   the  tranquillity  of  the  city  were 

*  "  Sed    dum   veritati    consulitur    liberlas   corrumpebatur."     Tac. 
Ann.  i.  75. 


k.  D.  21.]  CONDUCT    OF    TIBERIUS.  53 

also  attended  to.  A  limit  was  sot  to  the  expenses  of  plays  and 
public  shows,  and  to  the  salaries  of  the  players,  to  whom  the 
senators  and  knights  were  forbidden  to  show  marks  of  respect, 
by  visiting  them  or  attending  them  in  public.  Profligacy  had 
become  so  bold  and  shameless,  that  ladies  were  known  to 
have  entered  themselves  in  the  list  of  professed  courtesans  in 
order  to  escape  the  penalties  of  the  law,  and  young  men  of 
family  to  have  voluntarily  submitted  to  the  mark  of  infamy 
in  order  to  appear  with  safety  on  tne  stage  or  the  arena; 
both  these  infamous  classes  were  now  subjected  to  the  pen- 
alty of  exile.  Astrologers  and  fortune-tellers  were  expelled 
the  city  ;  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Egyptian  and 
Judaic  religions  were  suppressed.  Guards  were  placed 
throughout  Italy  to  prevent  highway  robbery;  and  those 
refuges  of  villany  of  all  kinds,  the  sanctuaries,  were  regu- 
lated in  Greece  and  Asia. 

Yet  people  were  not  deceived  by  all  this  apparent  regard 
for  liberty  and  justice ;  for  they  saw,  as  they  thought,  from 
the  very  commencement,  the  germs  of  tyranny,  especially  in 
the  renewal  of  the  law  of  treason,  {majestas.)  In  the  time 
of  the  republic,  there  was  a  law  under  this  name,  by  which 
any  one  who  had  diminished  the  greatness  (majesfas)  of  the 
Roman  people  by  betraying  an  army,  exciting  the  plcbs  to 
sedition,  or  acting  wrong  in  command,  was  subject  to  pun- 
ishment. It  applied  to  actions  alone  ;  but  Sulla  extended  it 
to  speeches,*  and  Augustus  to  writings  against  not  merely 
the  state,  but  private  individuals,  on  the  occasion  of  Cassius 
Severus  having  libelled  several  illustrious  persons  of  both 
sexes.  Tiberius,  who  was  angered  by  anonymous  verses 
made  on  himself,  directed  the  praetor,  when  consulted  by 
him  on  the  subject,  to  give  judgment  on  the  law  of  treason 
As  this  law  extended  to  words  as  well  as  actions,  it  opened 
a  wide  field  for  mischief,  and  gave  birth  to  the  vile  brood  of 
Delators,  or  public  informers,  answering  to  the  sycophants, 
those  pests  of  Athens  in  the  days  of  her  democratic  despot- 
ism. This  evil  commenced  almost  with  the  reign  of  Ti- 
berius, in  whose  second  year  two  knights,  Falonius  and 
Rubrius,  were  accused,  the  one  of  associating  a  player  of 
infamous  character  with  the  worshippers  of  Augustus,  and 
of  having  sold  with  his  gardens  a  statue  of  that  prince,  the 
other  of  having  sworn  falsely  by  his  divinity.  Tiberius, 
however,  would  not  allow  these  absurd  charges  to  be  en- 

*  Cic.  ad  Fam.  iii.  11. 


54  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  22. 

tertained.  Soon  after,  Granius  Marcellus,  the  prjclor  of 
Bithynia,  was  charged  with  treason  hy  his  qutestor,  Ca;pio 
Crispinus,  for  having  spoken  evil  of  Tiberius,  having  placed 
his  own  statue  on  a  higher  site  than  that  of  the  Caesars,  and 
having  cut  the  head  of  Augustus  off  a  statue,  to  make  room 
for  that  of  Tiberius.  This  last  charge  exasperated  Tiberius, 
who  declared  that  he  would  vote  himself  on  the  matter;  but 
a  bold  expression  used  by  Cn.  Piso  brought  him  to  reason, 
and  Marcellus  was  acquitted. 

After  the  death  of  Germanicus,  Tiberius  acted  with  less 
restraint;  for  his  son  Drusus  did  not  possess  the  qualities 
suited  to  gain  popularity,  and  thus  to  control  him.  In  fact, 
except  his  affection  for  his  noble  adoptive  brother,  there  was 
nothinor  in  the  character  of  Drusus  to  esteem'.  He  was 
addicted  to  intemperance,  devoted  to  the  sports  of  the  am- 
phitheatre, and  of  so  cruel  a  temper,  that  a  peculiarly  sharp 
kind  of  swords  were  named  from  him  Drusians.  Tiberius 
made  him  his  colleague  in  the  consulate,*  and  then  obtained 
for  him  the  tribunitian  power,  (22;)  but  Drusus  was  fated 
to  no  long  enjoyment  of  the  dignity  and  power  thus  con- 
ferred on  him.  A  fatal  change  was  also  to  take  place  in  the 
conduct  and  government  of  Tiberius  himself,  of  which  we 
must  now  trace  the  origin. 

Seius  Strabo,  who  had  been  made  one  of  the  prjefects  of 
the  prEBtorian  cohorts  by  Augustus,  had  a  son,  who,  having 
been  adopted  by  one  of  the  iElian  family,  was  named,  in  the 
usual  manner,  L.  iElius  Sejanus.  This  young  man,  who 
was  born  at  Vulsinii  in  Tuscany,  was  at  first  attached  to 
the  service  of  Caius  Caesar,  after  whose  death  he  devoted 
himself  to  Tiberius;  and  such  was  his  consummate  art,  that 
this  wily  prince,  dark  and  mysterious  to  all  others,  was  open 
and  unreserved  to  him.  Sejanus  equalled  his  master  in  the 
power  of  concealing  his  thoughts  and  designs;  he  was  daring 
and  ambitious,  and  he  possessed  the  requisite  (junlities  for 
attaining  the  eminence  to  which  he  aspired ;  for,  though 
proud,  he  could  play  the  flatterer;  he  could,  and  did,  assume 
a  modest  exterior,  and  he  had  vigilnnce  and  industry,  and  a 
body  capable  of  enduring  any  fatigue. 

When  Drusus  was  sent  to  quell  the  mutiny  of  the  Panno- 
nian  legions,  Sejanus,  whom  Tiberius  had  made  colleague 

"  Dion  (Ivii.  20)  says  that  people  forthwith  prophesied  the  ruin  of 
Drusus ;  for  it  was  observed  tliJit  every  one  who  liad  been  Tiberius's 
colleajrue  in  ihr-  consulate  came  tea  violent  end,  as  Quinctilius  Varus, 
Cn.  Piso,  Germanicus,  and  aflerwards  Drusus  and  Sejanus. 


A.  D.  23.]  RISE    OF    SEJANUS.  55 

with  his  father,  Strabo,  in  the  command  of  the  praetorians, 
accompanied  him  as  his  governor  and  director.  Strabo  was 
afterwards  sent  out  to  Egypt,  and  Sejanus  was  continued  in 
the  sole  command  of  tjie  guards;  he  then  represented  to 
Tiberius  how  much  better  it  would  be  to  have  them  col- 
lected into  one  camp,  instead  of  being  dispersed  through  the 
city  and  towns,  as  they  would  be  less  liable  to  be  corrupted, 
would  be  more  orderly,  and  of  greater  efficiency  if  any  in- 
surrection should  occur.  A  fortified  camp  was  therefore 
formed  for  them  near  the  Viminal  gate;  and  Sejanus  then 
hec-an  to  court  the  men,  and  he  appointed  those  on  whom 
he  could  rely  to  be  tribunes  and  centurions.  While  thus 
securinor  the  guards,  he  was  equally  assiduous  to  gain  parti- 
sans in  the  senate ;  and  honors  and  provinces  only  came  to 
those  who  had  acquired  his  favor  by  obsequiousness.  In  all 
these  projects  he  was  unwittingly  aided  by  Tiberius,  who 
used  publicly  to  style  him  "  the  associate  of  his  labors;  "  and 
even  allowed  his  statues  to  be  placed  and  worshipped  in  tem- 
ples and  theatres,  and  among  the  ensigns  of  the  legions. 

Sejanus  had,  in  fact,  formed  the  daring  project  of  destroy- 
ing Tiberius  and  his  family,  and  seizing  the  supreme  power. 
As,  beside  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  who  had  two  sons,  there 
were  a  brother  and  three  sons  of  Germanicus  living,  he  re- 
solved, as  the  safer  course,  to  remove  them  gradually  by  art 
and  treachery.  He  began  with  Drusus,  against  whom  he 
had  a  personal  spite,  as  that  violent  youth  had  one  time  pub- 
licly given  him  a  blow  in  the  face.  In  order  to  effect  his 
purpose,  he  seduced  his  wife,  Livia,  or  Livilla,  the  sister  of 
Germanicus;  and  then,  by  holding  out  to  her  the  prospect 
of  a  share  in  the  imperial  power,  he  induced  her  to  engage 
in  the  plan  for  the  murder  of  her  husband.*  Her  physician, 
Eudemus,  was  also  taken  into  the  plot ;  but  it  was  some  time 
before  the  associates  could  finally  determine  what  mode  to 
adopt.  At  length  a  slow  poison  was  fixed  on,  which  was 
administered  to  Drusus  by  a  eunuch  named  Lygdus;  and  he 
died  apparently  of  disease,  (23.)  Tiberius,  who,  while  his 
son  was  lying  dead,  had  entered  the  senate-house,  and  ad- 
dressed the  members  with  his  usual  composure,  pronounced 
the  funeral  oration  himself,  and  then  turned  to  business  for 
consolation. 

So  far,  all  had  succeeded  with  Sejanus,  and  death  carried 
off  the  younger  son  of  Drusus  soon  after  his  father;   but 

•  "  Neque  femina,  amissa  pudicitia,  alia  abnuerit,"  observes  Tacitus. 


56  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  25. 

Nero  and  Drusus,  the  two  elder  sons  of  Germanicus,  were 
now  growing  up ;  and  the  chastity  of  their  mother,  and  the 
fidelity  of  those  about  them,  put  poison  out  of  the  question. 
He  therefore  adopted  another  course ;  and,  taking  advantage 
of  the  high  spirit  of  Agrippina,  and  working  on  the  jealousy 
of  her  which  Augusta  was  known  to  entertain,  he  manacred 
so  that  both  she  and  Livia  should  labor  to  prejudice  Tibe- 
rius against  Agrippina  by  talking  of  the  pride  which  she 
took  in  her  progeny,  and  the  ambitious  designs  which  she 
entertained.  At  the  same  time,  he  induced  some  of  those 
about  her  to  stimulate  her  haughty  spirit  by  their  treacher- 
ous language.  He  further  proposed  to  deprive  her  of  sup- 
port, by  destroying  those  persons  of  influence  who  were 
attached  to  her  family,  or  the  memory  of  her  husband. 
With  this  view,  he  selected  for  his  first  victims  C.  Silius 
and  Titius  Sabinus,  the  friends  of  Germanicus,  and  Silius's 
wife,  Sosia  Galla,  to  whom  Agrippina  was  strongly  attached, 
and  who  was  therefore  an  object  of  dislike  to  Tiberius. 
Omitting,  however,  Sabinus  for  the  present,  he  caused  the 
consul  Visellius  Varro  to  accuse  Silius  of  treason,  for  having 
dissembled  his  knowledge  of  the  designs  of  Sacrovir,  havinsr 
disgraced  his  victory  by  his  avarice,  and  countenanced  the 
acts  of  his  wife.  Having  vainly  asked  for  a  delay  till  his 
accuser  should  go  out  of  office,  and  seeing  that  Tiberius 
was  determinedly  hostile  to  him,*  Silius  avoided  a  condem- 
nation by  a  voluntary  death.  His  wife  was  banished;  a 
portion  of  his  property  was  confiscated,  but  the  remainder 
was  left  to  his  children. 

Urged  by  his  own  ambition,  and  by  the  importunity  of 
Livia,  Sejanus  had  soon  (25)  the  boldness  to  present  a  pe- 
tition to  Tiberius,  praying  to  be  chosen  by  him  for  her  hus- 
band. Tiberius  took  no  offence;  his  reply  was  kind,  only 
stating  the  difficulties  of  the  matter  with  respect  to  Sejanus 
himself,  but  at  the  same  time  expressing  the  warmest  friend- 
ship for  and  confidence  in  him.  S(;janus,  however,  was 
suspicious;  and  he  began  to  reflect  that,  while  Tiberius  re- 
mained at  Rome,  many  occasions  might  present  themselves 
to  those  who  desired  to  undermine  him  in  the  mind  of  that 
jealous  prince;  whereas,  could   he  induce  him  to  quit  the 

i 
*  "  Adversatus  est  Cnesar,  solitum  quippe  magislratibus  diem  priva- 
tis  dicorc;  noc  infringen(ium  consulis  jus,  cujius  viijiliia  nitiretur  ne 
quod  respulilica  dctrinientuin  caperel.     I'ropriuin  id  Tiberio  fuit  sce- 
lera  nuper  reperta  priscis  verbis  obtegere."     Tac. 


A.  D.  25.]  SPEECH    OF    CREMUTIUS.  57 

city,  all  access  to  him  would  be  only  through  himself,  all 
letters  would  be  conveyed  by  soldiers  who  were  under  his 
orders,  and  gradually,  as  the  prince  advanced  in  years,  all 
the  affairs  of  the  state  would  pass  into  his  hands.  He  there- 
fore, by  contrasting  the  noise  and  turbulence  of  Rome  with 
the  solitude  and  tranquillity  of  the  country,  gradually  sought 
to  bend  him  to  his  purpose,  which  he  effected  in  the  follow- 
ing year. 

During  this  time,  the  deadly  charge  of  treason  was  brought 
against  various  persons.  The  most  remarkable  case  was  that 
of  A.  Cremutius  Cordus,  the  historian.  He  had  made  a  free 
remark  on  the  conduct  of  Sejanus;  and,  accordingly,  "\wo  of 
that  favorite's  clients  were  directed  to  accuse  him  of  treason, 
for  having  in  his  history  called  Cassias  the  last  of  the  Ro- 
mans.* Cremutius,  when  before  the  senate,  observing  the 
sternness  of  Tiberius's  countenance,  took  at  once  the  resolu- 
tion of  abandoning  life,  and  therefore  spoke  as  follows:  — 

"  Fathers,  my  words  are  accused,  so  guiltless  am  I  of 
acts ;  but  not  even  these  are  against  the  prince  or  the 
prince's  parent,  whom  the  law  of  treason  embraces.  I  am 
said  to  have  praised  Brutus  and  Cassius,  whose  deeds,  while 
several  have  written,  no  one  has  mentioned  without  honor. 
Titus  Livius,  who  is  preeminent  for  eloquence  and  fidelity, 
extolled  Pompeius  with  such  praises,  that  Augustus  used  to 
call  him  a  Pompeian ;  nor  was  that  any  hinderance  of  their 
friendship.  He  nowhere  calls  Scipio,  Afranius,  this  very 
Cassius,  this  Brutus,  robbers  and  parricides,  which  names 
are  now  given  them ;  he  often  speaks  of  them  as  distin- 
guished men.  The  writings  of  Asinius  Pollio  transmit  an 
illustrious  record  of  them  ;  Messala  Corvinus  used  to  call 
Cassius  his  general ;  and  both  of  them  flourished  in  wealth 
and  honors.  To  the  book  of  Marcus  Cicero,  which  extolled 
Cato  to  the  skies,  what  did  the  dictator  Csesar  but  reply  in 
a  written  speech,  as  if  before  judges  1  The  letters  of  Anto- 
nius,  the  speeches  of  Brutus,  contain  imputations  on  Augus- 
tus which  are  false,  and  written  with  great  bitterness.  The 
verses  of  Bibaculus  and  Catullus,  which  are  full  of  abuse  of 
the  Caesars,  are  read;  nay,  the  divine  Julius  himself,  the 
divine  Augustus  himself,  both  bore  with  them  and  let  them 
remain;  I  cannot  well  say  whether  more  through  modera- 
tion or  wisdom ;  for  what  are  despised  go  out  of  mind ;  if 

*  He  probably  only  used  the  words  of  Brutus,  who  spoke  thus  of 
Cassius.     See  Hist,  of  Rome,  p.  459. 

H 


58  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  26. 

you  are  angry  with  them,  their  truth  seems  to  be  acknowl- 
edged. I  speak  not  of  the  Greeks,  among  whom  not  only 
liberty  but  license  was  unpunished ;  or  if  any  one  did  take 
notice,  he  avenged  himself  on  words  by  words.  But  there 
was  the  greatest  freedom,  and  no  reproach,  when  speaking 
of  those  whom  death  had  removed  from  enmity  or  favor. 
Do  I,  in  the  cause  of  civil  war,  inflame  the  people  by  my 
harangues,  while  Brutus  and  Cassius  are  in  arms,  and  occu- 
pying the  plains  of  Philippi?  Or  do  they,  who  are  now 
dead  these  seventy  years,  as  they  are  known  by  their  images, 
which  the  conqueror  did  not  destroy,  retain  in  like  manner 
their  share  of  memory  in  literary  works?  Posterity  allots 
his  meed  to  every  one  ;  nor,  should  a  condemnation  fall  on 
me,  will  there  be  wanting  those  who  will  remember  not  only 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  but  also  me." 

Having  thus  spoken,  Cordus  left  the  senate-house,  and, 
returning  to  his  own  abode,  starved  himself  to  death.  The 
senate  decreed  that  the  copies  of  his  work  should  be  col- 
lected and  burnt  by  the  fediles  ;  but  some  were  saved  by  his 
daughter  Marcia,  and  were  republished  in  the  succeeding 
reign.* 

_  _  - 

At  length,  (26,)  Tiberius  quitted  Rome,  and  went  into  Cam- 
pania, under  the  pretext  of  dedicating  a  temple  to  Jupiter  at 
Capua,  and  one  to  Augustus  at  Nola  ;  but  with  the  secret 
intention  of  never  returninor  to  the  citv.  Various  causes, 
all  perhaps  true,  are  assigned  for  this  resolution.  The  sug- 
gestions of  Sejanus  were  not  without  effect;  he  was  grown 
thin,  and  stooped  ;  he  was  quite  bald,  and  his  face  was  full 
of  blotches  and  ulcers,  to  which  he  was  obliged  to  have 
plasters  constantly  applied;  and  he  may  therefore  have 
sought,  on  this  account,  to  retire  from  the  public  view.  It 
is  farther  said  that  he  wished  to  escape  from  the  authority 
of  his  mother,  who  seemed  to  consider  herself  entitled  to 
share  the  power  which  he  had  obtained  through  her  exer- 
tions ;  but  perhaps  the  most  prevalent  motive  was  the  wish 
to  be  able  to  give  free  course  to  his  innate  cruelty  and  lusts 
when  in  solitude  and  secrecy. 

He  was  accompanied  only  by  one  senator,  Cocceius  Ner- 

*  See  Sen.  Cons,  ad  Marciam;  Suet.  Cal.  IG.  "Quo  maafis  socor- 
diam  [i.  e.  vecordiam]  eorum  inridcre  licft,"  observes  Tacitus,  "  qui 
prcBsenti  potentia  creilunt  o.xtinirui  posse  eliam  soquontis  wvi  niemori- 
am ;  niim  contra,  punitis  injreniis  gliscit  auctoritns ;  neque  aliud  ex- 
tern! rcges,  aul  qui  eadein  smvitia  usi  sunt,  nisi  dedecus  sibi  atque  illis 
gloriam  peperere." 


A.  D.  27.]  TIBERIUS    IN    CAMPANIA.  59 

va,  who  was  deeply  skilled  in  the  laws,  by  Sejanus  and 
another  knight,  and  by  some  persons,  chiefly  Greeks,  who 
were  versed  in  literature.  A  few  days  after  he  set  out,  an 
accident  occurred,  which  was  near  being  fatal  to  him,  but 
proved  fortunate  for  Sejanus.  As,  at  one  of  his  country- 
seats,  near  Fundi,  named  the  Caverns,  [Speluncoi,)  he  was, 
for  the  sake  of  the  coolness,  dining  in  one  of  the  natural 
caverns,  whence  the  villa  derived  its  appellation,  a  great 
quantity  of  the  stones,  which  formed  its  roof,  fell  down  and 
crushed  some  of  the  attendants  to  death.  Sejanus  threw 
himself  over  Tiberius,  to  protect  him  with  his  own  body,  and 
was  found  in  that  position  by  the  soldiers  who  came  to  their 
relief.  This  apparent  proof  of  generous  self-devotion  raised 
him  higher  than  ever  in  the  estimation  of  the  prince. 

While  Tiberius  was  rambling  from  place  to  place  in 
Campania,  (27,)  a  dreadful  calamity  occurred  at  Fidenaj,  in 
consequence  of  the  fall  of  a  temporary  amphitheatre  erected 
by  a  freedman  named  Atilius,  for  giving  a  show  of  gladia- 
tors; the  number  of  the  killed  and  maimed  is  said  to  have 
been  fifty  thousand.  The  conduct  of  the  nobility  at  Rome, 
on  this  melancholy  occasion,  showed  that  all  virtue  had  not 
departed  from  them ;  they  threw  open  their  houses  for  the 
sufferers,  and  supplied  them  witli  medical  attendance  and 
remedies;  so  that,  as  the  great  historian  observes,  the  city 
wore  the  appearance  of  the  Rome  of  the  olden  time,  when, 
after  battles,  the  wounded  were  thus  humanely  treated. 
This  calamity  was  immediately  followed  by  a  tremendous 
fire  on  the  Caelian  Hill ;  but  Tiberius  alleviated  the  evil,  by 
giving  the  inhabitants  the  amount  of  their  losses  in  money. 

Having  dedicated  the  temples,  and  rambled  for  some  time 
through  the  towns  of  Campania,  Tiberius  finally  fixed  on  the 
islet  of  Capreaj,  in  the  Bay  of  Naples,  as  his  permanent  abode. 
This  isle,  which  lay  at  tiie  short  distance  of  three  miles  from 
the  promontory  of  Surrentum,  was  accessible  only  in  one 
place;  it  enjoyed  a  mild  temperature,  and  commanded  a 
most  magnificent  view  of  the  Bay  of  Naples  and  the  lovely 
region  which  encompassed  it.*  But  the  delicious  retreat 
was  speedily  converted  by  the  aged  prince  into  a  den  of 
infamy — such  as  has  never  perhaps  found  its  equal  ;  his  vi- 
cious practices,  however,  were  covered  by  the  veil  of  secre- 
cy, for  he  still  lay  under  some  restraint. 

*  Augustus  was  so  taken  with  the  charms  of  this  island,  that  he 
gave  lands  in  exchange  for  it  to  the  people  of  Naples,  to  whom  it  be- 
longed.    Dion,  lii.  43. 


60  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  28-29. 

When  Tiberius  left  Rome,  Sejanus  renewed  his  machina- 
tions against  Agrippina  and  her  children  and  friends.  He 
directed  his  first  efforts  against  her  eldest  son,  Nero,  whom 
he  surrounded  with  spies;  and  as  this  youth  was  married  to 
a  daughter  of  Livia's,  his  wife  was  instructed  by  her  aban- 
doned mother  to  note  and  report  all  his  most  secret  words 
and  actions.  Sejanus  kept  a  faithful  register  of  all  he  could 
learn  in  these  various  ways,  and  regularly  transmitted  it  to 
Tiberius.  He  also  drew  to  his  side  Nero's  younger  brother 
Drusus,  a  youth  of  a  fiery,  turbulent  temper,  and  who  hated 
him  because  he  was  his  mother's  favorite.  It  was,  however, 
Sejanus's  intention  to  destroy  him  also,  when  he  should 
have  served  his  purpose  against  Nero. 

At  this  time  also  he  made  his  final  and  fatal  attack  on 
Titius  Sabinus,  whose  crime  was  his  attachment  to  the  fam- 
ily of  Germanicus.  The  bait  of  the  consulate,  of  which 
Sejanus  alone  could  dispose,  induced  four  men  of  praetorian 
dignity  to  conspire  his  ruin.  The  plan  proposed  was,  that 
one  of  them,  named  Latinius  Latiaris,  who  had  some  knowl- 
edge of  Sabinus,  should  draw  him  into  conversation,  out  of 
which  a  charjje  of  treason  miffht  be  manufactured.  The 
plot  succeeded  :  Latiaris,  by  praising  the  constancy  of  Sabi- 
nus in  friendship,  led  him  gradually  on  to  speak  as  he 
thought  of  Sejanus,  and  even  of  Tiberius.  At  length,  un- 
der pretence  of  having  something  of  great  importance  to 
reveal,  he  brought  him  into  a  chamber  where  the  other 
three  were  concealed  between  the  ceiling  and  the  roof  A 
charge  of  treason  was  therefore  speedily  concocted  and  for- 
warded to  Tiberius,  from  whom  a  letter  came  on  new 
year's  day,  (28,)  plainly  intimating  to  the  senate  his  desire 
of  vengeance.  This  sufficed  for  that  obsequious  body,  and 
Sabinus  was  dragged  forth  and  executed  without  delay. 

In  his  letter  of  thanks  to  the  senate,  Tiberius  talked  of 
the  danger  he  was  in,  and  of  the  plots  of  his  enemies,  evi- 
dently alluding  to  Agrippina  and  Nero.  These  unfortunate 
persons  lost  their  only  remaining  refuge,  the  following  year, 
(29,)  by  the  death  of  the  prince's  mother,  Julia  Augusta,* 
whose  influence  over  her  son,  and  regard  for  her  own  de- 
scendants, had  held  Sejanus  in  restraint.  This  soon  ap- 
peared by  the  arrival  of  a  letter  from  Tiberius,  accusing 

*  Writers  differ  as  to  her  age.  Tacitus  merely  says  ertrema  tetate. 
Pliny  (xiv.  8)  makes  her  82,  Dion  (Iviii.  1)  80  years  old.  This  last 
seems  to  be  tlie  more  correct,  as  her  son  Tiberius  was  now  70  years 
of  age. 


A.  D.  31.]  ARTS    OF    SEJANUS.  61 

Nero  of  unnatural  practices,  and  speaking  of  the  arrogance 
of  Agrippinri;  but,  while  the  senate  were  in  debate,  the 
people  surrounded  the  house,  carrying  the  images  of  Agrip- 
pina  and  Nero,  and  crying  out  that  tlie  letter  was  forged, 
and  the  prince  deceived.  Nothing  therefore  was  done  on 
that  day,  and  Sejanus  took  the  opportunity  of  irritating  the 
mind  of  Tiberius,  who  wrote  again  to  the  senate;  but,  as 
in  the  letter  he  forbade  their  proceeding  to  extremes,  they 
passed  a  decree,  declaring  themselves  prepared  to  avenge 
the  prince,  were  they  not  hindered  by  himself 

Most  unfortunately  the  admirable  narrative  of  Tacitus 
fails  us  at  this  point ;  and  for  the  space  of  more  than  two 
years,  and  those  the  most  important  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius, 
we  are  obliged  to  derive  our  knowledge  of  events  from  the 
far  inferior  notices  of  Dion  Cassius  and  Suetonius.  We  are 
therefore  unable  to  display  the  arts  by  which  Sejanus  effected 
the  ruin  of  Agrippina  and  her  children,  and  can  only  learn 
that  she.  was  relegated  to  the  isle  of  Pandateria,  where,  while 
she  gave  vent  to  her  indignation,  her  eye  was  struck  out  by 
a  centurion;  and  that  Nero  was  placed  in  the  isle  of  Pontia, 
and  forced  to  terminate  his  own  life.  The  further  fate  of 
Agrippina  and  Drusus  we  shall  have  to  relate. 

Sejanus  now  revelled  in  the  enjoyment  of  power ;  every 
one  feared  him,  every  one  courted  and  flattered  him.  "  In 
a  word,"  says  Dion,  "  he  seemed  to  be  emperor,  Tiberiua 
merely  the  ruler  of  an  island  ;  "  for,  while  the  latter  dwelt  in 
solitude,  and  apparently  unthought  of,  tlie  doors  of  the  former 
were  thronged  every  morning  with  saluting  crowds,  and  the 
first  men  of  Rome  attended  him  on  his  way  to  the  senate. 
His  pride  and  insolence,  as  is  always  the  case  with  those 
who  rise  otherwise  than  by  merit,  kept  pace  with  his  power, 
and  men  haled  while  they  feared  and  flattered  him. 

He  had  thus  ruled  for  more  than  three  years  at  Rome, 
with  power  nearly  absolute,  when  (31)  Tiberius  made  him 
his  colleague  in  the  consulate  —  an  honor  observed  to  be  fatal 
to  every  one  who  had  enjoyed  it.  In  fact,  the  jealous  tyrant, 
who  had  been  fully  informed  of  all  his  actions  and  designs,* 
had  secretly  resolved  on  his  death ;  but  fear,  on  account  o°f  Se- 
janus's  influence  with  the  guards,  and  his  uncertainty  of  how 
the  people  might  stand  affected,  prevented   him  from  pro- 

*  According  to  Josephus,  (Antiq.  xviii.  6,)  Antonia.the  widow  of  his 
brother  Drusus,  wrote  him  a  full  account  of  Sejanus's  proceedings,  and 
sent  it  by  a  trusty  slave  named  Pallas. 
CONTIN.  6 


62  TIBERIUS.  [a.  D.  31. 

ceeding  openly  against  him.  He  therefore  had  recourse  to 
artifice,  in  which  he  so  much  delighted.  At  one  time,  he 
would  write  to  the  senate,  and  describe  himself  as  so  ill  that 
his  recovery  was  nearly  hopeless;  again,  that  he  was  in  per- 
fect health,  and  was  about  to  return  to  Rome.  He  would 
now  praise  Sejanus  to  the  skies,  and  then  speak  most 
disparagingly  of  him  ;  he  would  honor  some  and  disgrace 
others  of  his  friends  solely  as  such.  In  this  way  both  Seja- 
nus himself  and  all  others  were  kept  in  a  state  of  the  utmost 
uncertainty.  Tiberius  further  bestowed  priesthoods  on  Se- 
janus and  his  son,  and  proposed  to  marry  his  daughter  to 
Drusus,  the  son  of  Claudius,  the  brother  of  Germanicus;  yet, 
at  the  same  time,  when  Sejanus  asked  permission  to  go  to 
Campania,  on  the  pretext  of  her  being  unwell,  he  desired 
him  to  remain  where  he  was,  as  he  himself  would  be  coming 
to  Rome  immediately. 

All  this  tended  to  keep  Sejanus  in  a  state  of  great  per- 
turbation ;  and  this  was  increased  by  the  circumstance  of 
Tiberius,  when  appointing  the  young  Caius  to  a  priesthood, 
having  not  merely  praised  him,  but  spoken  of  him  in  some 
sort  as  his  successor  in  the  monarchy.  He  would  have  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  action,  were  it  not  that  the  joy  manifested 
by  the  people  on  this  occasion  proved  to  him  that  he  had 
only  the  soldiers  to  rely  on ;  and  he  hesitated  to  act  with 
them  alone,  Tiberius  then  showed  favor  to  some  of  those 
to  whom  he  was  hostile;  and,  when  writing  to  the  senate  on 
the  occasion  of  the  death  of  Nero,  he  merely  called  him 
Sejanus,  and  directed  them  not  to  offer  sacrifice  to  any  man, 
nor  to  decree  any  honors  to  himself,  and  of  consequence  to 
no  one  else.  The  senators  easily  saw  whither  all  this  tend- 
ed ;  and  their  neglect  of  Sejanus  was  now  pretty  openly 
displayed. 

Tiberius,  having  thus  made  trial  of  the  senate  and  the 
people,  and  finding  he  could  rely  on  both,  resolved  to  strike 
the  lonor-meditated  blow.  In  order  to  take  his  victim  more 
completely  at  unawares,  he  gave  out  that  it  was  his  intention 
to  confer  on  him  the  tribunitian  power.  Meantime  he  gave 
to  Naevius  Sertorius  Macro  a  secret  commission  to  take  the 
command  of  the  guards,  made  him  the  bearer  of  a  letter  to 
the  senate,  and  instructed  him  fully  how  to  act.  Macro 
entered  Rome  at  night,  and  communicated  his  instructions 
to  the  consul,  C.  Memmius  Regulus,  (for  his  colleague  was 
a  creature  of  Sejanus,)  and  to  Griccinus  Laco,  the  com- 
mander of  the  watchmen,  and  arranged  with  them  the  plan 


A.  D.  31.]  FALL    OF    SEJANUS.  63 

of  action.  Early  in  the  morninrf,  he  went  up  to  the  temple 
of  the  Palatine  Apollo,  where  the  senate  was  to  sit  that  day 
and,  meeting  Sejanus,  and  finding  him  disturbed  at  Tiberius's 
having  sent  hitn  no  message,  he  whispered  him  that  he  had 
the  grant  of  the  tribunitian  power  for  him.  Sejanus  then 
went  in  highly  elated ;  and  Macro,  showing  his  commission 
to  the  guards  on  duty,  and  telling  them  that  he  had  letters 
promising  them  a  largess,  sent  them  down  to  their  camp,  and 
put  the  watchmen  about  the  temple  in  their  stead.  He  then 
entered  the  temple,  and,  having  delivered  the  letter  to  the 
consuls,  immediately  went  out  again,  and,  leaving  Laco  to 
watch  tlie  progress  of  events  there,  hastened  down  to  the 
camp,  lest  there  should  be  a  mutiny  of  the  guards. 

The  letter  was  \onrr  and  ambioruous;  it  contained  nothinor 
direct  against  Sejanus,  but  first  treated  of  something  else, 
then  came  to  a  little  com[)laint  of  him,  then  to  some  other 
matter,  then  it  returned  to  him  again,  and  so  on;  it  conclu- 
ded by  saying  that  two  senators,  who  were  most  devoted  to 
Sejanus,  ought  to  be  punished,  and  himself  be  cast  into 
prison  ;  for,  though  Tiberius  wished  most  ardently  to  have 
him  executed,  he  did  not  venture  to  order  his  death,  fearing 
a  rebellion.  He  even  implored  them  in  the  letter  to  send 
one  of  the  consuls  with  a  guard  to  conduct  him,  now  an  old 
man  and  desolate,  into  their  presence.  We  are  further  told 
that  such  were  his  apprehensions,  that  he  had  given  orders, 
in  case  of  a  tumult,  to  release  hrs  grandson  Drusus,  who 
was  in  chains  at  Rome,  and  put  him  at  the  head  of  those 
who  remained  faithful  to  his  family  ;  and  that  he  took  his 
station  on  a  lofty  rock,  watching  for  the  signals  that  were 
to  be  made,  having  ships  ready  to  carry  him  to  some  of  the 
legions,  in  case  any  thing  adverse  should  occur. 

His  precautions,  however,  were  needless.  Before  the  letter 
was  read,  the  senators,  expecting  to  hear  nothing  but  the 
praises  of  Sejanus  and  the  grant  of  the  tribunitian  power, 
were  loud  in  testifying  their  zeal  toward  him  ;  but,  as  the 
reading  proceeded,  their  conduct  sensibly  altered  ;  their 
looks  were  no  longer  the  same :  even  some  of  those  who 
were  sitting  near  him  rose  and  left  their  seats ;  the  praetors 
and  tribunes  closed  round  him,  lest  he  should  rush  out  and 
try  to  raise  the  guards,  as  he  certaiidy  would  have  done,  had 
not  the  letter  been  composed  with  such  consummate  artifice. 
He  was  in  fact  so  thunderstruck,  that  it  was  not  till  the 
consul  had  called  him  the  third  time  that  he  was  able  to 
reply.     All    then  joined  in  reviling  and  insulting   him  :    he 


64  TIBERIUS.  [a.  D.  31. 

was  conducted  to  the  prison  by  the  consul  and  the  oth- 
er magistrates.  As  he  passed  along,  the  populace  poured 
curses  and  abuse  on  him ;  they  cast  down  his  statues,  cut  the 
heads  off  of  them,  and  dragged  them  about  the  streets.  The 
senate,  seeing  tiiis  disposition  of  the  people,  and  finding  that 
the  guards  remained  quiet,  met  in  the  afternoon  in  the  tem- 
ple of  Concord,  close  to  the  prison,  and  condemned  him  to 
death.  He  was  executed  without  delay;  his  lifeless  body 
was  flung  down  the  Gemonian  steps,  and  for  three  days  it 
was  exposed  to  every  insult  from  the  populace;  it  was  then 
cast  into  the  Tiber.*  His  children  also  were  put  to  death: 
his  little  daughter,  who  was  to  have  been  the  bride  of  the 
prince's  grand-nephew,  was  so  young  and  innocent,  that,  as 
they  carried  her  to  prison,  she  kept  asking  what  she  had 
done,  and  whither  they  were  dragging  her,  adding  that  she 
would  do  so  no  more,  and  that  she  might  be  whipped  if 
naughty.  Nay,  by  one  of  those  odious  refinements  of  bar- 
barity which  trample  on  justice  and  humanity  while  adhering 
to  the  letter  of  the  law,  because  it  was  a  thincr  unheard  of 
for  a  virgin  to  be  capitally  punished,  the  executioner  was 
made  to  deflower  the  child  before  he  strangled  her.  Apica- 
ta,  the  divorced  wife  of  Sejanus,  on  hearing  of  the  death  of 
her  children,  and  seeing  afterwards  their  lifeless  bodies  on 
the  steps,  went  home ;  and,  having  written  to  Tiberius  a  full 
account  of  the  true  manner  of  the  death  of  Drusus,  and 
of  the  guilt  of  Livilla,  put  an  end  to  herself.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  discovery,  Livilla,  and  all  who  were  concerned 
in  that  murder,  were  put  to  death. 

The  rage  of  the  populace  was  also  vented  on  the  friends  of 
Sejanus,  and  many  of  them  were  slaughtered.  The  praeto- 
rian guards,  too,  enraged  at  being  suspected,  and  at  the 
watchmen  being  preferred  to  them,  began  to  burn  and  plun- 
der houses.  The  senators  were  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  per- 
turbation, some  trembling  on  account  of  their  having  paid 
court  to  Sejanus,  others,  who  had  been  accusers  or  witnesses, 
from  not  knowing  how  their  conduct  might  be  taken.  All, 
however,  conspired  in  heaping  insult  on  the  memory  of  the 
fallen  favorite. 

Tiberius,  now  free  from  all  apprehension,  gave  loose  to 
his  vengeance.  From  his  island  retreat  he  issued  his  orders, 
and  the  prison  was  filled  with  the  friends  and  creatures  of 

*  See  the  graphic  picture  of  the  fall  of  Sejanus  in  Juvenal,  Sat.  x. 
56,  seq. 


A.  D.  32-33.]  SEJANUS'S    FRIENDS.  65 

Sejanus;  the  baleful  pack  of  informers  was  unkennelled, 
and  their  victims  of  both  sexes  were  hunted  to  death.  Some 
were  executed  in  prison  ;  others  were  flung  from  the  Capitol ; 
the  lifeless  remains  were  exposed  to  every  kind  of  indignity, 
and  then  cast  into  the  river.  Most,  however,  chose  a  volun- 
tary death ;  for  they  thus  not  only  escaped  insult  and  pain, 
but  preserved  their  property  for  their  children. 

In  the  following  year,  (32,)  Tiberius  ventured  to  leave  his 
island,  and  sail  up  the  Tiber  as  far  as  Cajsar's  gardens;  but 
suddenly,  no  one  knew  why,  he  retreated  again  to  his  soli- 
tude, whence  by  letters  he  directed  the  course  of  cruelty  at 
Rome.  The  commencement  of  one  was  so  remarkable  that 
historians  have  thought  it  deserving  of  a  place  in  their  works; 
it  ran  thus  :  "  What  I  shall  write  to  you,  P.  C,  or  how  I  shall 
write,  or  what  I  shall  not  write,  at  this  time,  may  the  gods  and 
goddesses  destroy  me  worse  than  I  daily  feel  myself  perishing, 
if  I  know."*  A  knight  named  M.  Terentius,  at  this  time, 
when  accused  of  the  new  crime  of  Sejanus's  friendship,  had 
the  courage  to  adopt  a  novel  course  of  defence.  lie  boldly 
acknowledged  the  charge,  but  justified  his  conduct  by  saying 
that  he  had  only  followed  the  example  of  the  prince,  whom  it 
was  their  duty  to  imitate.  The  senate  acquitted  him,  and 
punished  his  accusers  with  exile  or  death,  and  Tiberius  ex- 
pressed himself  well  pleased  at  the  decision.  But,  in  the  suc- 
ceeding year,  (33,)  his  cruelty,  joined  with  avarice,  (a  vice 
new  to  him,)  broke  out  with  redoubled  violence.  Tired  of 
murdering  in  detail,  he  ordered  a  general  massacre  of  all  who 
lay  in  prison  on  account  of  their  connection  with  Sejanus. 
Without  distinction  of  age,  sex,  or  rank,  they  were  slaugh- 
tered ;  their  friends  dared  not  to  approach,  or  even  be  seen  to 
shed  tears ;  and  as  their  putrefying  remains  floated  along  the 
Tiber,  no  one  might  venture  to  touch  or  to  burn  them. 

The  deaths  of  his  grandson  Drusus,  and  his  daughter-in- 
law  Agrippina,  were  added  to  the  atrocities  of  this  year. 
The  former  perished  by  the  famine  to  which  he  was  destined, 
after  he  had  sustained  life  till  the  ninth  day  by  eating  the 
Btuffing  of  his  bed.     The  tyrant  then  had  the  shamelessness 

*  Suet.  Tib.  07.  Tac.  Ann.  vi.  G.  "  Adeo,"  adds  Tacitus,  '•'  facinora 
atque  flagitia  sua  ipsi  quoqup  in  suppliciuin  verterant.  Neque  frustra 
priEstantissimus  sapientim  [Plato]  firmaro  solitus  est,  si  rccludantur 
tyrannoruni  mentes  posse  aspici  laniatus  ct  ictus  ;  quando  ut  corpora 
verberibus,  ita  sa;vilia,  libidine,  malis  consultis  animus  dilaceretur: 
quippe  Tiberium  non  fortuna  non  solitudines  protegebant  quin  tor- 
menta  pectoris  suasque  ipse  pcenas  fateretur." 


66  TIBERIUS.  [a.  d.  33-37. 

to  cause  to  be  read  in  the  senate  the  diary  which  had  been 
kept  of  every  thing  the  unhappy  youth  /lad  said  or  done  for 
a  course  of  years,  and  of  the  indignities  which  he  had  endured 
from  the  slaves  and  guards  who  were  set  about  him.  Agrip- 
pina  had  cherished  hopes  of  meeting  with  justice  after  the 
fall  of  Sejanus ;  but,  finding  them  frustrated,  she  resolved  to 
starve  herself  to  death.  Tiberius,  when  informed,  ordered 
food  to  be  forced  down  her  throat;  but  she  finally  accom- 
plished her  purpose  :  he  then  endeavored  to  defame  her  mem- 
ory by  charging  her  withunchastity.  As  her  death  occurred 
on  the  same  day  as  that  of  Sejanus,  two  years  before,  he  di- 
rected it  to  be  noted ;  and  he  took  to  himself  as  a  merit  that 
he  had  not  caused  her  to  be  strangled  or  cast  down  the  Ge- 
monian  steps.  The  obsequious  senate  returned  him  thanks 
for  his  clemency,  and  decreed  that,  on  the  18th  of  October, 
the  day  of  both  their  deaths,  an  offering  in  gold  should  be 
made  to  Jupiter. 

The  CaGsarian  family  was  now  reduced  to  Claudius,  the 
brother,  and  Caius,  the  son  of  Germanicus,  and  his  three 
daughters,  Agrippina,  Drusilla,  and  Livilla,  (whom  Tiberius 
had  given  in  marriage  respectively  to  Cn.  Domitius,  L.  Cas- 
sius,  and  M.  Vinicius,)  and  Tiberius  and  Julia,  the  children 
of  Drusus,  which  last  had  been  married  to  her  cousin  Nero, 
and  now  was  given  in  marriage  to  Rubellius  Blandus. 

From  his  very  outset  in  life,  Tiberius  had  been  obliged 
more  or  less  to  conceal  his  natural  character.  Aucrustus, 
Germanicus,  Drusus,  his  mother,  had  successively  been  a 
check  on  him ;  and  even  Sejanus,  though  the  agent  of  his 
cruelty,  had  been  the  cause  of  his  lusts  being  restrained.* 
But  now  all  barriers  were  removed  ;  for  Caius  was  so  abject 
a  slave  to  him,  that  he  modelled  himself  on  his  character 
and  his  words,  only  seeking  to  conceal  his  own  vices. t  He 
therefore  now  at  length  gave  free  course  to  all  his  vicious 
propensities ;  and  it  almost  chills  the  blood  to  read  the  details 
of  the  horrid  practices  in  which  he  indulged  amidst  the  rocks 
of  Caprea).  Meantime  there  was  no  relaxation  of  his  cruelly  ; 
Macro  was  as  bad  as  Sejanus,  only  more  covertly  ;  there  was 
no  lack  of  delators,  and  men  of  rank  perished  daily. 

Nature,  however,  at  last  began  to  give  way.  He  had  quit- 
ted his  island,  and  approached  to  within  seven  miles  of  Rome, 
(37 ;)  but  terrified,  it  is  said,  by  a  prodigy,  he  did  not  ven- 
ture to  enter  the  city.     As  he  was  on  his  way  back  to  Cam- 

•  Tac.  Ann.  vi.  51.  t  Id.  ib.  20. 


A.D.  33.]  LAST    ILLNESS    OF    TIBERIUS.  6T 

pania,  he  fell  sick  at  Astura;  having  recovered  a  little,  he 
went  on  to  Circeii,  where,  to  conceal  his  condition,  he  ap- 
pe;ired  at  the  public  games,  and  even  flung  darts  at  a  wild 
boar  which  was  turned  out  into  the  arena.  The  effort,  how- 
ever, exhausted  him,  and  he  becan)e  worse ;  still  he  went 
on,  and  reached  the  former  abode  of  Lucullus  at  Misenum. 
Each  day  he  lay  at  table  and  indulged  as  usual.  A  physi- 
cian named  Charicles,  under  pretence  of  taking  leave,  one 
evening  contrived  to  feel  his  pulse.  Tiberius  perceived  his 
object,  and,  ordering  more  dishes  up,  lay  longer  than  usual, 
under  the  pretext  of  doing  honor  to  his  departing  friend  ;  but 
Charicles  was  not  to  be  deceived;  he  told  Macro  that  he 
could  not  last  two  days,  and  measures  were  forthwith  taken 
for  securing  the  succession  of  Caius.  On  the  lOth  of  March, 
he  swooned  away,  and  appeared  to  be  dead.  Caius  was  con- 
gratuhited  by  most  of  those  present,  and  was  preparing  to 
assume  the  imperial  power,  when  word  was  brought  that 
Tiberius  had  revived  and  called  for  food.  All  slank  away, 
feigning  grief  or  ignorance  :  Caius  remained  in  silence,  ex- 
pecting his  fate,  when  Macro  boldly  ordered  clothes  to  be 
heaped  on  him;  and  Tiberius  thus  was  smothered  to  death, 
in  the  78th  year  of  his  age. 


CHAPTER  IV.* 

CAIUS   JULIUS   CESAR  CALIGULA, 

A.  u.  790—794.  A.  D.  37—41. 

ACCESSION    OF    CAIUS. HIS    VICES    AND    CRUELTY. RRIDGB 

OVER  THE  HAY  OF  BAIJE. HIS    EXPEDITION    TO    GERMANY. 

HIS  MAD  CAPRICES. HIS  DEATH. 

The  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Tiberius  diffused  univer- 
sal joy.  The  memory  of  Germanicus,  and  the  hard  fate  of 
his  family,  recurred  to  men's  minds,  and  led  them  to  think 
favorably  of  his  son,  and   to  conceive  hopes  of  happiness 

•  Authorities :  Suetonius  and  Dion. 


68  cAius.  '  [a.  d.  37. 

under  his  dominion.  As  Caius,*  therefore,  in  a  mourning 
habit,  and  in  attendance  on  the  corpse  of  his  grandfather, 
moved  from  Misenum  to  Rome,  joyful  crowds  poured  forth 
to  meet  him,  altars  were  raised  and  victims  slain  on  the  way, 
and  the  most  endearing  epithets  greeted  him  as  he  passed 
along.t 

When  he  reached  Rome,  he  proceeded  to  the  senate-house, 
and  the  will  of  the  late  prince  was  opened  and  read.  It  ap- 
peared that  he  had  left  Caius  and  Tiberius  the  son  of  Drusus 
joint  heirs  ;  but  the  will  was  at  once  set  aside,  under  the  pre- 
text of  the  testator  not  having  been  in  his  rio-ht  mind,  and 
the  sole  power  was  conferred  on  Caius,  so  entirely  with  the 
public  approbation,  that  it  was  computed  that  in  less  than 
three  months  upwards  of  100,000  victims  were  slain  in  testi- 
mony of  the  general  joy.  Caius,  in  return,  was  lavish  of  pro- 
fessions, assuring  the  senate  that  he  would  share  his  power 
with  them,  and  do  every  thing  that  pleased  them,  calling 
himself  their  son  and  foster-child.  He  then  released  all  who 
were  in  prison  on  charges  of  treason,  and  he  burned  (or 
rather  pretended  to  do  so)  all  the  papers  relating  to  them 
which  Tiberius  had  left  behind  him,  saying  that  he  did  so  in 
order  that,  if  he  should  feel  ill  disposed  toward  any  one  on 
account  of  his  mother  and  brothers,  he  might  not  have  it  in 
his  power  to  gratify  his  vengeance. 

As  soon  as  he  had  celebrated  the  obsequies  of  his  grand- 
father, whose  funeral  oration  he  pronounced  himself,  he  got 
on  shipboard,  and,  though  the  weather  was  tempestuous, 
passed  over  to  the  isles  of  Pandateria  and  Pontia;  and,  hav- 
ing collected,  and  with  his  own  hand  inurned  the  ashes  of  his 
mother  and  brother,  he  brought  them  to  Rome,  and  deposited 
them  in  the  Mausoleum  of  Augustus.  He  appointed  annual 
religious  rites  in  their  honor ;  he  directed  the  month  of  Sep- 
tember to  be  called  Germanious,  after  his  father  ;  he  caused 
all  the  honors,  which  had  ever  been  bestowed  on  Livia  Au- 
gusta, to  be  conferred,  by  one  decree,  on  his  grandmother 
Antonia;  he  made  his  uncle  Claudius,  who  had  hitherto  been 
in  the  equestrian  order,  his  colleague  in  the  consulate;  he 
adopted  his  cousin  Tiberius  the  day  he  took  the  virile  toga, 
and  named  him  Prince  of  the  Youth  ;  he  caused  his  sisters' 

'  So  be  is  called  by  all  the  historians.  For  the  origin  of  his  soubri- 
quet "  Caligula,"  see  above,  p.  44. 

t  "  Fausta  omina  sldus  et  ])ullum  et  puppum  et  alumnum  appellan- 
tium."     auft.  Cul.  13. 


A.  D.  38.]  FIRST    ACTS    OF    CAIUS.  69 

names  to  be  associated  with  his  own  in  oaths  and  other  so- 
lemnities.* 

He  drove  from  the  city  all  the  ministers  of  the  monstrous 
lusts  of  Tiberius,  being  with  difficulty  withheld  from  drown- 
ing them.  He  permitted  the  works  of  Cremutius  Cordus  and 
others  to  be  made  public.  He  gave  the  people  abundance 
of  public  shows,  and  he  distributed  to  them  and  the  soldiers 
ail  the  money  that  had  been  left  them  by  Tiberius  and  Livia 
Augusta. 

Such  was  Caius  in  the  first  months  of  his  reign.  He  then 
had  a  severe  fit  of  illness,  in  consequence  of  which  his  intel- 
lect, it  would  seem,  became  disordered,  for  his  remaining 
acts  were  those  of  a  madman ;  and  the  world  witnessed  the 
dreadful  siglit  of  a  monster,  devoid  of  reason,  possessed  of 
unlimited  power.  There,  however,  seems  to  have  been  no 
reason  to  expect  that,  under  any  circumstances,  Caius  would 
have  made  a  good  prince;  he  was  already  stained  with  every 
vice.  While  yet  a  boy,  he  was,  it  was  said,  guilty  of  incest 
with  his  sister  Drusilla.  On  the  death  of  his  wife,  Junia 
Claudilla,  the  daughter  of  M.  Silanus,  he  formed  an  adulter- 
ous connection  with  Ennia,  the  wife  of  Macro,  and  gave  her 
an  engagement  to  marry  her  if  he  should  attain  the  empire. 
Though  he  conducted  himself  with  the  most  consummate 
dissimulation,  and  manifested  such  obsequiousness  to  Tibe- 
rius as  gave  occasion  to  the  well-known  saying  of  Passienus, 
that  "  there  never  was  a  better  slave  nor  a  worse  master," 
yet  the  sagacious  old  prince  saw  his  real  character  ;  and,  as 
Caius  was  one  day  in  his  presence  speaking  with  contempt 
of  Sulla,  he  told  him  that  he  would  have  all  Sulla's  vices  and 
none  of  his  virtues  ;  he  also  said  at  times  that  Caius  lived  for 
his  own  destruction  and  that  of  all  others,  and  that  in  him 
he  was  rearing  a  serpent  for  the  Roman  people  and  a  Phae- 
thon  for  the  earth. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Caius,  after  his  restoration  to 
health,  was  to  put  his  cousin  Tiberius  to  death,  under  the 
pretext  of  his  having  prayed  that  he  might  not  recover.  He 
also  forced  his  father-in-law,  Silanus,  to  terminate  his  own 
life,  because  he  had  not  accompanied  him  on  his  late  voyage, 
pretending  that  he  intended  to  occupy  the  empire  if  any 
thing  adverse  had  befallen  him,  though  Silanus's  only  reason 

*  "  Auctor  fuit  ut  omnibus  sacramcntis  .adjiceretur,  JVeque  me  libe- 
rosqne  mcos  coriorc.s  haliilw  qnavi  Caium  sorurrsque  ejus.  Item  rela- 
tionibus  consulum.  Quud  bonum  felixque  sit  C.  CcEsari  sororlbnsque 
ejus."     Suet.  Cal.  15. 


70  CAius.  [a.  D.  38. 

had  been  dislike  of  the  sea.  A  knight  had  vowed  to  fio-ht  as 
a  gladiator,  and  another  person  to  die,  if  Caius  should  re- 
cover ;  and,  instead  of  rewarding  them  as  they  expected,  he 
forced  them  to  perform  their  vows. 

Tlius  passed  the  first  nine  months  of  Caius's  rule.  He  be- 
gan the  next  year  (38)  auspiciously,  by  directing  that  the 
accounts  of  the  receipts  and  expenditure  of  the  revenue  should 
be  made  public,  according  to  the  practice  adopted  by  Augus- 
tus, but  intermitted  by  Tiberius.  He  also  revised  tlie  eques- 
trian order, removing  unworthy  members,  and  introducing  men 
of  birth  and  property.  He  restored  to  the  people  the  right  of 
election,  and  abolished  the  excise  duty  of  one  per  cent.  — 
measures,  however,  both,  it  is  said,  condemned  by  men  of 
sense,  who  deemed  that  no  good  could  arise  from  giving 
power  to  those  who  knew  not  how  to  exercise  it,  and  from 
diminishing  without  cause  the  regular  revenue  of  the  state. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  showed  the  natural  ferocity  of  his 
disposition  by  the  delight  with  which  he  regarded  the  mas- 
sacres of  the  amphitheatre,  where,  on  one  occasion,  the  num- 
ber of  condemned  persons  who  were  to  be  exposed  to  the 
wild  beasts  proving  short,  he  ordered  some  of  the  spectators 
to  be  seized  and  cast  to  them,  having  previously  cut  out 
their  tongues,  to  prevent  their  crying  out  or  reproaching  hira. 
He  made  Macro  and  his  wife,  Ennia,  be  their  own  execu- 
tioners, and  he  put  to  death  numbers  of  persons  on  the 
charge  of  having  been  the  enemies  of  his  parents  or  his 
brothers,  producing  against  them  the  very  papers  which  he 
pretended  to  have  burnt.  It  was  in  fact  the  desire  to  gain 
possession  of  their  properties  that  was  his  motive;  for  the 
vast  treasures  accumulated  by  Tiberius  had  already  been 
dissipated. 

Caius  had  renewed  his  incestuous  commerce  with  his  sis- 
ter Drusilla,  whom  he  took  from  her  husband,  L.  Cassius, 
and  then  married  to  M.  Lepidus,  also  the  partaker  in  his 
vices.  She  died,  however,  in  the  course  of  the  year  ;  and 
nothing  could  exceed  the  crief  which  he  manifested.  He 
gave  her  a  magnificent  public  funeral,  and  proclaimed  so 
strict  a  Justitium,  that  it  was  a  capital  offence  to  laugh, 
bathe,  or  dine  with  one's  own  family  or  relations.  All  the 
honors  which  had  been  conferred  on  Livia  were  decreed  to 
her  ;  her  statue  was  placed  in  the  senate-house  and  forum. 
A  temple  was  built  and  priests  appointed  in  her  honor ; 
women,  in  giving  testimony,  were  to  swear  by  her  divinity ; 
a  festival  like  that  of  the  Mother  of  the  Gods  was  to  be  cele- 


A.  D.  39.]  CAIUS'S    PROFLIGACY.  71 

brated  on  her  birthday,  and  under  the  name  of  Panthea  she 
received  divine  honors  in  all  the  cities  of  the  empire.  A 
senator  named  Livius  Geminius  obtained  a  large  reward  by 
swearing,  imprecating  destruction  on  himself  and  his  cliil- 
dren  if  he  lied,  that  he  saw  her  ascending  into  heaven  and 
mingling  with  the  gods.  Caius,  in  the  first  vehemence  of 
his  grief,  fled  from  Rome  in  the  night,  and  never  stopped 
till  he  reached  Syracuse,  whence  he  returned  with  his  hair 
and  beard  grown  to  a  great  length.  Ilis  oath  ever  after, 
when  addressing  the  people  or  the  soldiers,  was  by  the  deity 
ofDrusilla.  He  lived  in  an  incestuous  commerce  with  his 
other  sisters  also,  and  at  meals  they  used  to  lie  by  turns  be- 
low him  in  the  tricUnium,  while  his  wife  lay  above  ;  yet  he 
used  to  prostitute  them  to  tiio  ministers  of  his  lusts. 

His  first  wife,  after  he  came  to  the  empire,  was  Livia 
Orestilla;  this  lady  was  married  to  C.  Piso  ;  but  Caius,  when 
invited  to  the  nuptial  feast,  took  a  fancy  to  her,  and  saying 
to  Piso,  "  Do  not  touch  my  wife,"  carried  her  off;  and  next 
day  he  issued  an  edict,  saying  "  that  he  had  purveyed  him  a 
wife  after  the  fashion  of  Romulus  and  Augustus."  Within 
a  few  days,  however,  he  divorced  her ;  and,  two  year?  after,  he 
banished  her  for  having  resumed  her  intimacy  with  her  first 
husband.  Hearing  the  beauty  of  the  grandmother  of  Lollia 
Paullina  praised,  he  summoned  that  lady  from  the  province 
where  her  husband,  Memmius  Regulus,  was  in  the  command 
of  the  troops,  and,  having  obliged  Regulus  to  divorce  her,  he 
made  her  his  wife. 

The  following  year  (39)  witnessed  the  same  scenes  Of 
cruelty  and  of  reckless  extravagance  ;  it  was  distinguished 
by  the  novel  caprice  of  bridging  over  the  sea  from  Baite  to 
Puteoli,  a  space  of  more  than  three  miles  and  a  half  All 
kinds  of  craft  were  collected,  so  that,  in  consequence  of  the 
want  of  foreign  corn,  a  great  scarcity  prevailed  througliout 
Italy  ;  and,  these  not  proving  sufficient,  a  large  number  were 
built  for  the  purpose:  they  were  anchored  in  two  lines,  and 
timber  laid  across  them,  and  a  way  thus  formed  similar  to 
the  Appian  road.  Places  for  rest  and  refreshment  were 
erected  at  regidar  distances,  and  pipes  laid  for  conveying 
fresh  water.  When  all  was  completed,  Caius,  putting  on  the 
breastplate  (as  it  was  said  to  be)  of  Alexander  the  Great,  a 
military  cloak  of  purple  silk  adorned  with  gold  and  precious 
stones,  and  girding  on  a  sword,  and  grasping  a  shield,  his 
brows  crowned  with  oak,  and  having  previously  sacrificed 
to  Neptune  and  some  other  gods,  (particularly  to  Envy,  to 


72  cAius.  [a.  d.  39. 

escape  her  influence,)  entered  the  bridge  from  Baiie,  mount- 
ed on  a  stately  horse,  and  followed  by  horse  and  foot  in 
warlike  array,  and,  passing  along  rapidly,  entered  Puteoli  as 
a  captured  city.  Having  rested  there  as  after  a  battle,  he 
returned  the  next  day  along  the  bridge  in  a  two-horsed 
chariot,  drawn  by  the  most  famous  winning  horses  of  the 
circus.  Spoils  and  captives  (among  whom  was  Darius,  an 
Arsacid,  one  of  the  Parthian  hostages  then  at  Rome)  pre- 
ceded the  sham  conqueror ;  his  friends  followed  in  chariots, 
and  the  troops  brought  up  the  rear.  The  glorious  victor 
ascended  a  tribunal  erected  on  a  ship  about  tiie  centre  of  the 
bridge,  and  harangued  and  extolled  his  triumphant  warriors. 
He  then  caused  a  banquet  to  be  spread  on  the  bridge  as  if 
it  were  an  island,  and,  all  who  were  to  partake  of  it  crowding 
round  it  in  vessels  of  every  kind,  the  rest  of  the  day  and 
the  whole  of  the  night  were  spent  in  feasting  and  revelry. 
Lights  shone  from  the  bridge  and  the  vessels;  the  hills 
which  enclose  the  bay  were  illumined  with  fires  and  torches  ; 
the  whole  seemed  one  vast  theatre,  and  night  converted 
into  day,  as  sea  was  into  land.  But  the  monster,  for  whose 
gratification  all  these  effects  had  been  produced,  could  not 
refrain  from  indulging  his  innate  ferocity.  When  his  spirits 
were  elevated  with  meat  and  wine,  he  caused  several  of 
those  who  were  with  him  on  the  bridge  to  be  flung  into  the 
sea,  and  then,  getting  into  a  beaked  ship,  he  sailed  to  and  fro, 
striking  and  sinking  the  vessels  which  lay  about  the  bridge, 
filled  with  revellers.  Some  were  drowned  ;  but,  owing  to 
the  calmness  of  the  sea,  the  greater  part,  though  they  were 
drunk,  escaped. 

Various  causes  were  assigned  for  this  mad  freak  of  bridg- 
ing over  the  sea.  Some  ascribed  it,  and  probably  with  rea- 
son, to  the  wish  to  surpass  Xerxes ;  others  said  that  his 
object  was  to  strike  with  awe  of  his  power  the  Germans  and 
Britons,  whose  countries  he  meditated  to  invade.  Suetonius 
says  that,  when  a  boy,  he  heard  from  his  grandfather  that  the 
reason  assigned  by  the  people  of  the  palace  was  a  desire  to 
give  the  lie  to  a  declaration  of  the  astrologer  Trasyllus,  who, 
on  being  consulted  by  Tiberius  about  the  succession,  had 
said  that  "  Cains  would  no  more  reign  than  he  would  drive 
horses  through  the  Bay  of  Baice." 

Whatever  was  the  cause,  the  effect  was  the  destruction  of 
an  additional  number  of  the  Roman  nobility,  for  the  sake  of 
confiscating  their  properties,  in  order  to  replace  the  enor- 
mous sums  which  the  bridge  had  absorbed.     When  Rome 


A.  D.  39.]  GERMAN    EXPEDITION.  73 

and  Italy  had  been  thus  tolerably  well  exhausted  of  their 
wealth,  the  tyrant  resolved  to  pillage  in  like  manner  the 
opulent  provinces  of  Gaul,  and  tlien  tliose  of  Spain.  Under 
the  pretext  of  repelling  the  Germans,  he  suddenly  collected 
an  army,  and  set  out  for  Gaul,  goi?ig  sometimes  so  rapidly 
that  the  praetorian  cohorts  were  obliged  to  put  their  stand- 
ards on  the  beasts  of  burden,  at  other  times  having  himself 
carried  in  a  litter,  and  the  people  of  the  towns  on  the  way 
being  ordered  to  sweep  and  water  the  roads  before  him.  He 
was  attended  by  a  large  train  of  women,  gladiators,  dancers, 
running-horses,  and  the  other  instruments  of  his  luxury. 
When  he  reached  the  camp  of  the  legions,  he  aifected  the 
character  of  a  strict  commander,  dismissing  with  ignominy 
such  of  the  legates  as  brought  up  the  auxiliary  contingents 
slowly.  He  then  turned  to  robbincr  both  officers  and  men. 
by  dismissing  them  a  little  before  they  were  entitled  to  their 
discharge,  and  cutting  down  the  pensions  of  the  rest  to 
C900  sesterces.  -^ 

The  son  of  Cinobellinus,  a  British  prince,  who  was  ban- 
ished by  his  father,  having  come  and  made  his  submission 
to  him,  he  wrote  most  magniloquent  letters  to  Rome,  as  if 
the  whole  island  had  submitted.  He  crossed  the  Rhine  as 
if  in  quest  of  the  German  foes  ;  but  some  one  happening  to 
say,  as  the  troops  were  engaged  in  a  narrow  way,  that  there 
would  be  no  little  consternation  if  the  enemy  should  then  ai> 
pear,  he  sprang  from  his  chariot  in  a  fright,  mounted  hia 
horse,  and  gallopped  back  to  the  bridge,  and,  finding  it  filled 
with  the  men  and  beasts  of  the  baggage-train,  he  scrambled 
over  their  heads  to  get  beyond  the  river.  On  another  occa- 
sion, he  ordered  some  of  his  German  guards  to  conceal  them- 
selves on  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine,  and  intelligence  to  be 
brought  to  him,  as  he  sat  at  diinier,  that  the  enemy  was  at 
hand  ;  he  S[)rang  up,  mounted  his  horse,  and,  followed  by  his 
friends  and  part  of  the  guards,  rode  into  the  adjoining  wood, 
and,  cutting  the  trees  and  forming  a  trophy,  returned  with  it 
to  the  camp  by  torch-light.  He  then  reproached  the  cow- 
ardice of  those  who  had  not  shared  his  toils  and  dangers,  and 
rewarded  with  what  he  called  rrplorntory  crowns  those  who 
had  accompanied  him.  Again,  he  took  the  young  German 
hostages  from  their  school,  and,  having  secretly  sent  them  on, 
he  jumped  up  from  a  banquet,  pursued  them,  as  if  they  were 
running  away,  with  a  body  of  cavalry,  and  brought  them 
back  in  chains.  In  an  edict  he  severely  rebuked  the  senate 
and  people  of  Rome  for  holding  banquets,  and  frequenting 

CONTIN.  7  J 


74  CAius.  [a.  d.  39. 

theatres  and  delicious  retreats,  while  C.-csar  was  carrying  on 
war,  and  exposed  to  such  dangers. 

His  invasion  of  Britain  was,  if  possible,  still  more  ridicu- 
lous. He  inarched  his  troops  to  the  coast,  and  drew  them 
up  with  all  their  artillery  on  the  strand.  He  then  got  aboard 
of  a  galley,  and,  going  a  little  way  out  to  sea,  returned,  and, 
ascending  a  lofty  tribunal,  gave  the  signal  for  battle,  and,  at 
the  sound  of  trumpets,  ordered  them  to  charge  the  ocean, 
and  gather  its  shells  as  spoils  due  to  the  Capitol  and  Pala- 
tium.  He  bestowed  a  large  donative  on  his  victorious 
troops,  and  built  a  lighthouse  to  commemorate  the  conquest 
of  ocean. 

Meantime  he  was  not  neglectful  of  the  purpose  for  which 
he  came.  He  pillaged  indiscriminately,  and  put  to  death 
numbers  whose  only  crime  was  their  wealth.  One  day, 
when  he  was  playing  at  dice,  he  discovered  that  his  money 
was  out;  he  retired,  and,  calling  for  the  census  of  the  Ga)ils, 
selected  the  names  of  the  richest  men  in  it,  ordering  them  to 
be  put  to  death  ;  then,  returning  to  his  company,  he  said, 
"  You  are  playing  for  a  few  denars,  but  1  have  collected  a 
hundred  and  fifty  millions."  He  afterwards  caused  the  most 
precious  jewels  and  other  possessions  of  the  monarchy  to  be 
sent  to  him,  and  put  them  up  to  auction,  saying,  "  This  was 
my  father's;  this  was  my  mother's;  this  Egyptian  jewel  be- 
longed to  Antonius;  this  to  Augustus;"  and  so  on,  at  the 
same  time  declaring  that  distress  alone  caused  him  to  sell 
them.  The  buyers  were  of  course  obliged  to  give  far  beyond 
the  real  value  of  the  articles. 

Among  those  put  to  death  while  he  was  in  Gaul  was  M. 
Lepidus,  the  husband  of  his  beloved  Drusilla,  and  the  sharer 
in  all  his  vices  and  debaucheries.  The  pretext  was  a  con- 
spiracy of  Lepidus  with  Livilla  and  Agrippina  against  his 
life.  He  wrote  to  the  senate  in  the  most  opprobrious  terms 
of  his  sisters,  whom  he  banished  to  the  Pontian  isles.  As  he 
was  sending  tliem  back  to  Italy  for  this  purpose,  he  obliged 
Agrippina  to  carry  the  whole  way  in  her  bosom  the  urn 
which  contained  the  ashes  of  Lepidus.  To  commemorate 
his  escape,  he  sent  three  daggers  to  be  consecrated  to  Mars 
the  Avenger. 

At  this  time  also  he  put  away  Lollia  Paullina,  under  the 
pretext  of  her  infecundity,  and  married  Milonia  Cssonia,  a 
woman  neither  handsome  nor  young,  and  of  the  most  disso- 
lute habits,  and  the  mother  already  of  three  daughters.  She 
was  at  the  time  so  far  gone  with  child  by  him  that  she  was 


A.  D.  40.]  CAIUS    IN    GAUL.  75 

delivered  of  a  daughter  immediately  after  lier  marriage.  He 
loved  her  ardently  as  long  as  he  lived  ;  he  used  to  exhibit 
her  naked  to  his  friends,  and  take  her  ridinw  about  with  hirn 
through  the  ranks  of  the  soldiery,  arrayed  in  a  cloak,  helmet, 
and  light  buckler.  Yet  he  would  at  times,  in  his  fondness, 
protest  that  he  would  put  her  to  the  rack  to  make  her  tell 
why  he  loved  her  so  nnich. 

Before  he  left  Gaul,  (40,)  he  proposed  to  massacre  the 
legions  which  had  mutinied  against  his  father.  He  was  dis- 
siiaded  from  this  course;  but  nothing  would  withhold  him 
from  decinjating  them,  at  the  least.  He  therefore  called  them 
together  unarmed,  and  surrounded  them  with  his  cavalry; 
but,  when  he  observed  that  they  suspected  his  design,  and 
were  gradually  slip[)ing  away  to  resume  their  arms,  he  lost 
courage,  and,  llying  from  the  camp,  hastened  back  to  Rome, 
breathing  vengeance  against  the  senate.  To  the  deputies,  sent 
to  entreat  him  to  hasten  his  return,  his  words  were,  "  I  will 
come —  I  will  come  ;  and  this  with  me,"  striking  the  hilt  of 
his  sword ;  and  he  declared  that  the  senate  would  find  him 
in  future  neither  a  citizen  nor  a  prince.  He  entered  Rome 
in  ovation  instead  of  triumph  on  his  birthday,  (Aug.  31,)  the 
last  he  was  to  witness;  for  the  measure  of  his  guilt  was  full, 
and  the  patience  of  mankind  nearly  exhausted. 

It  may  be  worth  while  to  notice  some  of  the  acts  of  which 
a  madman  possessed  of  absolute  power  was  capable. 

Caius  declared  himself  to  be  a  god,  and  had  a  temple 
erected  to  his  deity,  in  which  stood  a  golden  statue  of  him, 
habited  each  day  as  he  was  himself  Peacocks,  pheasants, 
and  other  rare  birds,  were  offered  in  sacrifice  every  day  :  his 
wife  Ca^sonia,  his  uncle  Claudius,  and  some  persons  of  great 
wealth,  (who  had  to  purchase  the  office  at  a  high  rate,)  were 
the  priests.  He  added  himself  and  his  horse  Incitatus  to  the 
college.  He  appeared  in  the  habit  and  with  the  insignia 
sometimes  of  one,  sometimes  of  another  god  or  goddess.  He 
used  to  invite  the  moon,  when  shining  full  and  briglil,  to  de- 
scend to  his  embraces.  He  would  enter  the  temple  of  the 
Capitoline  Jupiter,  and  engage  in  confidential  discourse,  as 
it  were,  with  the  god,  sometimes  even  chidinfr  or  threatening 
him.  Being  invited,  he  said,  to  share  the  abode  of  that 
deity,  he  threw  a  bridge,  for  the  purpose,  over  the  Forum, 
from  the  Palatium  to  the  Capitol.  It  would  be  endless  to 
relate  all  his  freaks  of  this  kind. 

He  devised  new  and  extraordinary  taxes.  He  laid  an  im- 
post on  all  kinds  of  eatables ;  he  demanded  two  and   a  half 


76  CAius.  [a.  d.  40. 

per  cent,  on  all  lawsuits,  and  severely  punished  all  those 
who  compounded  their  actions.  Porters  were  required  to  pay 
an  eighth  of  their  daily  earnings  ;  prostitutes  were  taxed  in 
a  similar  manner.  He  even  opened  a  brothel  in  his  palace, 
which  he  filled  with  respectable  women,  and  sent  persons 
through  the  Forum  inviting  people  to  resort  to  it;  When 
liis  daughter  was  born,  he  complained  bitterly  of  his  pov- 
erty, and  received  presents  for  her  support  and  dower.  On 
new  year's  day,  he  used  to  stand  at  the  porch  to  receive  the 
gifts  which  were  brought  to  him.  He  would  often  walk 
barefoot  on  heaps  of  gold  coin,  or  lie  down  and  roll  himself 
on  them. 

His  natural  cruelty  made  him  delight  in  the  combats  of 
gladiators  :  he  was  equally  fond  of  chariot-races;  and,  as  he 
chose  to  favor  the  sea-colored  faction,  he  used  to  cause  the 
best  drivers  and  horses  of  their  rivals  (the  green)  to  be  poi- 
soned. He  was  so  fond  of  one  of  his  own  horses  named 
Incitatus,  that  he  used  to  invite  him  to  dinner,  give  him 
gilded  barley  and  wine  out  of  golden  cups,  and  swear  by  his 
safety  and  his  fortune ;  and  he  was  only  prevented  by  death 
from  raisins  him  to  the  consulate. 

One  day,  at  a  show  of  gladiators,  he  ordered  the  awning, 
which  screened  the  spectators  from  the  burning  rays  of  the 
sun,  to  be  withdrawn,  and  forbade  any  one  to  be  let  go  out. 
Another  time,  when  the  people  applauded  contrary  to  his 
wishes,  he  cried  out,  "  O  that  the  Roman  people  had  but 
one  neck  ! " 

A  conspiracy  at  length  delivered  the  world  from  the  mon- 
ster who  thus  oppressed  it.  The  principal  freedmen  and 
officers  of  the  guards  were  concerned  in  it ;  they  were  actu- 
ated by  a  principle  of  self-preservation,  and  not  by  any  patri- 
otic views  or  generous  aspirations  after  the  liberty  and 
happiness  of  the  Roman  people.  It  was,  in  efifect,  such  a 
conspiracy  as  mo=t  usually  occurs  in  absolute  and  despotic 
governments.*  The  most  active  agents  were  Cassius  Chac- 
rea  and  Cornelius  Sabinus,  two  tribunes  of  the  guards, 
who  had  private  motives  of  revenge,  in  particular  Cas- 
sius, whom,  though  advanced  in  years,  and  a  man  of  great 
strength  and  courage,  Caius  used  to  term  effeminate,  and  to 
give  Venus  or  Priapus,  or  some  such  lascivious  term,  when 
he  came  to  him  for  tlie  watchword. 

*  A  very  circumstantial  account  of  f  lie  murder  of  Caius,  and  the  sue 
cession  of  Claudius,  is  given  by  Josephus,  Antiq.  xix.  1 — 4. 


A.  D.  41.]  DEATH    OF    CAIUS.  77 

On  the  24th  of  January,  (41,)  a  little  after  noon,  though 
his  stomach  was  suffering  from  the  effects  of  the  previous 
day's  excess,  Caius  yielded  to  the  instances  of  his  friends, 
and  was  proceeding  from  the  theatre,  where  he  had  passed 
the  morning,  to  the  dining-room.  As  he  was  going  along 
the  vaulted  passage  leading  to  it,  he  stopped  to  inspect  some 
boys  of  noble  birth  from  Ionia,  whom  he  had  caused  to 
come  to  Rome  to  sing  in  public  a  hymn  made  in  his  honor. 
While  thus  engaged,  he  was  fallen  on  and  slain  by  Cha3rea, 
Sabinus,  and  other  officers  of  the  guards.  A  centurion,  by 
the  order  of  Chasrea,  killed,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  his 
wife,  Ca;sonia,  and  the  brains  of  their  infant  daughter  were 
dashed  out  against  a  wall.  Such  was  the  end  of  this  execra- 
hie  tyrant,  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  his  age,  after  a  reign 
of  somewhat  less  than  four  years.  After  his  death,  there 
were  found  in  his  cabinet  two  books,  the  one  having  for  its 
title  the  Sword,  the  other  the  Dagger,  and  containing  the 
names  of  those  whom  he  intended  to  put  to  death.  There 
was  also  discovered  a  large  chest  full  of  all  kinds  of  poisons. 


CHAPTER  v.* 
TIBERIUS    CLAUDIUS    DRUSUS    CiESAR. 
A.  u.  794—807.     A.  D.  41—55. 

ACCESSION    OF    CLAUDIUS.  HIS    CHARACTER.  HIS     USEFUL 

MEASURES.  MESSALINA      AND      THE      FREEDMEN.  HER 

LUST    AND    CRUELTY.  CLAUDIUS     IN    BRITAIN.  VICIOUS 

CONDUCT  OF  MESSALINA. HER    DEATH. CLAUDIUS  MAR- 
RIES   AGRIPPINA.  IS    POISONED    BY    HER. 

As  soon  as  the  death  of  Caius  was  known,  the  consuls  set 
guards  throughout  the  city,  and  assembled  the  senate  on  the 
Capitol,  where  the  remainder  of  the  day  and  all  the  night 
were  spent  in  deliberation  ;  some  wishing  to  reestablish  the 
republic,  others  to  continue  the  inonarcliy.  But  while  they 
were  deliberating,  the  question  had  been  already  determined 
in  the  camp  of  the  prajtorian  cohorts. 

•  Authorities :  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  Dion. 
•7  * 


78  CLAUDIUS.  [a.  d.  41 

When  Caius  was  slain,  his  uncle  Claudius,  in  his  terror, 
hid  himself  behind  the  door  curtains  of  one  of  the  rooms.  A 
common  soldier,  who  was  running  through  the  palace  in 
quest  of  plunder,  happening  to  see  his  feet  under  the  cur- 
tain, dragged  him  out.  Claudius  fell  on  his  knees,  suing 
for  mercy;  but  the  soldier,  recognizing  him,  saluted  him  em- 
peror, and  led  him  to  his  comrades,  who  placed  him  in  a 
litter,  and  carried  him,  trembling  for  his  life,  to  their  camp. 
The  consuls  sent  the  tribunes  of  the  people  to  summon  him 
as  a  senator  to  come  and  give  his  presence  at  their  delibera- 
tions;  but  he  replied  that  he  was  detained  by  force.  In  the 
morning,  however,  finding  the  troops  unanimous  in  their 
design  of  conferring  the  supreme  power  on  him,  he  con- 
sented to  accept  it,  promising  them  a  gratuity  of  15,000 
sesterces  a  man  —  thus  introducing  the  pernicious  practice 
of  bargaining  for  the  support  of  the  guards.  The  senate, 
unable  to  agree  among  themselves,  finding  the  people  indif- 
ferent, and  being  deserted  by  the  urban  cohorts,  abandoned 
the  futile  project  of  restoring  the  republic,  and  quietly  yield- 
ed submission  to  the  behest  of  the  soldiery. 

Tiberius  Claudius  Drusus  Caesar,  who  was  thus  unexpect- 
edly raised  to  empire,  was  the  younger  brother  of  Germani- 
cus.  He  was  from  infancy  of  a  sickly,  delicate  constitu- 
tion, and  the  disease  of  his  body  affected  his  mind.  His 
mother,  Antonia,  used  to  call  him  a  portent  of  a  man  begun 
but  not  completed  by  nature;  and  when  she  would  describe 
any  one  as  particularly  stupid,  she  would  say  he  was  a  great- 
er fool  than  her  son  Claudius.  His  grandmother  Livia 
held  him  in  the  most  supreme  contempt.  Augustus  had  so 
mean  an  opinion  of  him,  that  he  would  not  confer  on  him 
any  of  the  honors  of  the  state.  Tiberius  treated  him  in  a 
similar  manner.  Caius,  in  the  first  days  of  his  reign,  made 
him  his  colleague  in  the  consulate;  but  it  was  only  his  con- 
tempt for  his  folly  (which  Claudius  cunningly  affected  be- 
yond nature)  that  saved  him  from  sharing  the  fate  of  so 
many  better  men. 

Mental  ability  is  very  distinct  from  good  sense  and  wis- 
dom. It  need  not  therefore  surprise  us  to  learn  that  this 
prince,  who.se  name  in  his  own  family  was  synonymous  with 
stupidity,  was  learned,  and  wrote  with  ease  and  elegance  in 
both  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages.*  lie  also,  as  is  usual- 
ly the  case  with  such  persons,  exhibited  occasional  glimpses 

*  Siirtonius  (Clnud.  41)  spoaks  rallior  flivorably  of  his  historical 
writings.     He  seems  to  liave  been  honest  and  impartial. 


A.  D.  42]  ACTS    OF    CLAUDIUS.  79 

of  shrewdness  and  sagacity,  and  made  just  observations,  and 
conceived  or  proposed  judicious  plans.  In  fact,  in  examin- 
ing the  history  and  character  of  Claudius,  one  is  often  re- 
minded of  James  I.  of  England,  though  the  advantacre,  it 
must  be  allowed,  is  greatly  on  the  side  of  the  British  mon- 
arch. 

The  first  act  of  Claudius  was  to  declare  a  full  and  com- 
plete amnesty  (to  which  he  faithfully  adhered)  of  all  that 
had  been  said  and  done  in  the  last  two  days.  He  executed, 
however,  Chierea,  and  some  of  the  other  assassins  of  Caius, 
not  out  of  regard  to  him,  but  to  deter  others  from  attempt- 
ing the  life  of  an  emperor  ;  Sabinus  died  by  his  own  hand. 
Claudius  exhibited  no  enmity  against  those  who  had  injured 
or  insulted  him  in  the  two  last  reigns,  of  whom  the  number 
was  necessarily  not  small.  He  entirely  abolished  the  law 
of  treason ;  and,  taking  the  Sword  and  Dagger,  and  all  the 
papers  which  Caius  had  pretended  to  burn,  he  showed  them 
to  tlie  senate,  and,  letting  them  see  the  names  of  tlic  writers, 
and  of  the  persons  against  whom  they  were  written,  burned 
them  in  good  earnest.  While  he  sedulously  abolished  all  the 
wild  innovations  of  Caius,  he  was  anxious  to  have  all  kinds 
of  honors  bestowed  on  the  memory  of  his  family.  He  re- 
called his  nieces  Agrippina  and  Livilla  from  their  exile,  and 
restored  to  them  their  property. 

Claudius,  who  was  fifty  years  of  age,  and  whose  life  had 
been  passed  chiefly  in  the  study  of  antiquity,  understood  and 
wished  to  conform  as  much  as  possible  to  the  forms  of  the 
ancient  constitution.  He  declined  to  use  the  priinomen 
emperor ;  he  refused  excessive  honors ;  he  celebrated  the 
weddings  of  his  two  daughters  as  if  he  had  been  a  simple  citi- 
zen ;  he  did  nothing  of  public  import  without  the  authority 
of  the  senate ;  he  showed  all  due  marks  of  respect  to  the 
consuls  and  the  other  magistrates.  By  this  conduct,  he  so 
won  the  popular  favor,  that,  when  one  time  he  went  to  Ostia, 
and  a  rumor  was  spread  that  he  had  been  assassinated,  the 
people  assembled  and  poured  their  maledictions  on  the  sen- 
ate and  the  guards,  as  murderers  and  traitors,  and  were  not 
pacified  till  they  were  assured  by  the  magistrates  of  his 
safety. 

In  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  (42,)  Claudius  commenced 
a  work  of  great  utility,  but  of  enormous  expense.  For  many 
years  past,  tillage  had  been  so  completely  abandoned  in  Ita- 
ly, that  nearly  all  the  corn  that  was  used  in  Rome  was  im- 
ported from  Africa  and  Sicily.    But,  as  there  were  no  secure 


80  CLAUDIUS.  [a.  d.  42. 

ports  or  landing-places  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  the  sup- 
plies could  only  be  brought  in  during  the  fine  season;  and,  if 
a  sufficient  quantity  was  not  then  warehoused  for  the  winter's 
consumption,  a  famine  was  the  sure  consequence.  To  rem- 
edy this  evil,  Claudius,  undeterred  by  the  magnitude  of  the 
estimate  given  in  by  the  surveyors,  resolved  to  construct  a 
port  at  Ostia.  It  was  formed  in  the  following  manner :  A 
larcre  basin  was  due  in  the  land,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river,  and  the  sea  let  into  it ;  two  extensive  moles  were  then 
run  out  into  the  sea,  including  another  large  basin,  at  the 
entrance  to  which,  on  an  artificial  island,  stood  a  Pharos  or 
lighthouse  to  direct  vessels  into  it.*  By  means  of  this  port, 
corn  could  be  brought  in  at  all  times  of  the  year,  and  the 
danger  of  famine  in  the  city  was  greatly  diminished.  An- 
other public  work,  effected  by  Claudius,  was  the  bringing  the 
stream  named  the  New  Anio  to  Rome,  and  distributing  it 
there  into  a  number  of  handsome  reservoirs.  He  attempted 
a  still  greater  work,  namely,  the  draining  of  the  Fucine  lake, 
in  the  Marsian  country,  of  which  we  shall  hereafter  have 
occasion  to  speak.  Another  of  his  public  works  was  the 
rebuilding  of  the  theatre  of  Pompeius,  which  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  fire. 

The  conduct  of  Claudius  had  been  so  far  commendable; 
but  constancy  was  not  to  be  expected  in  a  man  of  his  feeble 
character.  It  was  observed  that  he  took  immoderate  delight 
in  the  barbarous  sports  of  the  amphitheatre,  and  hence  it  was 
inferred  that  he  would  shed  blood  without  any  repugnance; 
but  what  caused  greater  apprehension  was  his  absolute  sub- 
mission to  his  wife  and  freedmen,  of  whose  will  he  was 
merely  the  agent.  His  wife  was  Valeria  Messalina,  the 
daughter  of  his  cousin  Barbatus  Messala,  a  woman  whose 
name  has  become  proverbial  for  infamy.  His  most  distin- 
guished freedmen  were  the  eunuch  Posidus  ;  Felix,  whom 
he  tnade  governor  of  Judaea,  and  who  had  the  fortune  to  be 
the  husband  of  three  queens;  and  Callistus,  who  retained  the 
power  which  he  had  acquired  under  Caius.  But  far  supe- 
rior in  point  of  influence  to  these  were  the  three  secretaries, 
(as  we  may  term  them,)  Polybius,  Narcissus,  and  Pallas. 
The  first  was  the  assistant  of  his  studies,  (a  studiis,)  and 
ranked  so  hiorh  that  he  might  be  often  seen  walking  between 
the  two  consuls ;  Narcissus  was  his  private  secretary,  {ab 

*  Dion,  Ix.  11.  Suet.  Claud.  20.  Juvenal  (Sat.  xii.  7o,seq.)  also  de- 
scribes this  port. 


A.  D.  42.]         MESSALINA    AND    THE    FREEDMEN.  81 

epistolia ;)  and  Pallas  (the  brother  of  Felix)  was  treasurer, 
(a  ralionibus.)  The  two  last  were  in  strict  league  with 
Messalina;  she  only  sought  to  gratify  her  lusts;  they  longed 
for  honors,  power,  and  wealth ;  and  such  were  the  riches 
they  acquired,  that  when  Claudius  was  one  time  complain- 
ing of  the  poverty  of  his  excheciuer,  some  one  told  him  that 
he  would  be  rich  enough  if  he  could  induce  his  two  freed- 
men  to  take  him  into  partnership. 

Their  plan,  when  tliey  would  have  any  one  put  to  death, 
was  to  terrify  Claudius  (who,  like  weak  people  in  general, 
was  a  consummate  coward)  by  tales  of  plots  against  his  life. 
They  commenced  in  his  very  second  year,  by  assailing  C. 
Annajus  Silanus,  whom  Claudius  had  summoned  from  Spain, 
where  he  was  governor,  given  him  in  marriage  the  mother 
of  Messalina,  and  treated  him  as  one  of  his  most  intimate 
friends.  The  abandoned  Messalina  soon  cast  an  eye  of  lust 
on  her  stepfather ;  and,  on  his  rejecting  her  advances,  she 
plotted  with  Pallas  to  destroy  him.  Accordingly,  Pallas 
came,  early  one  Tuorning,  into  Claudius's  chamber,  and  told 
him  that  he  had  had  a  dream,  in  which  he  saw  him  slain 
by  Silanus.  Messalina  helped  to  increase  his  alarm,  and  an 
order  was  obtained  for  the  execution  of  the  innocent  no- 
bleman. 

Tiiis  wanton  murder  caused  general  alarm,  and  was  the 
occasion  of  a  conspiracy  against  Claudius,  in  which  the 
principal  person  engaged  was  Annasus  Vinicianus,  a  man  of 
high  rank.  As  he  had  no  force  to  oppose  to  the  guards,  he 
sent  to  Furius  Camillus  Scribonianus,  who  commanded  in 
Dalmatia,  inviting  him  to  join  in  the  conspiracy,  and  holding 
out  to  him  a  prospect  of  the  empire.  Camillus  assented; 
many  senators  and  knights  repaired  to  him  ;  he  took  the 
title  of  emperor,  and  wrote  to  Claudius,  desiring  him  to  re- 
tire into  a  private  station  —  a  command  which  the  feeble 
prince  had  thoughts  of  obeying.  But  the  legions  of  Ca- 
millus, though  at  first  inclined  to  second  him,  when  they 
heard  him  speak  of  the  people,  and  of  ancient  liberty,  began 
to  think  that  a  revolution  would  not  be  for  their  advantage. 
They  therefore  refused  to  obey  him,  and  he  fled  to  an  island 
off  the  coast,  and  put  an  end  to  his  life.  Messalina  and  the 
freedmen  now  gave  a  loose  to  their  passion  for  blood  and  for 
plunder.  Slaves  and  freedmen  were  admitted  as  witnesses 
against  their  masters  ;  and,  though  Claudius  had  sworn,  at 
his  accession,  that  no  freeman  should  be  put  to  the  torture, 
knights  and  senators,  citizens  and  strangers,  were  tortured 

K 


82  CLAUDIUS.  [a.  d.  43. 

alike.  Vinicianus  and  some  others  anticipated  the  execu- 
tioner. Men  and  women  perished  alike,  and  their  bodies 
were  indiscriminately  flung  down  the  Gemonian  Steps. 
Yet  some,  and  those  of  the  most  guilty,  escaped,  partly  by 
favor,  partly  by  money  given  to  the  freedmen  ;  and  the  chil- 
dren, without  exception,  of  those  who  perished  remained 
uninjured;  some  even  obtained  part  of  the  property  of  their 
family. 
^^  Among  those  who  suffered,  there  were  two  whose  cases 
are  deserving  of  notice.  Galaisus,  a  freedman  of  Camillus, 
when  brought  before  Claudius  and  the  senate,  exhibited 
great  constancy  and  courage.  Pallas,  stepping  forward 
presumptuously,  said  to  him,  "  What  would  you  have  done, 
Galsesus,  if  Camillus  had  become  the  monarch?  "  "  I  would 
have  stood  behind  him  and  held  my  tongue! "  was  the  reply 
of  the  undaunted  freedman.  The  other  case  was  that  of 
Csecina  Paetus  and  his  wife,  Arria.  When  Psetus,  who  was 
engaged  with  Camillus,  was  put  on  board  a  ship  to  be  con- 
veyed to  Rome,  Arria  besought  the  soldiers  to  allow  her  to 
go  in  the  vessel  with  him,  saying  that  surely  they  would  let 
a  man  of  consular  rank  have  some  slaves  to  dress  him  and 
to  attend  him  at  table,  and  that  she  would  discharge  these 
offices.  They,  however,  refused,  and  she  then  hired  a  small 
fishing-boat,  and  followed  the  ship.*  When  P;Btus  was  con- 
demned to  die,  this  high-minded  woman,  though  she  might 
have  lived  in  honor  by  the  favor  of  Messalina,  who  had 
much  regard  for  her,  disdained  to  survive  him ;  and  not 
merely  so,  but  when  she  saw  him  hesitating  to  die,  she  took 
the  sword,  and,  having  stabbed  herself,  handed  it  to  him, 
saying,  "See!  Psetus;  I  am  in  no  pain."  "They  were 
praised,"  adds  the  historian  Dion;  for,  from  the  continuance 
of  evil,  matters  were  come  to  that  state  that  nothing  but 
dying  courageously  was  counted  virtue. 

At  length,  when  no  more  victims  remained,  the  persecu- 
tion ceased,  (43.)  Claudius  then,  as  usual,  made  some  use- 
ful acts  of  legislation,  such  as  diminishing  the  number  of 
holidays,  and  obliging  governors  to  repair  betimes  to  their 
provinces,  and  not  to  remain  in  the  city.  He  also  deprived 
many  unworthy  persons  of  the  right  of  citizenship,  and  con- 
ferred it  on  others.  In  this  Messalina  and  the  freedmen 
carried  on  a  most  extensive  trade;  and,  in  their  eagerness  to 
catch  at  all   that  could   be   obtained,  they  brought  down  so 

*  Plin.  Ep.  iii.  16. 


A.  D.  44.]  CRUELTY    OF    MESSALINA.  83 

much  tlie  price,  (which  used  to  be  very  high,)  that  it  became 
a  common  saying  that  one  had  only  to  give  a  parcel  of  bro- 
ken glass  to  be  made  a  citizen. 

Messalina  now  set  no  bounds  to  her  vicious  courses.  Not 
content  with  being  infamous  herself,  she  would  have  others 
so;  and  she  actually  used  to  compel  ladies  to  prostitute 
themselves  even  in  the  palace,  and  before  the  eyes  of  their 
husbands,  whom  she  rewarded  with  honors  and  commands, 
while  she  contrived  to  destroy  those  who  would  not  acquiesce 
in  their  wives'  dishonor.  Her  cruelty  extended  also  to  her 
own  sex,  and  to  her  husband's  kindred;  she  had  already  (41) 
caused  Livilla  to  be  put  to  death,  on  a  charge  of  adultery, 
(in  which  the  philosopher  Seneca  was  implicated,  and  in 
consequence  exiled  to  Corsica;)  but  the  real  ground  of  of- 
fence was  Livilla's  beauty,  and  her  intimacy  with  her  uncle. 
She  now  became  jealous  of  Julia,  the  granddaughter  of  Ti- 
berius, whom  she  soon  contrived  to  deprive  of  life.  Mean- 
time her  own  excesses  were  unknown  to  her  husband,  for 
she  generally  caused  one  of  her  maids  to  occupy  her  place 
in  his  bed ;  and  she  bought  off  by  benefits,  or  anticipated  by 
punishments,  those  who  could  give  him  information.* 

The  wars  on  the  frontiers  had  been  of  late  against  the 
Germans  in  Europe,  and  the  Moors  in  Africa,  and  Ser. 
Sulpicius  Galba,  the  future  emperor,  had  vanquished  the 
Chattans,  and  C.  Suetonius  Paulinus  had  carried  the  Roman 
arms  to  the  foot  of  Atlas.  The  plan  of  conquering  Britain 
was  now  resumed,  and  partly  effected.!  An  exiled  British 
prince  having  applied  to  Claudius,  orders  were  sent  to  A. 
Plautius,  who  commanded  in  Gaul,  to  lead  his  troops  into 
the  island.  Plautius  obeyed,  and  subdued  a  part  of  the 
country  south  of  the  Thames.  At  his  desire,  Claudius  him- 
self proceeded  to  Britain;  and,  having  crossed  that  river, 
and  defeated  an  army  of  the  natives,  he  returned  to  Rome 
(after  a  stay  of  only  sixteen  days  in  the  island)  and  celebrated 
a  triumph,  (44.)  The  title  of  Britannicus  was  decreed  by 
the  senate  to  himself  and  to  his  young  son,  and  honors  were 
conferred  on  Messalina  similar  to  those  enjoyed  by  Livia 
Augusta. 

Little  of  importance  occurred  for  the  next  two  or  three 
years.     As  the  800th  year  of  the  city  arrived  in  his  reign, 

*  The  picture  of  the  depravity  of  this  abandoned  woman  given  by 
Juvenal  (vi.  114,  scq.)  is  not  overcharged. 

t  For  the  affairs  of  Britain,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  author's 
History  of  England. 


84  CLAUDIUS.  [a.  d.  47 

(47,)  Claudius  celebrated  the  ssecular  games,  alleging  (it 
would  seem  with  truth,  though  he  had  asserted  the  contrary 
in  his  own  historical  works)  that  Augustus  had  anticipated 
the  proper  time.  The  proclamation  being  made  in  the  usual 
form,  caused  a  good  deal  of  merriment ;  for  the  crier  invited 
the  people  to  games  "  which  no  one  had  seen  before  nor 
would  ever  see  again,"  whereas  there  were  many  who  well 
remembered  those  of  Augustus  in  the  year  737,  and  even 
some  of  the  actors  who  had  then  performed  appeared  now 
on  the  stajre.* 

While  Claudius  was  celebrating  his  frames,  and  reijula- 
ting,  often  advantageously,  the  affairs  of  the  empire,  Messali- 
na  still  ran  her  mad  career  of  vice,  often  making  her  stupid 
husband  the  broker,  as  it  were,  of  her  pleasures.  Thus, 
when  Mnester,  a  celebrated  dancer,  with  whom  she  fell 
violently  in  love,  could  be  seduced  neither  by  her  promises 
nor  her  threats,  she  obtained  from  Claudius  (pretending  some 
other  purpose)  an  order  to  him  to  do  whatever  she  should 
require  of  him.  Mnester  therefore,  thinking  that  she  had 
full  license  from  her  husband,  complied  with  her  desires. 
The  same  was  the  case  with  many  others,  who  deemed  that 
they  were  acting  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  prince 
when  intrifjuing  with  his  wife. 

The  chief  object  of  her  affection  at  this  time  was  C.  Sil- 
ius,  the  handsomest  man  in  Rome,  and  then  consul  elect. 
She  drove  away  his  wife,  Junia  Silana,  that  she  might  have 
the  sole  possession  of  him;  and  Silius,  knowing  that  to  re- 
fuse would  be  his  destruction,  while  by  compliance  he  might 
possibly  escape,  yielded  to  his  fUe.  The  adulteress  had 
now  become  so  secure,  that  she  disdained  concealment ;  she 
went  openly  to  his  house ;  she  heaped  wealth  and  honors 
on  him;  the  slaves,  the  freedmen,  the  whole  property,  as  it 
were,  of  the  prince,  were  transferred  to  the  house  of  her 
paramour.  Messalina  thought  not  of  danger;  but  Silius  saw 
that  he  was  so  deep  in  guilt,  that  he  or  Claudius  must  fall. 
He  therefore  proposed  to  his  mistress  the  murder  of  her 
husband,  and  the  seizure  of  the  supreme  power,  offering 
then  to  marry  her,  and  to  adopt  her  son.  She  hesitated, 
not  from  affection  to  her  husband,  but  from  fear  lest  Silius 
should,  when  in  power,  cast  her  off.  The  prospect  of  a 
more  eminent  degree  of  infamy  finally  prevailed  with  her, 

*  [Both  these  statements  are  highly  improbable,  not  to  say  impossi- 
ble, no  less  than  G3  years  having  passed  between  the  times.  —  J.  T.  S.l 


A.  D.  48.]  CONDUCT    OF    MESSALJNA.  85 

and  she   even   resolved   to   become  the  wife  of  Silius  at 
once. 

What  followed,  Tacitus  thought  would  be  regarded  as  so 
utterly  beyond  belief,  that  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  assure 
his  readers,  that  he  faithfully  recorded  the  accounts  trans- 
mitted by  contemporary  writers.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
absence  of  Claudius,  who  was  gone  to  celebrate  a  sacrifice 
at  Ostia,  (48,)  Messalina  and  Silius  had  their  marriage  pub- 
licly performed,  with  all  the  requisite  forms  and  ceremonies; 
and,  as  it  was  now  the  season  of  the  vintage,  they  and  their 
friends,  habited  as  Bacchanals,  acted  all  kinds  of  extrav- 
aorances  in  the  crardens  of  Silius's  house.  The  freedmen, 
meantime,  consulted  how  they  should  act.  The  confidence 
between  them  and  Messalina  was  at  an  end,  for  she  had 
caused  Polybius  to  be  put  to  death,  and  they  saw  that  no 
reliance  could  be  placed  on  her.  The  others  hesitated,  but 
Narcissus  resolved  to  run  all  risks,  and  inform  Claudius  of 
her  conduct.  Having  made  the  rest  promise  not  to  give 
Messalina  any  warning,  he  hastened  down  to  Ostia,  and 
there  prevailed  on  Calpurnia  and  Cleopatra,  two  mistresses 
of  the  prince,  to  communicate  to  him  the  intelligence. 
Accordingly,  when  they  were  alone  with  him,  Calpurnia, 
throwing  herself  at  his  knees,  exclaimed  that  Messalina  was 
married  to  Silius;  Cleopatra  confirmed  her  words;  Narcissus 
was  then  called  in.  He  craved  pardon  for  having  concealed 
her  former  transgressions,  but  said  that  this  was  a  more  se- 
rious  case,  and  that  the  empire  itself  was  at  stake.  Claudius 
then  consulted  with  his  friends,  and  it  was  their  unanimous 
opinion  that  he  should  hasten  at  once  to  the  camp  of  the 
pra!torians,  and  secure  their  fidelity.  As,  however,  Geta,  their 
commander,  could  not  be  relied  on,  Narcissus,  seconded  by 
those  who  stood  in  equal  peril  with  himself,  declared  that  it 
was  absolutely  necessary  that  the  command  of  the  guards 
should  for  that  one  day  be  transferred  to  one  of  the  freed- 
men, and  offered  to  take  the  charge  on  himself  Then,  fear- 
ing lest  L.  Vitellius  and  P.  Largus  Caecina,  who  were  the 
creatures  of  Messalina,  should  succeed  in  moving  Claudius 
to  pity  on  his  way  to  Rome,  he  asked  and  obtained  a  seat  in 
the  same  carriage  with  him  and  them. 

Intelligence  of  what  was  going  on  at  Ostia  soon  reached 
Rome.  The  guilty  pair  were  struck  with  consternation. 
Messalina  retired  to  the  gardens  of  Lucullus,  for  the  sake  of 
which  (a  Roman  Jezebel)  she  had,  by  means  of  her  creature 
L.  Vitellius,  lately  caused  their  owner,  Valerius  Asiaticus, 

CONTIN.  8 


86  CLAUDIUS,  [a.  d.  48. 

to  be  judicially  murdered.  Silius,  to  conceal  his  fears,  went 
about  his  public  duties ;  but  some  centurions  soon  arrived, 
who  put  him  and  many  others  in  bonds.  Messalina  resolved 
to  try  the  effect  of  her  presence  on  her  weak  husband.  She 
ordered  his  children  Britannicus  and  Octavia  to  be  brought 
to  her ;  she  implored  Vibidia,  the  eldest  of  the  Vestals,  to 
come  and  intercede  for  her.  She  then,  with  only  three  com- 
panions, crossed  the  city  on  foot,  and,  getting  into  a  gar- 
dener's cart,  set  out  on  the  road  to  Ostia. 

When  she  met  her  husband,  she  cried  out  to  him  from  afar 
to  hear  the  mother  of  Octavia  and  Britannicus;  but  Narcis- 
sus reiterated  Silius  and  her  marriage,  and  gave  Claudius 
the  records  of  her  infamy  to  read.  As  he  was  entering  the 
city,  his  children  were  presented  to  him  ;  but  Narcissus 
desired  them  to  be  removed.  Vibidia  then  appeared,  and 
required  that  he  would  not  condemn  his  wife  unheard.  Nar- 
cissus replied  that  she  should  have  an  opportunity  of  defend- 
ing herself,  and  bade  the  Vestal  meantime  to  go  and  attend 
to  her  sacred  duties. 

Narcissus  conducted  Claudius  to  the  house  of  Silius,  that 
he  micrht  have  ocular  proof  of  his  guilt.  He  thence  took 
him  to  the  camp,  where  Claudius,  at  his  dictation,  addressed 
a  few  words  to  the  soldiers,  who  replied  with  a  shout,  calling 
for  judgment  on  the  guilty.  Silius  was  brought  before  the 
tribunal ;  he  made  no  defence,  and  only  prayed  for  a  speedy 
death.  His  example  was  followed  by  several  illustrious 
knights.  The  only  case  that  caused  any  delay  was  that  of 
the  dancer  Mnester,  who  pleaded  the  prince's  command  for 
what  he  had  done.  Claudius  was  dubious  how  to  act ;  but 
the  freedmen  urged  that  it  would  be  folly  to  think  of  a  player 
when  so  many  noblemen  were  put  to  death,  and  that  it  mat- 
tered not  whether  he  acted  voluntarily  or  not  in  committing 
such  a  crime.     Mnester  also  was  therefore  put  to  death. 

Messalina  had  returned  to  the  gardens  of  Lucullus.  She 
did  not  yet  despair,  if  she  could  but  get  access  to  her  husband. 
As  Claudius,  when  he  grew  warm  with  wine  at  his  dinner, 
desired  some  one  to  go  tell  that  wretched  woman  (so  he 
termed  her)  to  be  prepared  to  make  her  defence  the  next 
day.  Narcissus  saw  that  all  was  again  at  stake.  He  there- 
fore ran  out,  and  told  the  tribune  and  centurions  on  guard 
that  the  emperor  had  ordered  his  wife  to  be  put  to  death. 
They  proceeded  to  the  gardens  of  Lucullus,  where  they  found 
her  lying  on  the  ground,  her  mother  Lepida,  who  in  her 
prosperity  had  avoided  her,  sitting  beside  her,  and  persuading 


A.  D.  48.]  DEATH    OF    MESSALINA.  87 

her  to  take  refuge  in  a  voluntary  dealli.  The  unfortunate 
woman's  mind,  however,  was  too  much  enervated  by  kixury 
for  her  to  possess  sufficient  courage  for  such  an  act.  The 
freedman  who  accompanied  the  officers  having  loaded  her 
with  abuse,  she  took  a  sword  and  made  some  ineffectual  at- 
tempts to  stab  herself;  the  tribune  then  ran  her  through. 
Claudius,  when  informed  of  her  fate,  testified  neither  joy  nor 
grief.  By  a  decree  of  the  senate,  all  memorials  of  Messalina 
were  abolished,  and  the  qu.TGStorian  ensigns  were  voted  to 
Narcissus. 

The  freedmen  now  had  the  task  of  selecting  another  wife 
for  their  feeble  prince,  who  was  not  capable  of  leading  a 
single  life,  and  who  was  sure  to  be  governed  by  the  successful 
candidate.  The  principal  women  in  Rome  were  ambitious 
of  the  honor  of  sharing  the  bed  of  tlie  imperial  idiot ;  but 
the  claims  of  all  were  forced  to  yield  to  those  of  Lollia 
Paulina,  the  former  wife  of  Cains,  Julia  Agrippina,  the 
daughter  of  Germanicus,  and  JFA'ia.  Petina,  Claudius's  own 
divorced  wife.  The  first  was  patronized  by  Callistus,  the 
second  by  Pallas,  the  last  by  Narcissus.  Agrippina,  how- 
ever, in  consequence  of  her  frequent  access  to  her  uncle, 
easily  triumphed  over  her  rivals ;  the  only  difficulty  that  pre- 
sented itself  was  that  of  a  marriage  between  uncle  and  niece 
being  contrary  to  Roman  manners,  and  being  even  regarded 
as  incestuous.  This  difficulty,  however,  the  compliant  L. 
Vitellius,  who  was  then  censor,  undertook  to  remove.  He 
addressed  the  senate,  stating  the  necessity  of  a  domestic 
partner  to  a  prince  who  had  on  him  such  weighty  public 
cares.  He  then  launched  forth  in  praise  of  Agrippina ;  as 
to  the  objection  of  the  nearness  of  kindred,  such  unions,  he 
said,  were  practised  among  other  nations,  and,  at  one  time, 
first  cousins  did  not  use  to  marry,  which  now  they  did  so 
commonly.  The  servile  assembly  outran  the  speaker  in 
zeal ;  tliey  rushed  out  of  the  house,  and  a  promiscuous  rab- 
ble collected,  shouting  that  such  was  the  wish  of  the  Roman 
people.  Claudius  repaired  to  the  senate-house,  and  caused 
a  decree  to  be  made  legalizing  marriages  between  uncles  and 
nieces;  and  he  then  formally  espoused  Agrippina,  Yet  such 
was  the  lisht  in  which  the  incestuous  union  was  viewed, 
that,  corrupt  as  the  Roman  character  was  become,  only  two 
persons  were  found  to  follow  the  imperial  e.vample.* 

*  The  Church  of  Rome  forhitls  botli  these  marriages,  but  grants  dis- 
pensations for  them.     In  Popisli  countries,  the  marriages  of  uncle  and 


88  CLAUDIUS.  [a.  d.  48-52. 

Agrippina  also  proposed  to  unite  her  son  Doniitius  with 
Octavia,  the  daughter  of  Claudius;  but  here  there  was  a 
difficulty  also,  fur  Octavia  was  betrothed  to  L.  Silanus. 
Again,  however,  she  found  a  ready  tool  in  the  base  Vitellius, 
to  whose  son  Junia  Calvina,  the  sister  of  Silanus,  had  been 
married.  As  the  brother  and  sister  indulged  their  affection 
imprudently,  though  not  improperly,  the  worthy  censor  took 
the  occasion  to  make  a  charge  of  incest  against  Silanus,  and 
to  strike  him  out  of  the  list  of  senators.  Claudius  then 
broke  off  the  match,  and  Silanus  put  an  end  to  himself  on 
the  very  day  of  Agrippina's  marriage.  His  sister  was  ban- 
ished, and  Claudius  ordered  some  ancient  rites  e.xpiatory  of 
incest  to  be  performed,  unconscious  of  the  application  of 
them  which  would  be  made  to  himself 

The  woman  who  had  now  obtained  the  government  of 
Claudius  and  the  Roman  empire,  was  of  a  very  different 
character  from  the  abandoned  Messalina.  The  latter  had 
nothing  noble  about  her  ;  she  was  the  mere  bondslave  of  lust, 
and  cruel  and  avaricious  only  for  its  gratification  ;  but  Agrip- 
pina was  a  woman  of  superior  mind,  though  utterly  devoid 
of  principle.  In  her,  lust  was  subservient  to  ambition;  it 
was  the  desire  of  power,  or  the  fear  of  death,  and  not  wanton- 
ness, that  made  her  submit  to  the  incestuous  embraces  of  her 
brutal  brother  Caius,  and  to  be  prostituted  to  the  companions 
of  his  vices.  It  was  ambition  and  parental  love  that  made 
her  now  form  an  incestuous  union  with  her  uncle.  To 
neither  of  her  husbands,  Cn.  Domitius  or  Crispus  Passienus, 
does  she  appear  to  have  been  voluntarily  unfaithful ;  the  bed 
of  Claudius  was,  however,  not  fated  to  be  unpolluted  ;  for,  as 
a  means  of  advancing  her  views,  Agrippina  formed  an  illicit 
connection  with  Pallas. 

The  great  object  of  Agrippina  was  to  exclude  Britannicus, 
and  obtain  the  succession  for  her  own  son,  Nero  Domitius, 
now  a  boy  of  twelve  years  of  age.  She  therefore  caused 
Octavia  to  be  betrothed  to  him,  and  she  had  the  philosopher 
Seneca  recalled  from  Corsica,  whither  he  had  been  exiled  by 
the  arts  of  Messalina,  and  committed  to  him  the  education  of 
her  son,  that  he  might  be  fitted  for  empire.  In  the  following 
year,  (51,)  Claudius,  yielding  to  her  influence,  adopted  him. 

In  order  to  bring  Nero  forward,  Agrippina  caused  him  to 
assume  the  virile  toga  before  the  usual  age,  (•'>2;)  and  the 

niece  are  common.     The  late  queen  of  Portugal  was  married  to  her 
uncle ;  the  present  has  married  two  brothers  in  succession. 


A. 


D.  52-55.]  AGRIPPINA.  89 


servile  senate  desired  of  Claudius  that  he  might  be  consul  at 
the  age  of  twenty,  and  meantime  be  elect  with  proconsular 
power  without  the  city.  A  donative  was  given  to  the  sol- 
diers, and  a  congiary  [congiarium)  to  the  people,  in  his 
name.  At  the  Circensian  games,  given  to  gain  the  people, 
Nero  appeared  in  the  triumphal  habit;  Britannicus,  in  a 
sxm'^le  praetrrta.  Every  one  who  showed  any  attachment  to 
this  poor  youth,  was  removed,  on  one  pretence  or  another, 
and  he  was  surrounded  with  the  creatures  of  Agrippina. 
Finally,  as  the  two  commanders  of  the  guards  were  supposed 
to  be  attached  to  the  interests  of  the  children  of  Messalina, 
she  persuaded  Claudius  that  their  discipline  would  be  much 
improved  if  they  were  placed  under  one  commander.  Ac- 
cordingly, those  officers  were  removed,  and  the  command 
was  given  to  Burrus  Afranius,  a  man  of  high  character  for 
probity,  and  of  great  military  reputation,  and  who  knew  to 
whom  he  was  indebted  for  his  elevation. 

The  pride  and  haughtiness  of  Agrippina  far  transcended 
any  thing  that  Rome  had  as  yet  witnessed  in  a  woman. 
When  (.51)  the  British  prince  Caractacus  and  his  family, 
whom  P.  Ostorius  had  sent  captives  to  the  emperor,  were  led 
before  him,  as  he  sat  on  his  tribunal  in  the  plain  under  the 
praetorian  camp,  with  all  the  troops  drawn  out,  Agrippina 
appeared,  seated  on  another  tribunal,  as  the  partner  of  his 
power.  And  again,  when  (53)  the  letting  off  of  the  Fucine 
lake  was  celebrated  with  a  naval  combat,  she  presided  with 
him,  habited  in  a  military  cloak  of  cloth  of  gold. 

Agrippina  at  length  (55)  grew  weary  of  delay,  or  fearful 
of  discovery.  Narcissus,  who  saw  at  what  she  was  aiming, 
appeared  resolved  to  exert  all  his  influence  in  favor  of  Bri- 
tannicus; and  Claudius  himself,  one  day,  when  he  was 
drunk,  was  heard  to  say,  that  it  was  his  fate  to  bear  with  the 
infamy  of  his  wives,  and  then  to  punish  it.  He  had  also 
begun  to  show  peculiar  marks  of  affection  for  Britannicus. 
She  therefore  resolved  to  act  without  delay;  and,  as  Clau- 
dius, having  become  unwell,  had  retired  to  Sinuessa  for 
change  of  air  and  the  benefit  of  the  waters,  she  proposed  to 
take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  thus  presented.  She  pro- 
cured, from  a  woman  named  Locusta,  infamous  for  her  skill 
in  poisoning,  a  poison  of  the  most  active  nature.  The  eu- 
nuch Halotus,  who  was  his  taster,  then  infused  it  in  a  dish 
of  mushrooms,  a  kind  of  food  in  which  he  delighted.  The 
poison,  however,  acted  violently  on  his  bowels,  and  Agrippi- 
na, in  dismay  lest  he  should  recover,  made  a  physician  who 
8*  L 


90  NERO. 

was  at  hand  introduce  a  poisoned  feather  into  his  throat,  by 
way  of  making  him  discharge  his  stomach;  and  in  this  man- 
ner the  nefarious  deed  was  completed.  The  death  of  Clau- 
dius was  concealed  till  all  the  preparations  for  the  succession 
of  Nero  should  be  made,  and  the  fortunate  hour  marked  by 
the  astrologers  be  arrived.  He  then  (Oct.  18)  issued  from 
the  palace,  accompanied  by  Burrus ;  and,  being  cheered  by 
the  cohort  which  was  on  guard,  he  mounted  a  litter,  and 
proceeded  to  the  camp.  He  addressed  the  soldiers,  prom- 
ising them  a  donative,  and  was  saluted  emperor.  The  senate 
and  provinces  acquiesced  without  a  murmur  in  the  will  of 
the  guards.  ^ 

Claudius  was  in  his  sixty-fourth  year  when  he  was  poi- 
soned ;  and  he  had  reigned  thirteen  years  and  nine  months, 
wanting  a  few  days. 


CHAPTER  VI.* 

NERO    CLAUDIUS    CiESAR. 

A.  u.  808—821.     A.  D.  55—68. 

DECLINE  OF  AGRIPPINA's  POWER. POISONING  OF  BRITANNICUS. 

MURDER  OF  AGRIPPINA. NERO  APPEARS  ON  THE  STAGE. 

MURDER  OF  OCTAVIA. EXCESSES  OF  NERO. BURNING 

OF  ROME. CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  NERO. DEATH  OF  SEN- 
ECA.  DEATHS  OF  PETRONIUS,  THRASEAS,  AND  SORANUS. 

NERO  VISITS  GREECE. GALBA  PROCLAIMED  EMPEROR. 

DEATH  OF  NERO. 

The  new  emperor  t  was  only  seventeen  years  of  age.  On 
account  of  his  youth  and  his  obligations  to  her,  Agrippina 
hoped  to  enjoy  the  power  of  the  state ;  but  Nero  was  not 
feeble-minded,  like  Claudius,  and  Seneca  and  Burrus  were 
resolved  to  keep  in  check  the  influence  of  a  haughty,  unprin- 
cipled woman.  All  outward  honors,  however,  were  shown 
her.  When  the  tribune,  according  to  custom,  asked  the 
emperor  for  the  word,  he  gave,  '  My  best  Mother ; '  the  sen- 

*  Authorities:  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  Dion. 

t  Wo  sliall  henceforth  employ  this  term.  Its  original  meaning  must 
be  familiar  to  the  reader. 


A.  D.  56.J         DECLINE    OF    AGRIPPINa's    POWER.  91 

ate  decreed  her  sundry  privileges,  but  Burrus  and  Seneca 
checked  her  iust  of  blood.  She  had,  however,  caused  Junius 
Silanus,  the  proconsul  of  Asia,  to  be  poisoned  for  being  of  the 
imperial  family,  and  she  forced  Narcissus  to  be  his  own  exe- 
cutioner. When  the  senators  were  summoned  to  the  palace 
on  any  affair  of  state,  she  used  to  stand  behind  the  door  cur- 
tain, that  she  might  be  present  and  share  in  the  debate  with- 
out beinijf  seen  ;  and  when  ambassadors  came  from  Armenia, 
she  was  about  to  ascend  the  tribunal  with  her  son,  had  not 
Seneca  bidden  the  emperor  to  go  and  meet  his  mother ;  and 
thus,  by  the  show  of  filial  duty,  the  disgrace  to  the  majesty  of 
Rome  was  avoided. 

All  now  was  full  of  promise.  The  young  emperor  made 
speeches,  the  compositions  of  Seneca,  replete  with  sentiments 
of  clemency  and  justice,  lie  declared  that  Augustus  should 
be  his  model  in  government.  He  diminished  the  taxes,  and 
reduced  the  rewards  of  informers  to  a  fourth.  When  re- 
quired to  sign  the  warrant  for  the  execution  of  a  criminal, 
"  How  I  could  wish,"  said  he,  "that  I  were  ignorant  of  let- 
ters!" He  practised  many  popular  arts,  and  acted  in  a  char- 
acter easy  to  assume,  but  difficult  to  maintain  if  not  prompted 
by  nature. 

The  power  of  Agrippina  received  its  first  shock  (56)  by 
the  passion  of  her  son  for  a  freedwoman  named  Acte,  a  native 
of  Asia,  and,  as  he  fiin  would  have  it.  a  descendant  of  the 
kino-s  of  Pergamus.  His  graver  friends  were  willing  to  wink 
at  this  attachment,  for,  as  he  testified  an  aversion  for  his 
chaste  and  modest  wife,  Octavia,  they  thought  it  would  be  a 
moans  of  keeping  him  from  debauching  women  of  rank. 
But  the  violent  Agrippina  at  first  set  no  bounds  to  her  rage; 
then,  passing  to  the  other  extremes,  she  ofliered  him  her  purse 
and  her  apartments  for  the  gratification  of  his  wishes.  Nero 
and  his  friends,  however,  saw  through  her  arts,  and  the  plan 
for  reducing  her  power  was  steadily  pursued.  Accordingly 
Pallas  was  now  deprived  of  his  office  of  treasurer.  This  again 
drove  her  furious;  she  menaced  her  son  with  setting  up  Bri- 
tannicus  against  him,  declaring  that  she  would  take  him  to  the 
camp,  and,  as  the  daughter  of  Germanicus,  appeal  to  the  sol- 
diers against  her  unworthy  son. 

Nero  now  became  alarmed ;  he  knew  of  what  his  mother 
was  capable,  and  a  late  incident*  had  shown  him  that  Britan- 

*  In  the  Saturnalia,  when  boys  were,  as  usual,  giving  the  kingdom 
by  lot,  it  fell  to  Nero.     As  all  were  then  bound  to  obey  his  commands, 


92  NERO.  [a.d.  56. 

nicus  was  not  without  spirit,  and  was  possessed  of  friends.  He 
therefore  resolved  to  remove  him,  and  for  this  purpose  had  a 
poison  procured  from  Locusta,  and  administered  by  those 
about  the  youth.  It  proved,  however,  too  weak;  and  the  em- 
peror, sending  for  Locusta,  beat  her  with  his  own  hands,  and 
made  her  prepare  a  stronger  dose,  of  which  he  made  trial  on 
a  kid  and  a  pig,  till  he  was  satisfied  of  its  efficacy.  He  then 
had  it  brought  into  the  dining-room,  and  given  in  some  cold 
water  to  Britannicus,  as  he  sat  at  dinner.  The  unhappy  youth 
dropped  suddenly  dead  ;  Nero  said  carelessly,  that  he  had 
been  subject  to  epilepsy  from  his  infancy,  and  that  he  would 
soon  recover.  Agrippina  was  struck  with  terror  and  conster- 
nation, but  did  not  venture  to  express  them.  Octavia,  young 
as  she  was,  had  learned  to  conceal  her  feelings.  So,  after  a 
brief  interval  of  silence,  the  entertainment  was  resumed.  The 
body  of  Britannicus  was  burnt  that  very  night,  the  arrange- 
ments for  it  having  been  previously  made. 

To  stifle  the  memory  of  this  atrocious  deed,  Nero  be- 
stowed large  gifts  on  the  persons  about  him  of  most  influ- 
ence. By  many  Seneca  and  Burrus  were  much  blamed  for 
accepting  them,  while  others  excused  them  by  the  plea  of  ne- 
cessity. Nothing,  however,  could  soften  Agrippina  ;  she  em- 
braced Octavia;  she  held  secret  meetings  with  her  friends; 
she  collected  money;  she  courted  the  officers  of  the  guards; 
she  treated  the  remaining  nobility  with  great  respect.  Nero, 
in  return,  deprived  her  of  the  guard  of  honor  which  had  been 
hitherto  assigned  her,  appointed  a  different  part  of  the  palace 
for  her  residence,  and  never  visited  her  without  a  party  of 
centurions. 

The  enemies  of  Agrippina  were  now  imboldened  to  attack 
her  life.  Junia  Silana,*  who  had  been  her  intimate  friend, 
irritated  by  her  having  been  the  means  of  depriving  her  of  an 
advantageous  match,  caused  two  of  her  clients,  named  Iturius 
and  Calvitius,  to  accuse  her  of  a  design  to  marry  Rubellius 
Plautus,  who  was  related  to  Augustus  in  the  same  degree 
that  Nero  was,  and  to  set  him  up  as  his  rival  for  the  empire. 
This  information  was  communicated  to  Atimetus,  a  freed- 
man  of  Domitia,  Nero's  aunt,  who  also  was  at  enmity  with 

he  ordered  Britannicus  to  stand  in  the  middle  and  sing  a  song.  Bri- 
tannicus obeyed  ;  but  the  song  lie  sang  was  one  expressive  of  his  own 
fate  in  being  cast  out  from  empire  and  his  paternal  seat.  Tac.  An. 
xiii.  15.  It  is,'  probably  to  this  play  that  Horace  alludes,  Ep.  i.  1,  59. 
It  is  also  the  original  of  our  Twelfth-day  kings. 
*  See  above,  p.  84. 


A.  D.  56-59.]  ATTACK    ON    AGRIPPINA.  93 

Agrippina  ;  and  he  urged  Paris  the  actor,  another  of  her  freed- 
uien,  to  go  at  once  and  inform  the  emperor  of  the  danger  that 
menaced  him.  Paris  hastened  to  the  pahice.  It  was  late  at 
night  when  lie  arrived.  Nero,  who  had  been  drinking  freely, 
was  dreadfully  alarmed  at  this  intelligence.  In  the  first  ac- 
cess of  his  terror,  he  would  have  had  both  his  mother  and 
Plautus  put  to  death  immediately  ;  but  he  was  withheld  for  the 
present  by  the  instances  of  Eurrus.  In  the  morning,  Burrus, 
Seneca,  and  some  of  the  freedmen,  waited  on  Agrippina. 
She  treated  the  charge  with  disdain,  exposed  its  absurdity, 
and  assigned  the  motives  of  its  inventors.  She  insisted  on 
being  admitted  to  an  audience  of  her  son;  and,  when  she  saw 
him,  she  demanded,  and  she  obtained,  rewards  for  her  friends, 
and  vengeance  on  her  enemies.  Silana  was  exiled,  Calvitius 
and  Iturius  were  relegated,  Atimetus  was  put  to  death;  but 
Paris  was  too  necessary  to  the  pleasures  of  the  prince  to 
allow  of  his  being  punished. 

Pallas  and  Burrus  were  now  accused  of  a  design  to  set  up 
Cornelius  Sulla,  the  son-in-law  of  Claudius.  But  the  charge 
was  so  manifestly  absurd,  that  the  accuser  was  sent  into 
exile.  A  remarkable  instance  of  the  pride  and  insolence  of 
Pallas  appeared  on  this  occasion ;  when  the  freedmen  who 
were  his  confidants  were  named,  he  replied  that  in  his  house 
he  always  indicated  his  wishes  by  a  nod  or  by  a  sign  of  his 
hand,  or,  if  many  things  were  to  be  expressed,  he  wrote  them 
down,  that  he  might  not  mingle  his  voice  with  those  of  his 
servants. 

Little  of  importance  occurred  at  Rome  during  the  three 
succeeding  years.  The  matter  of  most  note  was  the  connec- 
tion which  Nero  formed  (59)  with  a  lady  named  Popp^a 
Sabina.  This  woman,  who,  as  Tacitus  remarks,  possessed 
every  thing  but  virtue,  was  at  this  time  married  to  M.  Salvius 
Otho,  for  whom  she  had  quitted  her  former  husband,  Rufius 
Crispinus.  Otho,  who  was  one  of  Nero's  greatest  intimates, 
could  not  refrain  from  boasting  frequently  before  him  of  the 
beauty  and  elegance  of  his  wife.  Nero's  desires  were  in- 
flamed ;  he  soon  managed  to  become  acquainted  with  Pop- 
paea;  and  this  artful  woman  pretended  to  be  captivated  with 
his  beauty,  but  at  the  same  time  declared  that  she  was  strong- 
ly attached  to  Otho,  on  account  of  the  noble  and  splendid  life 
which  he  led,  while  Nero,  the  associate  of  the  freedwoman 
Acte,  could  not  be  expected  to  be  any  thing  but  mean  and 
servile.     This  line  of  conduct  succeeded  completely;  Nero 


94 


NERO.  [a.  d.  59-60. 


became  all  her  own,  and  Otho,  that  he  might  not  be  in  the 
way  of  their  amours,  was  sent  out  as  governor  of  Lusitania. 

It  was  now  that  Agrippina  was  in  real  danger.  Poppaja, 
whose  power  over  her  lover  continually  increased,  knew  that, 
as  long  as  his  mother  lived,  she  could  not  hope  to  succeed  in 
making  him  divorce  Octavia  and  marry  herself  She  there- 
fore had  recourse  to  her  usual  arts,  calling  him  a  ward,  tell- 
ing him  that  he  did  not  possess  freedom,  much  less  empire; 
and  tauntingly  asking  him,  was  it  on  account  of  her  noble  an- 
cestors, or  her  beauty,  or  her  fecundity,  or  her  spirit,  that  he 
delayed  espousing  her,  and  so  forth. 

Tacitus  relates,  on  the  authority  of  several  writers,  and  of 
common  fame,  that  Agrippina's  desire  for  the  retention  of 
power  was  such,  that  she  actually  sought  to  seduce  her  son 
to  the  commission  of  incest;  and  her  design  was  only  prevent- 
ed by  Seneca's  making  Acte  tell  the  prince  that  the  fame  of 
it  was  gone  abroad,  and  that  the  soldiers  would  not  submit  to 
the  rule  of  a  profane  prince.  Others  said  that  the  guilty 
party  was  Nero  himself,  but  that  he  was  diverted  from  his  de- 
sign by  Acte,  as  just  related.  Nothing,  we  fear,  is  too  bad  to 
be  believed  of  either  mother  or  son. 

Be  the  truth  as  it  may,  Nero  henceforth  avoided  all  occa- 
sions of  being  alone  with  his  mother  ;  and  he  secretly  resolved 
on  her  death.  The  difficulty  was  how  to  accomplish  it;  poi- 
son was  out  of  the  question  against  a  woman  of  such  cau- 
tion ;  a  violent  death  could  not  be  concealed,  and  he  also 
feared  that  he  could  get  no  one  to  attempt  her  life.  At  length 
Anicetus,  a  freedman  who  commanded  the  fleet  at  Misenum, 
proposed  the  expedient  of  a  ship  which  should  go  to  pieces. 
The  prince  embraced  the  idea,  and,  as  he  was  spending  the 
festival  of  the  Quinquatrus  at  Baiaj,  (GO,)  he  invited  his 
mother,  who  was  at  Antium,  to  visit  him  there,  saying  that 
children  should  bear  with  the  temper  of  their  parents.  He 
met  her  on  the  way,  and  conducted  her  to  a  villa  named 
Bauli,  on  the  sea-coast.  Among  the  vessels  lying  there  was 
one  superior  to  the  others,  as  if  to  do  her  honor.  She  was 
invited  to  proceed  in  it  to  Baiae ;  but  it  is  said  that  she  had 
gotten  warning,  and  therefore  declined,  and  proceeded  thither 
in  her  litter.  The  caresses  of  her  son,  however,  dispelled  her 
suspicions,  if  she  had  any ;  the  banquet  was  prolonged  into 
the  night,  and,  when  she  rose  to  depart,  the  emperor  attended 
her  to  the  shore  where  she  was  to  embark,  and,  as  he  was 
taking  leave  of  her,  he  kissed  her  eyes  and  bosom  repeatedly, 


A.  D.  60.]  MURDER    OF    AGRIPPINA.  95 

either  the  more  completely  to  veil  his  purpose,  or  possibly 
from  some  remnants  of  the  feelings  of  nature. 

The  night  was  starlight  —  the  sea  was  calm  :  Agrippina, 
attended  only  by  Creperius  Gallus  and  her  maid  Acerronia, 
went  on  board.  The  vessel  had  proceeded  but  a  little  way, 
when,  as  Creperius  was  standing  near  the  helm,  and  Acerronia 
was  reclining  over  the  feet  of  her  mistress,  and  congratulating 
her  on  the  recent  reconciliation,  the  deck,  which  was  laden 
with  lead,  at  a  given  signal  came  down  on  them :  Creperius 
was  killed  on  the  spot ;  the  strength  of  the  sides  of  the  bed 
saved  Agrippina  and  Acerronia ;  the  ship  did  not  go  to 
pieces,  as  intended.  The  rowers  then  attempted  to  sink  it, 
by  inclining  it  to  one  side,  but  did  not  succeed.  Acerronia 
foolishly  crying  out  that  she  was  Agrippina,  and  calling  to 
them  to  aid  the  mother  of  the  prince,  was  despatched  with 
blows  of  boat-hooks  and  oars.  Agrippina,  who  preserved 
silence,  oidy  received  a  wound  in  the  shoulder ;  and  she 
floated  along  till  slie  was  picked  up  by  some  small  boats, 
and  conveyed  to  her  villa  on  the  Lucrine  lake.  She  now 
saw  through  the  whole  design  of  her  impious  son  ;  but,  deem- 
ing it  her  wisest  course  to  dissemble,  she  sent  Agerinus,  one 
of  her  freedmen,  to  inform  him  of  the  escape  which  the 
goodness  of  the  gods  had  vouchsafed  her,  begging  him  not 
to  come  to  visit  her,  as  she  required  repose. 

Nero's  consternation  was  extreme  when  he  heard  of  her 
escape.  He  deemed  that  she  would  now  set  no  bounds  to 
her  vengeance ;  that  she  would  arm  her  slaves,  and  appeal  to 
the  soldiers,  the  senate,  and  the  people,  against  her  parricidal 
son.  He  summoned  Burrus  and  Seneca  to  advise  him.  They 
both  maintained  a  long  silence  :  at  length  Seneca,  seeing 
that  either  Nero  or  Agrippina  now  must  fall,  looked  at  Bur- 
rus, and  asked  if  a  soldier  should  be  ordered  to  slay  her  ? 
Burrus  replied  that  the  soldiers  would  not  touch  the  issue  of 
Germanicus,  and  added  that  it  would  be  better  for  Anicetus 
to  go  through  with  what  he  had  commenced.  Nero  was 
overjoyed  when  Anicetus  declared  his  willingness.  Just 
then  Agerinus  arrived  ;  and,  as  he  was  delivering  his  message, 
Nero  cast  a  sword  at  his  feet,  and  then  caused  him  to  be  put 
in  chains,  that  he  might  be  able  to  say  that  his  mother  had 
sent  her  freedman  to  assassinate  him,  and  had  killed  herself 
out  of  shame  when  she  had  failed  in  her  design. 

When  Anicetus  arrived  at  Agrippina's  villa,  he  dispersed 
the  crowds  which  had  assembled  to  congratulate  her  on  her 
escape.     He  set  a  guard  round  the  house,  and  then,  with  a 


96  NERO.  [a.  d.  60. 

captain  of  a  galley  and  a  centurion  of  the  marines,  entered 
her  chamber,  where  she  was  waiting  with  extreme  anxiety 
for  intelligence.  The  only  maid  about  her  was  leaving  her  : 
"  Do  you  also  desert  me  ?  "  said  she ;  and,  looking  around, 
she  beheld  Anicetus.  She  told  him,  if  he  came  to  see  her,  to 
say  that  she  was  recovered ;  if  to  perform  a  crime,  she  would 
not  believe  that  her  son  would  command  the  murder  of  his 
mother.  The  captain  struck  her  with  a  stick  on  the  head  ; 
as  the  centurion  was  drawing  his  sword,  she  showed  her 
womb,  crying  out,  "  Strike  here  :  "  she  was  then  despatched 
with  several  wounds.  Such  was  the  termination  of  the  guilty 
ambition  of  the  highly-gifted  daughter  of  Germanicus.  It 
was  said  that  she  had  long  foreknown  her  fate ;  for,  having 
one  time  consulted  the  astrologers  on  the  future  fortunes  of 
her  son,  they  replied  that  he  would  reign,  but  that  he  would 
kill  his  mother.  "  Let  him  kill  me,"  cried  she,  "  provided 
that   he  reigns." 

Some  writers  related  that  Nero  came  to  view  the  dead 
body  of  his  mother,  and  that  he  criticised  the  various  parts, 
observing,  on  the  whole,  that  he  did  not  think  she  had  been 
so  handsome.  Yet  conscience  asserted  its  rights  :  terrific 
dreams  scared  him  from  his  couch  ;  the  aspect  of  the  smiling 
shores  of  the  Bay  of  Baiae  became  gloomy  to  his  view; 
imagination  heard  the  wailing  of  trumpets  from  the  place 
where  the  unhonored  ashes  of  x\grippina  lay.  Though 
the  officers  of  the  guards,  at  the  impulsion  of  Burrus,  came 
to  congratulate  him  on  his  escape  from  the  treachery  of 
his  mother ;  though  his  friends  and  the  adjacent  towns  of 
Campania  wearied  heaven  with  thanksgivings,  and  the  ob- 
sequious senate  decreed  supplications  and  honors  of  all  kinds, 
his  mind  could  not  find  rest,  and  for  years  he  was  haunted  by 
the  memory  of  his  murdered  parent. 

Nero  went  first  to  Naples,  and,  having  remained  some  time 
in  Campania,  dubious  of  the  reception  he  might  meet  with 
at  Rome,  he  was  at  length  impelled  by  his  flatterers  to  enter 
the  city  boldly.  He  did  so,  and  found  that  he  had  had  no 
just  cause  for  alarm  ;  for  senate  and  people  alike,  all  ages 
and  sexes,  vied  in  servility  and  adulation.  His  entrance  was 
like  a  triumph,  and  he  ascended  the  Capitol  and  returned 
thanks  to  the  gods. 

The  restraint  of  his  mother  being  removed,  Nero  now  gave 
a  free  course  to  his  idle  or  vicious  propensities.  He  had 
always  been  fond  of  driving  a  chariot,  and  of  singing  to  the 
lyre  after  his  dinner,  justifying  it  by  the  example  of  ancient 


A.  D.  60-63.]  NERO    ON    THE    STAGE.  97 

kings  and  heroes,  such  as  the  Ilonieric  Achilles.  Seneca 
and  Burrus  thought  it  advisable  to  humor  him  in  the  former 
propensity,  and  a  space  was  enclosed  in  the  Vatican  valley 
for  his  chariot  driving.  But  he  was  not  contented  till  the 
people  were  admitted  to  witness  and  to  applaud  his  skill. 
In  order  that  the  infamy  of  his  exhibitions  might  be  dimin- 
ished by  diffusion,  he  obliged  some  of  the  noblest  of  both 
sexes  to  appear  on  the  stage,  the  arena,  and  the  circus.  He 
also  instituted  games  called  Juvenalia,  (from  his  then  first 
shaving,)  in  which,  in  theatres  erected  in  his  gardens,  he 
himself  sang  and  danced ;  and  he  forced  the  nobility  of  all 
ages  and  sexes,  without  any  regard  to  the  honors  they  had 
borne,  to  do  the  same.  A  lady,  for  example,  named  yElia 
Catella,  rich  and  noble,  and  eighty  years  of  age,  was  thus 
obliged  to  dance  in  public !  He  finally  appeared  on  the  pub- 
lic stage;  and  the  lord  of  the  Roman  world  was  seen  to  come 
forward,  lyre  in  hand,  wearing  a  long,  trailing  robe,  and,  hav- 
ing addressed  the  audience  in  the  usual  form,  ("  Gentlemen, 
hear  me  with  favor,"  )  sing  to  his  chords  the  story  of  Attis 
or  the  Bacchae.  The  officers  of  the  guards  stood  around, 
Burrus  grieving  and  applauding.  He  further  selected  five 
thousand  young  men,  named  Augustans,  who  were  divided 
into  companies,  whose  task  was  to  applaud  him  when  he  was 


smofmcr. 


The  death  of  Burrus,  (63,)  which  some  ascribed  to  poison, 
removed  another  check  from  the  vices  of  Nero.  The  com- 
mand of  the  guards  was  again  divided ;  Fenius  Rufus,  an 
honest  but  inactive  officer,  being  joined  in  it  with  Sofonius 
Tigellinus,  a  man  polluted  by  every  vice,  but  whom  similarity 
of  manners  had  recommended  to  the  favor  of  the  prince. 
Seneca,  finding  his  influence  reduced  by  the  death  of  Burrus, 
and  himself  marked  as  the  object  of  attack  by  the  base 
minions  of  the  court,  craved  an,  audience  of  the  prince,  and 
requested  to  be  allowed  to  restore  all  the  possessions  which  he 
had  bestowed  on  him,  and  permitted  to  retire  into  the  shades 
of  private  life.  But  Nero,  accomplished  in  hypocrisy,  made 
the  most  affectionate  objections,  would  not  hear  of  his  retire- 
ment, and  lavished  caresses  on  him.  Seneca  returned  thanks 
and  retired  ;  but  he  altered  his  mode  of  life,  and  henceforth 
avoided  publicity  as  much  as  possible. 

Cornelius  Sulla  and  Rubellius  Plautus,  being  both  de- 
scended in  the  female  line  from  Augustus,  were  objects  of 
alarm  to  Nero ;  he  had  therefore  removed  them  from  the 
city  ;  the  former  resided  in  Gaul,  the  latter  in  Asia.     But 

CONTIN.  9  M 


98  NEKO.  [a.  d.  63. 

Tigellinus,  now  pretending  extreme  solicitude  for  the  safety 
of  the  prince,  and  exaggerating  the  dangers  to  be  apprehend- 
ed from  those  noblemen,  obtained  permission  to  murder 
them.  Sulla  therefore  was  slain  as  he  was  sitting  at  dinner 
at  Marseilles,  and  Plautus  as  he  was  engaged  in  gymnic  ex- 
ercises. Their  heads  were  brought  to  Nero,  who  mocked 
at  the  first  as  gray  before  his  time,  and  observed  of  the  sec- 
ond, that  he  was  not  aware  of  his  having  had  so  large  a  nose. 
He,  moreover,  when  he  saw  the  head  of  Plautus,  cried  out, 
that  now  he  might  venture  to  put  away  Octavia,  blameless 
and  loved  of  the  people  as  she  was,  and  espouse  his  dear 
Poppaea.  Accordingly,  having  informed  the  senate  of  the 
deaths  of  Sulla  and  Plautus,  and  finding  that  supplications 
and  so  forth  were  decreed  without  hesitation,  he  judged 
that  he  had  nothing  to  apprehend  from  that  spiritless  as- 
sembly ;  he  therefore  at  once  put  away  Octavia,  on  the  pre- 
tence of  sterility,  and  married  Poppasa,  who  then  attempted 
to  convict  Octavia  of  an  intrigue  with  a  flute-player  named 
Eucerus.  But  the  noble  constancy  of  the  greater  part  of 
that  lady's  female  slaves,  whom  all  the  tortures  of  the  rack 
could  not  induce  to  testify  falsely  against  their  mistress,  de- 
feated the  iniquitous  project.  The  murmurs  of  the  populace 
soon  obliged  Nero  to  take  back  Octavia,  and  the  public  joy 
was  manifested  in  the  most  signal  manner;  the  statues  of 
Poppaea  were  flung  down,  and  those  of  Octavia  were  carried 
about  covered  with  flowers,  and  placed  in  the  temples. 
Poppaea,  now  seriously  alarmed  for  her  safety,  exerted  all 
her  influence  over  Nero  ;  and  he  obliged  the  notorious 
Anicetus  to  confess  a  criminal  intercourse  with  Octavia. 
Pretending,  then,  that  her  object  had  been  to  gain  over  the 
fleet,  he  caused  her  to  be  confined  in  the  fatal  isle  of  Pan- 
dataria ;  and  a  few  days  after,  orders  were  sent  for  her  death. 
The  poor  young  woman,  to  whom,  though  only  in  her 
twenty-second  year,  life  had  ceased  to  yield  any  pleasure, 
still  feared  to  die ;  but  she  was  bound,  her  veins  were 
opened,  and  she  was  placed  in  a  warm  bath.  When  life 
was  extinct,  her  head  was  cut  off"  and  brought  to  Poppaja. 
Thanks  to  the  gods  were  of  course  decreed  by  the  senate.* 
The  murder  of  Octavia  was  succeeded  by  the  deaths  (by 

*  "  Quod  ad  eum  finem  memoravimus,"  says  Tacitus,"  utquicumque 
casus  temporum  illoruni,  nobis  vel  aliis  auctoribus,  nosccnt,  procsump- 
tum  habeant,  quotiens  fugas  et  csedes  jussit  princcps,  toticns  grates 
deis  actas,  quajque  rerum  secundarum  dim  turn  publicoe  cladis  insignia 
fuisse." 


A.  D.  Gl-65.]  NCllO    AT    NAPLES.  99 

poison,  as  was  believed)  of  Pallas  and  some  of  the  other  freed- 
rnen.  The  crime  of  Pallas  was  his  detaining,  by  living  too 
long,  his  immense  wealth  from  the  covetous  prince. 

At  length,  (64,)  to  his  excessive  joy,  Nero  became  a  father, 
Poppa^a  being  delivered  of  a  daughter  at  Antium,  the  place  of 
his  own  birth.  The  senate,  who  had  already  commended  the 
womb  of  Poppaca  to  the  gods,  now  decreed  to  her  and  the  in- 
fant the  title  of  Augusta;  su|)plications,  temples,  games,  and 
all  other  honors,  were  voted ;  and  when  the  baby  died,  in  its 
fourth  month,  it  was  deified  by  the  obsequious  and  impious 
assembly,  and  a  temple  and  priest  were  voted  to  it. 

Hitherto  Nero  had  confined  the  exercise  of  his  scenic  pow- 
ers to  his  palace  and  gardens  ;  but  he  longed  for  a  more  am- 
ple field  of  display.  He  would  not  yet,  however,  venture  to 
insult  the  prejudices  and  feelings  of  the  people  by  appearing 
on  the  stage  openly  at  Home;  and  he  therefore  selected 
Naples,  as  a  Grecian  city,  for  the  place  in  which  he  would 
make  his  debut  in  public,  intending  then  to  pass  over  to 
Greece,  and  contend  at  all  the  great  games  of  that  country, 
and  thus  overcome  the  prejudices  of  the  Romans.  He  ac- 
cordingly appeared,  (65,)  before  a  large  audience,  in  the 
theatre  of  Naples ;  and  even  the  shock  of  an  earthquake, 
which  rocked  the  building,  did  not  prevent  him  from  finish- 
ing his  piece.  Instead,  however,  of  proceeding  directly  to 
Greece,  he  returned  to  Rome,  and  there,  declaring  that  his 
absence  would  not  be  long,  he  ascended  the  Capitol  to  pray 
to  the  gods  for  the  success  of  his  journey ;  but  when  he  en- 
tered the  temple  of  Vesta,  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  tremor 
in  all  his  limbs,  (the  effect  probably  of  the  stings  of  con- 
science ;)  and  he  gave  up  his  design  for  the  present,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  populace,  who  feared  a  scarcity  of  corn  in 
his  absence  .  to  the  senate  and  nobles  it  was  uncertain  wheth- 
er his  absence  or  his  presence  was  the  more  to  be  dreaded. 

To  prove  to  the  people  that  he  preferred  Rome  to  all  other 
places,  he  made  the  whole  city,  as  it  were,  his  house,  and  held 
his  banquets  in  the  public  places.  Historians  have  deemed 
one  of  these,  given  by  Tigellinus,  deserving  of  memory  ;  [but 
the  details  are  far  too  disgusting  to  be  repeated.  The  in- 
famy to  which  Nero  reduced  himself  was  of  the  lowest  and 
vilest  kind.] 

Rome  was  at  this  time  visited  by  a  calamity  worse  than 
any  that  had  befallen  her  since  she  was  a  city.  On  the  19th 
of  July,  a  fire  broke  out  in  a  part  of  the  circus  which  was 
full    of    shops    containing    inflammable     substances.       The 


100  NERO.  "  [a.  D.65. 

flames  spread  rapidly,  the  wind  accelerating  tlieir  career. 
It  was  not  till  the  sixth  day,  that,  by  pulling  down  houses, 
the  course  of  the  conflagration  was  stopped  at  the  foot  of 
the  Esquiline.  The  loss  of  lives  and  property  was  immense  : 
of  the  fourteen  quarters  into  which  the  city  was  divided, 
four  only  escaped  ;  three  were  totally  destroyed,  and  of  the 
other  seven  but  little  remained  standing. 

Nero,  who  was  at  Antium,  did  not  return  till  he  heard 
that  the  flames  were  spreading  to  his  palace;  but  when  he 
arrived,  he  was  unable  to  save  it.  He  threw  open  his  gardens, 
the  Campus  Martins,  and  the  monuments  of  Agrippa  to  the 
sufferers ;  he  caused  supplies  of  all  kinds  to  be  fetched  from 
Antium  and  other  places,  and  he  reduced  the  price  of  corn 
considerably.  All  he  could  do,  however,  would  not  remove 
the  suspicion  that  the  city  had  been  fired  by  his  own  orders. 
It  was  said  that  he  longed  for  an  opportunity  of  rebuilding  it 
with  more  of  regularity  and  beauty  ;  and  it  was  asserted  that, 
while  the  fire  was  rao-incr,  he  ascended  a  tower  in  the  gardens 
of  Maecenas  in  his  scenic  dress,  and,  charmed  with  what 
he  termed  "the  beauty  of  the  flame,"  sang  to  his  lyre  The 
Taking  of  Ilium.  He  caused  the  Sibylline  books  to  be  con- 
sulted, and,  in  obedience  to  them,  supplications  to  be  made  to 
various  deities  ;  he  spared  no  expense  in  the  rebuilding  of 
the  city ;  and  when  all  would  not  avail  to  clear  him,  he  laid 
the  guilt  on  the  innocent.  The  members  of  the  society 
named  Christians,  which  had  arisen  some  years  before  iu 
Judaea,  were  now  numerous  at  Rome.  From  causes  which 
we  will  hereafter  assign,  they  were  objects  of  general  aver- 
sion, and  any  charge  against  them  was  likely  to  gain  credit. 
Some  of  them  were  seized  and  forced  to  confess  :  on  their 
evidence,  a  great  multitude  of  others  were  taken  and  con- 
demned.  They  were  put  to  death  with  torture  and  insult, 
some  being  sewed  up  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  then 
torn  to  pieces  by  dogs,  some  crucified,  and  others  wrapped  in 
pitch  and  other  inflaiumable  materials,  and  set  on  fire  to  serve 
for  lamps  in  the  night.  The  scene  of  their  agonies  was  Ne- 
ro's gardens;  and  he,  at  the  same  time,  to  please  the  populace, 
gave  Circensian  games,  driving  about  at  Rome  in  the  dress 
of  a  charioteer.  Still  the  sufferers,  though  believed  to  be 
guilty  of  crimes,  were  pitied,  as  the  victims  of  the  real 
criminal. 

The  city  was  rebuilt  (at  the  heavy  cost  of  Italy  and  the 
provinces)  with  more  of  regularity  and  beauty  than  it  had  ever 
before  possessed.     Many,  however,  complained  of  the  width 


A.  D.  66.]  CONSPIRACY    AGAINST    NERO.  101 

of  the  streets,  as,  when  narrow,  they  had  enjoyed  more  of 
shade  and  coohiess.  But  the  great  object  of  Nero's  ambition 
was  to  rebuild  his  palace  on  a  scale  of  unexampled  magnifi- 
cence. He  had  already  extended  it  from  the  Palatine  to  the 
Esquiline;  and  it  was  thence  called  the  Transitory-house  :  the 
new  one  was  named  the  Golden-house,  from  the  quantity  of 
gold  and  precious  stones  employed  in  it.  It  covered  an  im- 
mense extent  of  ground  on  the  Palatine  and  Esquiline,  con- 
taining within  its  bounds  woods,  plains,  vineyards,  ponds, 
with  animals  both  wild  and  tame,  and  a  great  variety  of 
buildings.  The  numerous  dining-rooms  were  ceiled  with 
ivory  plates,  whicli  were  movable,  to  shower  down  flowers, 
and  perforated,  to  sprinkle  odors  on  the  guests.  The  prin- 
cipal one  was  round,  and  made  to  revolve  day  and  night,  in 
imitation  of  the  world.  The  baths  were  supplied  with 
water  from  the  sea  and  from  the  river  Albula.  When  the 
whole  was  completed,  Nero  observed  that  at  length  he  had 
begun  to  dwell  like  a  man. 

Men,  however,  were  grown  weary  of  being  the  objects  of  the 
tyrannic  caprice  of  a  profligate  youth,  and  a  widely-extended  / 
conspiracy  to  remove  him  and  give  the  supreme  power  to  C.  A 
Piso,  a  nobleman  of  many  popular  qualities,  was  organized, 
(06.)  Men  of  all  ranks,  civil  and  military,  were  engaged  in 
it,  —  senators,  knights,  tribunes,  and  centurions,  —  some,  as  is 
usual,  on  public,  some  on  private  grounds.  While  they  were 
yet  undecided  where  it  were  best  to  fall  on  Nero,  a  cour- 
tesan named  Epiclnris,  who  had  a  knowledge  (it  is  not 
known  how  obtained)  of  the  plot,  wearied  of  their  indecision, 
attempted  to  gain  over  the  officers  of  the  fleet  at  Misenum. 
She  made  the  first  trial  of  an  officer  named  Volusius  Proc- 
ulus,  who  had  been  one  of  the  agents  in  the  murder  of 
Agrippina,  and  who  complained  of  the  ill  return  he  had  met 
with,  and  menaced  revenge.  She  communicated  to  him  the 
fact  of  there  being  a  conspiracy,  and  proposed  to  him  to  join 
in  it ;  but  Proculus,  hoping  to  gain  a  reward  by  this  new 
service,  went  and  gave  information  to  Nero.  Epicharis  was 
seized  ;  but  as  she  had  mentioned  no  names,  and  Proculus 
had  no  witnesses,  nothing  could  be  made  of  the  matter.  She 
was,  however,  kept  in  prison. 

The  conspirators  became  alarmed  ;  and,  lest  they  should 
be  betrayed,  they  resolved  to  delay  acting  no  longer,  but  to 
fall  on  the  tyrant  at  the  Circensian  games.  The  plan  ar- 
ranged was,  that  Plautius  Lateranus,  the  consul  elect,  a  man 
of  great  courage  and  bodily  strength,  should  sue  to  the  em- 
9* 


1 02  NERO.  [a.  d.  66, 

peror  for  relief  to  his  family  affairs,  and  in  so  doing  should 
grasp  his  knees  and  throw  him  down,  and  that  then  the  of- 
ficers should  despatch  him  with  their  swords.  Meantime 
Piso  should  be  waiting  at  the  adjacent  temple  of  Ceres ;  and, 
when  Nero  was  no  more,  the  praefect  Fenius  Rufus  and 
others  should  come  and  convey  him  to  the  camp. 

Notwithstanding  the  number  and  variety  of  persons  en- 
gaged in  the  plot,  the  secret  had  been  kept  with  wonderful 
fidelity.  Accident,  however,  revealed  it  as  it  was  on  the  very 
eve  of  execution.  Among  the  conspirators  was  a  senator 
named  Flavins  Scevinus,  who,  though  dissolved  in  luxury,  was 
one  of  the  most  eager.  He  had  insisted  on  having  the  first 
part  in  the  assassination,  for  which  purpose  he  had  provided 
a  dagger  taken  from  a  temple.  The  night  before  the  attack 
was  to  be  made,  he  gave  this  dagger  to  one  of  his  freedmen, 
named  Milichus,  to  grind  and  sharpen.  He  at  tlie  same  time 
sealed  his  will,  giving  freedom  to  some,  gifts  to  others  of  his 
slaves.  He  supped  more  luxuriously  than  usual;  and,  though 
he  affected  great  cheerfulness,  it  was  manifest  from  his  air 
that  he  had  something  of  importance  on  his  mind.  He  also 
directed  his  freedman  to  prepare  bandages  for  wounds.  The 
freedman,  who  was  either  already  in  the  secret,  or  had  his 
suspicions  now  excited,  consulted  with  his  wife,  and  at  her 
impulsion  set  off  at  daylight,  and  revealed  his  suspicions  to 
Epaphroditus,  one  of  Nero's  freedmen,  by  whom  he  was 
conducted  to  the  emperor.  On  his  information,  Scevinus 
was  arrested  ;  but  he  gave  a  plausible  explanation  of  every 
thing  but  the  bandages,  which  he  positively  denied.  He 
might  have  escaped,  were  it  not  that  Milichus's  wife  suggested 
that  Antonius  Natalis  had  conversed  a  orreat  deal  with  him 
in  secret  of  late,  and  that  they  were  both  intimate  with  Piso. 
Natalis  was  then  sent  for,  and,  as  he  and  Scevinus  did  not 
agree  in  their  accounts  of  the  conversation  which  they  had, 
they  were  menaced  with  torture.  Natalis's  courage  gave 
way;  he  named  Piso  and  Seneca.  Scevinus,  either  through 
weakness,  or  thinking  that  all  was  known,  named  several 
others,  among  whom  were  Anna^us  Lucanus,  the  poet,  the 
■nephew  of  Seneca,  Tullius  Senecio,  and  Afranius  Q,uinc- 
tianus.  These  at  first  denied  every  thing  ;  at  length,  on  the 
■promise  of  pardon,  they  discovered  some  of  their  nearest 
friends,  Lucan  even  naming  his  own  mother,  Atilla. 

Nero  now  called  to  mind  the  information  of  Proculus,  and 
he  ordered  Epicharis  to  be  put  to  the  torture.  But  no  pain 
could  overcome  the  constancy  of  the  heroic  woman  ,    and 


A.  D.  66.]  CONSPIRACY    AGAINST    NERO.  103 

next  day,  as,  from  her  weak  state,  she  was  carried  in  a  chair 
to  undergo  the  torture  anew,  she  contrived  to  fasten  her  belt 
to  the  arched  back  of  the  chair,  and  thus  to  strangle  herself. 

When  the  discovery  was  first  made,  some  of  the  bolder 
spirits  urged  Piso  to  hasten  to  the  camp  or  to  ascend  the 
liostra,  and  endeavor  to  excite  the  soldiers  or  the  people  to 
rise  against  Nero.  But  he  had  not  energy  for  such  a  course, 
and  he  lingered  at  home  till  his  house  was  surrounded  by  the 
soldiers  sent  to  take  him.  lie  then  opened  his  veins,  leaving 
a  will  filled,  for  the  sake  of  his  wife,  a  profligate  woman, 
with  the  grossest  adulation  of  Nero.  Lateranus  died  like  a 
hero,  with  profound  silence;  and  though  the  tribune  who 
presided  at  the  execution  was  one  of  the  conspirators,  he 
never  reproached  him. 

But  the  object  of  Nero's  most  deadly  enmity  was  Seneca. 
All  that  was  against  this  illustrious  man  was,  that  Natalissaid 
that  Piso  had  one  time  sent  him  to  Seneca,  who  was  ill,  to 
see  how  he  was,  and  to  complain  of  his  not  admitting  him, 
and  that  Seneca  replied  that  "  it  was  for  the  good  of  neither 
that  they  should  meet  frequently,  but  that  his  health  depended 
on  Piso's  safety."  The  tribune  Granius  Silvanus  (also  one 
of  the  conspirators)  was  sent  to  Seneca,  who  was  now  at  his 
villa,  four  miles  from  Rome,  to  examine  him  respecting  the 
conversation  with  Natal  is.  He  found  him  at  table  with 
his  wife,  Pompeia  Paulina,  and  two  of  his  friends.  Seneca's 
account  agreed  with  that  of  Natalis ;  his  meaning,  he  said, 
had  been  perfectly  innocent.  When  the  tribune  made  his 
report  to  Nero  and  his  privy  council,  Poppaja  and  Tigellinus, 
he  was  asked  if  Seneca  meditated  a  voluntary  death.  On  his 
reply,  that  he  showed  no  signs  of  fear  or  perturbation,  he  was 
ordered  to  go  back  and  bid  him  die.  Silvanus,  it  is  said, 
called  on  Fenius  on  his  way,  and  asked  him  if  he  should 
obey  the  orders;  but  Fenius,  with  that  want  of  spirit  which 
was  the  ruin  of  them  all,  bade  him  obey.  Silvanus,  when 
he  arrived,  sent  in  a  centurion  with  the  fatal  mandate. 

Seneca  calmly  called  for  his  will,  but  the  centurion  would 
not  suffer  him  to  have  it.  He  then  told  his  friends  that,  as  he 
could  not  express  his  sense  of  their  merits  in  the  way  that  he 
wished,  he  would  leave  them  the  image  of  his  life,  to  which 
if  they  attended,  they  would  obtain  the  fame  of  virtue  and  of 
constancy  in  friendship.  He  checked  their  tears,  showing 
that  nothing  had  occurred  but  what  was  to  have  been  ex- 
pected. Then,  embracing  his  wife,  he  began  to  console  and 
fortify  her  ;  but  she  declared  her  resolution  to  die  with  him. 


104  NERO.  [a.  D.  66. 

Not  displeased  at  her  generous  devotion,  and  happy  that  one 
so  dear  to  him  shouhi  not  remain  exposed  to  injury  and  mis- 
fortune, he  gave  a  ready  consent,  and  the  veins  in  the  arms 
of  both  were  opened.  As  Seneca,  on  account  of  his  age, 
bled  slowly,  he  caused  those  of  his  legs  and  thighs  to  be 
opened  also;  and  as  he  suffered  very  much,  he  persuaded  his 
wife  to  go  into  another  room;  and  then,  calling  for  amanuen- 
ses, he  dictated  a  discourse  which  was  afterwards  published. 
Finding  himself  going  very  slowly,  he  asked  his  friend,  the 
physician,  Statius  Annaeus,  for  the  hemlock-juice  which  he 
had  provided,  and  took  it ;  but  it  had  no  effect.  He  finally 
went  into  a  warm  bath,  sprinkling,  as  he  entered  it,  the  ser- 
vants who  were  about  him,  and  saying,  "  I  pour  this  liquor  to 
Jove  the  Liberator."  The  heat  caused  the  blood  to  flow 
freely;  and  his  sufferings  at  length  terminated.  His  body 
was  burnt  without  any  ceremony,  according  to  the  directions 
which  he  had  given  when  at  the  height  of  his  prosperity. 

Paulina  did  not  die  at  this  time  ;  for  Nero,  who  had  no  en- 
mity against  her,  and  wished  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  gratui- 
tous cruelty,  sent  orders  to  have  her  saved.  She  survived 
her  husband  a  few  years,  her  face  and  skin  remaining  of  a 
deadly  paleness,  in  consequence  of  her  great  loss  of  blood. 

The  military  men  did  not  remain  undiscovered.  Fenius 
Rufus  died  like  a  coward;  the  tribunes  and  centurions,  like 
soldiers.  When  one  of  them,  named  Subrius  Flavins,  was 
asked  by  Nero  what  caused  him  to  forget  his  military  oath, — 
"  I  hated  you,"  said  he;  "  and  there  was  none  of  the  soldiers 
more  faithful  while  you  deserved  to  be  loved.  I  began  to 
hate  you  when  you  became  the  murderer  of  your  mother  and 
wife,  a  chariot-driver,  a  player,  and  an  incendiary."  Nothing 
in  the  whole  affair  cut  Nero  to  the  soul  like  this  reply  of  the 
gallant  soldier. 

The  consul  Vestinus  was  not  implicated  by  any  in  the 
conspiracy  ;  but  Nero  hated  him  ;  and,  as  he  was  sitting  at 
dinner  with  his  friends,  some  soldiers  entered  to  say  that  their 
tribune  wanted  him.  He  arose,  went  into  a  chamber,  had  his 
veins  opened,  entered  a  warm  bath,  and  died.  Lucan,  when  or- 
dered to  die,  had  his  veins  also  opened  ;  when  he  felt  his  ex- 
tremities crrowincr  cold,  he  called  to  mind  some  verses  of  his 
Pharsalia  which  were  applicable  to  his  case,  and  died  re-  \ 
peating    them.*     Senecio  Quinctianus,   and   Scevinus,    and 

•  Thoy  are  supposed  by  Lipsius  to  be  iii.  633 — 046,  by  Vertranius, 
ix.  806—814.     Lipsius  is  in  our  opinion  right. 


A.  D.  67.]  DEATH    OF    POPP^A.  105 

many  others,  died  ;  several  were  banished.  Natalis,  Milichus, 
and  others,  were  rewarded ;  offerings,  thanksgivings,  and  so 
forth,  were  voted  in  abundance  by  the  senate. 

This  obsequious  body,  however,  sought  to  avert  the  dis- 
grace of  the  lord  of  the  Roman  world  appearing  on  the  stage 
at  the  approaching  Quinquennial  games,  by  offering  him 
the  victory  of  song  and  the  crown  of  eloquence.  But  Nero 
said  that  there  needed  not  the  j)ovver  nor  the  influence  of 
the  senate ;  that  he  feared  not  his  rivals,  and  relied  on  the 
equity  of  the  judges.  lie  therefore  sang  on  the  stage,  and, 
when  the  people  pressed  him  to  display  all  his  acquirements, 
he  came  forth  in  the  theatre,  strictly  conforming  to  all  the 
rules  of  his  art,  not  sitting  down  when  weary,  wiping  his 
face  in  his  robe,  neither  spitting  nor  blowing  his  nose,  and 
finally,  with  bended  knee,  and  moving  his  hand,  waited  in 
counterfeit  terror  for  the  sentence  of  the  judges. 

At  the  end  of  the  games,  he  in  a  fit  of  anger  gave  Poppaea, 
who  was  pregnant,  a  kick  in  the  stomach,  which  caused  her 
death.  Instead  of  burning  her  body,  as  was  now  the  general 
custom,  he  had  it  embalmed  with  the  most  costly  spices,  and 
deposited  in  the  monument  of  the  Julian  family.  He  him- 
self pronounced  the  funeral  oration,  in  which  he  praised  her 
for  her  beauty,*  and  for  being  the  mother  of  a  divine  infant. 

The  remainder  of  the  year  was  marked  by  the  deaths  or 
exile  of  several  illustrious  persons,  and  by  a  pestilence  which 
carried  off  great  numbers  of  all  ranks  and  ages.  "  Of  the 
knights  and  senators,"  observes  Tacitus,  "  the  deaths  were 
less  to  be  lamented  ;  they  anticipated,  as  it  were,  by  the  com- 
mon fate,  the  cruelty  of  the  prince." 

The  first  deaths  of  the  succeeding  year  (67)  were  those 
of  P.  Anteius,  whose  crime  was  his  wealth  and  the  friend- 
ship of  Agrippina;  Ostorius  Scapula,  who  had  distinguished 
himself  in  Britain;  Annseus  Mella,  the  father  of  Lucan ; 
Anicius  Cerealis,  Rufius  Crispinus,  and  others.  They  all 
died  in  the  same  manner,  by  opening  their  veins.  The  most 
remarkable  death  was  that  of  C.  Petronius,  a  man  whose 
elegance  and  taste  in  luxury  had  recommended  him  to  the 
special  favor  of  Nero,  who,  regarding  him  as  his  '  arbiter  of 
elegance,'  valued  only  that  of  which  Petronius  approved. 
The  envy  of  Tigellinus  being  thus  excited,  he  bribed  one  of 


*  Poppasa  was  so  solicitous  about  her  beauty,  that  she  used  to  bathe 
every  day  in  the  milk  of  500  she-asses,  which  she  kept  for  the  purpose. 
Dion,  Ixii.  28. 

N 


106  NERO.  [a.  d.  67. 

Petronius's  slaves  to  charge  his  master  with  being  the  friend 
of  Scevinus.  His  death  followed,  of  course;  the  mode  of  it, 
however,  was  peculiar.  He  caused  his  veins  to  be  opened, 
then  closed,  then  opened  again,  and  so  on.  He  meantime 
went  on  conversing  with  his  friends,  not,  like  a  Socrates  or 
a  Seneca,  on  the  immortality  of  the  soul  or  the  opinions  of 
the  wise,  but  listening  to  light  and  wanton  verses.  He  re- 
warded some  of  his  slaves,  he  had  others  flogged,  he  dined, 
he  slept ;  he  made,  in  short,  his  compulsive  death  as  like  a 
natural  one  as  possible.  He  did  not,  like  others,  pay  court 
to  Nero  or  Tigellinus,  or  the  men  in  power,  in  his  will ;  but 
he  wrote  an  account  of  the  vices  and  crimes  of  the  prince 
and  court,  under  the  names  of  flagitious  men  and  women,  and 
sent  it  sealed  up  to  the  emperor.  He  broke  his  seal-ring, 
lest  it  might  be  used  to  the  destruction  of  innocent  persons. 

"  After   the   slaughter  of  so  many  illustrious  men,"  says       . 
Tacitus,  "Nero  at  length  sought  to  destroy  virtue  itself,  by    y 
killing  Thraseas  Pjetus  and  Bareas  Soranus."     The  former,     ^ 
a   man   of  primitive  Roman  virtue,  was  hated  by  him  not 
merely  for  his  worth,  but  because  he  had,  on  various  occa- 
sions, given  public  proof  of  his  disapproval  of  his  acts.    Such 
were   his    going   out  of  the  senate-house  when  the  decrees 
were  made  on  account  of  the  murder  of  Agrippina,  and  his 
absence  from  the  deification  and  funeral  of  Poppaea.    Further 
than  his  virtue,  we  know  of  no  cause  of  enmity  that  Nero 
could  have  against  Soranus. 

The  accusers  of  Thraseas  were  Capito  Cossutianus,  whom 
he  had  made  his  enemy  by  supporting  the  Cilician  deputies 
who  came  to  accuse  him  of  extortion,  and  Marcellus  Eprius, 
a  profligate  man  of  eloquence.  A  Roman  knight  named 
Ostorius  Sabinus  appeared  as  the  accuser  of  Soranus.  The 
time  selected  for  the  destruction  of  these  eminent  men  was 
that  of  the  arrival  of  the  Parthian  prince  Tiridatcs,  who  was 
coming  to  Rome  to  receive  the  diadem  of  Armenia,  either 
in  hopes  that  the  domestic  crime  would  be  shrouded  l)y  the 
foreign  glory,  or,  more  probably,  to  give  the  Oriental  an  idea 
of  the  imperial  power.  Thraseas  received  an  order  not  to 
appear  among  those  who  went  to  meet  the  king;  he  wrote  to 
Nero,  requiring  to  know  with  what  he  was  charged,  and  as- 
serting his  ability  to  clear  himself  if  he  got  an  opportunity. 
Nero  in  reply  said  that  he  would  convoke  the  senate.  Thra- 
seas then  consulted  with  his  friends,  whether  he  should  go  to 
the  senate-house,  or  expect  his  doom  at  home.  Opuiions 
were,  as  usual,  divided  ;  he,  however,  did  not  go  to  the  senate. 


A.  D.  67.]  THRASEAS    AND    SORANUS.  107 

Next  morning  the  temple  in  which  the  senate  sat  was  sur- 
rounded with  soldiery.  Cossutianus  and  Eprius  appeared  as 
the  accusers  of  Thraseas,  his  son-in-law  Helvidius  Priscus, 
Paconius  Agrippinus,  and  Curtius  Montanus.  The  general 
charge  against  them  was  passive  rather  than  active  disloyalty, 
Thraseas  being  held  forth  as  the  seducer  and  encourager  of 
the  others.  Ostorius  then  came  forward  and  accused  Sora- 
nus,  who  was  present,  of  friendship  with  Rubellius  Plautus, 
and  of  mal-conduct  in  the  government  of  Asia.  He  added, 
that  Servilia,  the  daughter  of  the  accused,  had  given  money 
to  fortune-tellers.  Servilia  was  summoned.  She  owned  the 
truth —  that  she  had  sold  her  ornaments  and  given  the  money 
to  the  soothsayers,  but  for  no  impious  purpose,  only  to  learn 
if  her  father  would  escape.  Witnesses  were  then  called,  and 
among  them,  to  the  indignation  of  every  virtuous  man,  ap- 
peared P.  Egnatius,  the  client  and  friend  of  Soranus,  and  a 
professor  of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  who  now  had  sold  himself 
to  destroy  his  benefactor  by  false  testimony. 

The  accused  were  all  condemned,  of  course  —  Thraseas, 
Soranus,  and  Servilia,  to  death;  the  others  to  exile.  Of  the 
circumstances  of  the  end  of  Soranus  and  his  daughter,  we 
are  not  informed.  Thraseas  having  prevented  his  wife,  Arria, 
from  following  the  example  of  her  mother,  of  the  same  name, 
by  entreating  her  not  to  deprive  their  daughter  of  her  only 
remaining  support,  caused  his  veins  to  be  opened  in  the 
usual  manner ;  and,  as  the  blood  spouted  forth,  he  said  to  the 
quaestor  who  was  present,  "  Let  us  pour  out  to  Jove  the 
Liberator.  Regard  this,  young  man.  May  the  gods  avert 
the  omen  ;  but  you  have  been  born  in  times  when  it  is  ex- 
pedient to  fortify  the  mind  by  examples  of  constancy."  He 
died  after  suffering  much  pain. 

These  sanguinary  deeds  were  succeeded  by  the  splendid 
ceremony  of  giving  the  diadem  of  Armenia  to  Tiridates. 
The  scene  was  the  Forum,  which  was  filled  during  the  night 
by  the  people  arranged  in  order,  wearing  white  togas  and 
bearing  laurel,  while  one  part  of  it  was  occupied  by  the  sol- 
diers brilliantly  armed.  The  roofs  of  the  houses  also  were 
thronged  with  spectators.  At  daybreak,  Nero,  in  a  triumphal 
robe,  followed  by  the  senate  and  his  guards,  entered  the 
Forum,  and  took  his  seat  on  his  tribunal.  Tiridates  and  his 
attendants  then  advanced  through  the  lines  of  soldiery.  An 
immense  shout  was  raised  when  he  appeared ;  he  was  filled 
with  terror ;  but,  when  silence  was  restored,  he  went  forward 


108  NERO.  [a.  d.  67. 

and  addressed  the  prince.  Nero  made  a  suitable  reply,  and, 
inviting  him  up,  and  making  him  sit  at  his  foot,  placed  the 
diadem  on  his  head,  while  the  shouts  of  the  multitude  filled 
the  air. 

This  Tiridates  was  the  brother  of  the  Parthian  kino-  Volo- 
geses.  In  the  first  year  of  Nero's  reign,  as  this  prince  had 
occupied  the  throne  of  Armenia,  the  conduct  of  the  war, 
which  it  was  resolved  to  undertake  against  him,  was  com- 
mitted to  Domitius  Corbulo,  a  man  of  great  military  talent 
and  experience.  The  war,  which  was  of  the  usual  kind  be- 
tween Europeans  and  Asiatics,  in  which  the  advantage  of 
skill  and  discipline  is  on  the  side  of  the  former,  that  of  num- 
bers and  knowledge  of  the  country  on  that  of  the  latter,  had 
been  carried  on  with  various  success,  till  at  length  an  ar- 
rangement  was  effected  by  Corbulo's  agreeing  that  Tiridates 
should  be  king  of  Armenia  on  condition  of  his  acknowledo-ino- 
the  supremacy  of  Rome,  and  receiving  his  diadem  from  the 
hands  of  the  emperor. 

Nothing  of  importance  occurred  in  the  time  of  Nero  on 
the  frontiers  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube.  In  Britain,  Sue- 
tonius Paulinus  conquered  the  isle  of  Mona,  the  great  seat 
of  the  Druidic  religion ;  and  a  war  headed  by  Boadicea, 
queen  of  the  Icenians,  which  commenced  by  the  massacre 
of  two  Roman  colonies,  was  terminated  with  a  prodigious 
slaughter  of  the  Britons. 

At  length  Nero  put  his  long-cherished  design  of  visiting 
Greece  into  execution.  Leaving  his  freedman  Helius  with 
unlimited  power  in  Rome,  he  crossed  the  Adriatic  at  the 
head  of  a  body  of  men,  numerous  enough,  as  to  mere  num- 
bers, it  was  said,  to  conquer  the  Parthians;  but  of  whom  the 
greater  part  were  armed  with  lyres,  masks,  and  theatric  bus- 
kins. He  contended  at  all  the  games  of  Greece;  for  he  made 
them  all  be  celebrated  in  the  one  year.  When  contending, 
he  rigidly  followed  all  the  rules  and  practices  of  the  citharoe- 
dic  art;  he  addressed  the  judges  with  fear  and  reverence;  he 
openly  abused  or  secretly  maligned  his  rivals.  The  Greeks, 
adepts  in  flattery,  bestowed  on  him  all  the  prizes ;  and  even 
when,  at  the  Olympic  games,  he  attempted  to  drive  ten-in- 
hand,  and  was  thrown  from  the  chariot,  he  still  was  pro- 
claimed victor.  In  return,  he  bestowed  liberty  on  the  whole 
province,  and  gave  the  judges  the  rights  of  citizenship  and  a 
large  sum  of  money.  This,  in  imitation  of  Flamininus,  he 
himself  proclaimed  aloud  from  the  middle  of  the  stadium  at 


A.  D.  67.]  NERO    IN    GREECE.  109 

the  Isthmian  games.  These  amusements,  however,  gave  no 
check  to  the  cruelty  and  rapacity  of  himself  and  Tigellinua. 
Greece  was  plundered  as  by  an  enemy ;  numbers  were  put  to 
death  for  their  property  ;  many  persons  were  even  summoned 
thither  from  Italy  and  other  parts  for  the  sole  purpose  of  be- 
ing executed.  Among  these  was  the  gallant  Corbulo,  whom 
Nero  lured  thither  by  the  most  hypocritical  expressions  of 
affection,  and  ordered  to  be  slain  as  soon  as  he  landed. 
Corbulo  took  a  sword,  and  plunged  it  into  his  body,  crying, 
"  I  deserve  it." 

While  in  Greece,  Nero  celebrated  another  marriacje.     The 

•  •  • 

bride,  on  this  occasion,  was  a  youth  named  Sporus,  who,  it  is 
said,  bore  some  resemblance  to  Poppcea.  Having  emascu- 
lated him,  and  essayed  all  the  powers  of  art  to  convert  him 
into  a  woman,  he  espoused  him  with  the  most  solemn  forms, 
Tigellinus  acting  as  the  bride's  father  on  the  occasion.  He 
henceforth  had  him  dressed  as  his  empress,  and  carried  about 
with  him  in  a  litter.  Some  one  observed  that  "  it  had  been 
well  for  the  world  if  his  father  Domitius  had  had  such  a 
wife."  He  also,  while  in  Greece,  attempted  to  dig  a  canal 
through  the  Isthmus,  for  which  purpose  he  assembled  a  great 
number  of  workmen  from  all  parts.  When,  from  supersti- 
tious motives,  they  hesitated  to  touch  the  ground  which  was 
sacred  to  the  sea-god,  he  took  a  spade,  and  set  them  the  ex- 
ample himself  The  project,  however,  owing  to  subsequent 
events,  came  to  nothing. 

Helius  had  for  some  time  been  urging  the  emperor  by 
letters  to  return  to  Rome,  on  account  of  the  aspect  of  aflfaira 
there.  Finding  his  letters  unheeded,  he  came  over  in  per- 
son ;  and,  on  his  representations,  Nero  saw  the  necessity  of 
leaving  Greece.  When  he  landed  in  Italy,  he  proceeded  to 
Naples,  the  scene  of  his  first  musical  glory.  He  entered  it 
in  a  chariot  drawn  by  white  horses,  and  through  a  breach  in 
the  walls,  as  was  the  custom  of  victors  in  the  public  games. 
He  did  the  same  at  Antium,  Albanum,  and  Rome  itself  He 
entered  this  last  city  in  the  triumphal  car  of  Augustus,  in  a 
purple  robe  studded  with  silver  stars,  the  Olympic  wreath  of 
wild  olive  on  his  head,  the  Pythian  laurel  in  his  hand.  The 
crowns  which  he  had  won,  and  boards  showing  the  names 
and  forms  of  the  places  where  he  had  gained  them,  preceded 
his  chariot ;  the  senate,  knights,  and  soldiers,  followed,  shout- 
ing, "Olympic  victor!  Pythian  victor!  Augustus!  Nero  Her- 
cules!  Nero  Apollo!"  and  such  like.     In  this  manner  he 

CONTIN.  10 


110  NERO.  [a.  D.  68. 

proceeded  to  the  Capitol,  and  thence  to  the  palace.  The 
crowns,  eighteen  hundred  in  number,  were  hung  round  an 
Egyptian  obelisk.  Nero  then  resumed  his  former  occupa- 
tions as  a  player  and  charioteer. 

The  Roman  world  had  thus  long  submitted  to  be  the  sport 
of  a  monster  in  human  form  ;  but  the  day  of  vengeance  was 
at  hand.  We  are  ill-informed  of  the  circumstances  and  na- 
ture of  the  revolt  against  him,  {6S;)  we  are  only  told  that 
its  author  was  C.  Julius  Vindex,  a  man  of  high  birth  in 
Aquitanian  Gaul,  whose  father  had  been  a  Roman  senator, 
and  who  was  himself  at  this  time  proprietor  of  Gaul.  As  the 
people  were  harassed  beyond  endurance  by  exactions,  he 
proposed  to  them  to  have  recourse  to  arms,  and  deprive  the 
unworthy  wretch,  under  whose  tyranny  they  groaned,  of  the 
power  to  oppress  the  Roman  world  any  longer.  Vindex  was 
too  prudent  a  man  to  set  himself  up  as  the  rival  of  Nero;  he 
proposed  that  the  empire  should  be  offered  to  Ser.  Sulpicius 
Galba,  the  governor  of  Tarragonian  Spain,  a  man  of  high 
character,  of  much  military  experience,  and  who  was  at  the 
head  of  a  large  army.  Deputies  were  accordingly  sent  to 
Galba,  to  whom  Vindex  also  wrote,  strongly  urging  him  to 
become  the  deliverer  and  leader  of  the  human  race.  Galba, 
who  had  discovered  that  Nero  had  resolved  on  his  death,  and 
whom  favorable  signs  and  omens  encouraged,  called  his  sol- 
diers together,  and,  placing  before  his  tribunal  the  images  of 
a  great  number  of  persons  whom  Nero  had  put  to  death,  de- 
plored the  condition  of  the  times.  The  soldiers  instantly 
saluted  him  emperor  ;  he,  however,  cautiously  professed  him- 
self to  be  merely  the  legate  of  the  Roman  senate  and  peo- 
ple, and  forthwith  commenced  his  levies.  He  formed  a  kind 
of  senate  of  the  leading  persons  in  the  country,  and  selected 
a  body  of  youths  of  the  equestrian  order  to  act  as  his  body- 
guard. 

Meantime  Verginius  Rufus,  who  commanded  m  Germany, 
when  he  heard  of  the  insurrection  in  Gaul,  advanced  and 
laid  siege  to  Besanron.  Vindex  came  to  its  relief,  and, 
having  encamped  at  a  little  distance,  he  and  Verginius  had  a 
private  meeting,  in  which  it  was  suspected  that  they  agreed 
to  unite  against  Nero;  but,  shortly  after,  as  Vindex  was  lead- 
ing his  forces  toward  the  town,  the  Roman  legions,  attack- 
ing them  without  orders,  as  was  said,  slew  20,000  of  them. 
Vindex  also  fell  by  their  swords,  or,  as  was  more  gener- 
ally  believed,  by  his  own  hand.     The   soldiers  would  fain 


A.  D.  68.]  INSURRECTION    OF    VINDEX.  Ill 

liave  saluted  Vergiuius  emperor;  but  that  noble-minded  man  V 
steadfastly  refused  the  honor,  aflirming  that  the  senate  and  ^ 
people  alone  had  a  right  to  confer  it.* 

Nero  was  at  Naples  when  intelligence  reached  him  of  the 
insurrection  in  Gaul.  He  made  so  light  of  it,  that  some 
thought  he  was  rejoiced  at  the  occasion  which  it  was  likely 
to  offer  for  plundering  those  wealthy  provinces.  During 
eight  days  he  took  his  ordinary  amusements.  At  length, 
stung  by  the  contumelious  edicts  of  Vindex,  he  wrote  to  the 
senate,  excusing  his  absence  on  account  of  the  soreness  of 
his  throat,  as  if,  observes  the  historian,  he  was  to  have  sung 
for  them ;  and  when  he  came  to  Rome,  he  assembled  the 
principal  men  of  both  orders,  but,  instead  of  deliberating 
with  them  on  the  affairs  of  Gaul,  he  spent  the  time  in  ex- 
plaining some  improvements  which  he  had  made  in  the  hy- 
draulic organ,  adding  that  he  would  shortly  produce  it  in  the 
theatre,  if  Vindex  would  allow  him. 

When,  however,  he  heard  o^  the  revolt  of  Galba  and  the 
Spains,  his  consternation  was  extreme.  He  revolved,  it  is 
said,  the  wildest  and  most  nefarious  projects,  such  as  sending 
persons  to  kill  all  the  governors  of  provinces,  massacring  the 
exiles  and  all  the  Gauls  that  were  at  Rome,  poisoning  the 
senate,  setting  fire  to  the  city,  and  letting  the  wild  beasts 
loose  on  the  people.  He  began  to  levy  troops  ;  but  his  first 
care  was  to  provide  carriages  to  convey  his  theatric  proper- 
ties, and  to  dress  and  arm  a  party  of  his  concubines  as  Ama- 
zons to  form  his  guard.  The  urban  cohorts  having  refused 
to  serve,  he  called  on  all  masters  to  furnish  a  certain  number 
of  their  slaves,  and  he  took  care  to  select  the  most  valuable, 
not  even  excepting  the  stewards  or  amanuenses.  He  likewise 
required  all  persons  to  give  him  a  part  of  their  property. 

Intelligence  of  further  revolts  having  reached  him  as  he 
was  at  dinner,  he  overturned,  in  his  terror,  the  table,  and  broke 
his  two  precious  Homeric  cups,  as  they  were  named,  from 
the  scenes  from  Homer  which  were  carved  on  them.  Taking 
then  with  him  in  a  golden  box  some  poison  prepared  for  him 
by  Locusta,  he  went  to  the  Servilian  gardens,  and  sent  some 
of  his  most  faithful  freedmen  to  Ostia  to  get  shipping  ready. 
He  then  tried  to  prevail  on  the  officers  of  the  guards  to  ac- 
company his  flight ;  but  some  excused  themselves,  others  re- 

*  Verginius  caused  the  follovvinor  lines  to  be  placed  on  his  tomb,  (Plin. 
Ep.  VI.  10.  :)     "  Hie  situs  est  llufiis,  pulso  qui  Vindice  quondam, 
Imperium  asseruit  non  sibi,  sed  patriae." 


112  NERO.  [a.  D.  63. 

fused,  and  one  even  repeated  the  line  of  Virgil,  Usque  adco- 
ne   muri   miscrum    est?     One  time  he  thought  of  tlying  to 
the  Parthians,  another  time  to  Gaiba,  tiien  of  ascending  the 
jElostra,  and  asking  public  pardon  for  his  transgressions,  and 
praying  for  even  the  government  of  Egypt.     He  retired  to 
rest;   but,  awaking  in  the   middle  of  the  night,  and   finding 
that  his  guards  had  left  iiiin,  he  sprang  up  and  sent  for  some 
of  his    friends.     When  none  came,  he    arose,   and  went  to 
some  of  their  houses;  but  every  door  was  closed  against  him. 
On  his  return,  he  found  his  bed-chamber  pillaged,  and  his  box 
of  poison  gone.     He  sought  in  vain  for  some  one  to  kill  him. 
"  Have  I  neither  a  friend  nor  an    enemy  \ "   cried  he,   and 
rushed  to  the  Tiber,  to  throw  himself  into  it.     His  courage, 
however,  failed  him  ;  and  his  freedman  Phaon  having  offered  a 
country-house  which  he  had  four  miles  from  the  city  for  a 
retreat,  he  mounted  a  horse,  and  set  out  with  Sporus  and 
three  others,  concealed  in  a  dark  cloak,  with  his  head  covered 
and  a  handkerchief  before  his  face.     As  he  was  quitting  the 
city,  the  ground  seemed  to  rock  beneath  him,  and  a  broad 
flash  of  lightning  struck  terror  to  his  heart ;  and,  as  he  passed 
the   prtetorian   camp,  his  ears  were    assailed  by  the    shouts 
of  the  soldiers  execrating  him  and  wishing  success  to  Gai- 
ba.    "  There  they  go  in  pursuit  of  Nero,"  observed  one  of 
tUose  whom  they  met;  another  inquired  of  them  if  there  was 
any  news  of  Nero  in  the  city.     His  horse  starting  in  the 
road,  his  handkerchief  fell,  and  he  was  recognized  and  salu- 
ted by  a  praetorian  soldier.     They  had  to  quit  their  horses 
and  scramble  through  a  thicket  to  get  to  the  rear  of  Phaon's 
villa,  and  then  to  wait  till  an  aperture  was  made  in  the  wall 
to  admit  them.     Phaon  urged  him  to  conceal  himself,  mean- 
time, in  a  sand  hole ;  but  he  replied  that  he  would  not  bury 
himself  alive,  and,  taking  some  water  up  in  his  hand  from  a 
pool  to  quench  his  thirst,  he  said,  "  This  is  Nero's  prepared 
water."  *     lie  then  picked  the  thorns  out  of  his  cloak,  and, 
when  the  aperture  was  completed,  he  crept  through  it,  and  lay 
down  on  a  miserable  pallet  in  a  slave's  cell.     Though  suffer- 
ing from  hunger,  he  would  not  eat  the  coarse  bread  that  was 
offered  him ;  but  he  drank  some  warm  water. 

Every  one  now  urged  him  to  lose  no  time  in  saving  him- 
self from  the  impending  insults.     He  directed  them  to  dig  a 

*  Decocta.  Nero  is  said  to  have  introduced  the  practice  of  boiling 
water  and  then  cooling  it  in  snow  to  give  it  a  greater  degree  of  cold. 
Plin.  N.  H.  xxxi.  3. 


A.  D.  68.]  DEATH    OF    NERO.  113 

grave  on  the  spot,  and  to  prepare  the  requisite  water  and 
wood  for  his  funeral :  meantime  he  continued  weeping  and 
saying,  "  What  an  artist  is  lost !  "  A  messenger  coming 
with  letters  to  Phaon,  he  took  them,  and,  reading  that  he  was 
declared  an  enemy  hy  the  senate,  and  sentenced  to  be  pun- 
ished more  majorum,  he  inquired  what  that  meant.  Being 
told  that  it  was  to  be  stripped  naked,  have  the  head  placed 
in  a  fork,  and  be  scourged  to  death,  he  took  two  daggers  he 
had  with  him,  and  tried  their  edge,  then  sheathed  them 
again,  saying  that  the  fatal  hour  was  not  yet  come.  One 
moment  he  desired  Sporus  to  begin  the  funeral  wail,  then  he 
called  on  some  one  to  set  him  an  example  of  dying,  then 
he  upbraided  his  own  cowardice.  At  length,  hearing  the 
trampling  of  the  horses  of  those  sent  to  take  him,  he  hur- 
riedly repeated  an  appropriate  line  of  Homer,  and,  placing  a 
dagger  at  his  throat,  with  the  aid  of  his  secretary  Epaphro- 
ditus,  drove  it  in.  A  centurion,  entering  before  he  was  dead, 
put  his  cloak  to  the  wound,  pretending  that  he  was  come  to 
his  aid.  " 'Tis  too  late!  Is  this  your  fidelity?"  said  the 
bleeding  tyrant,  and  expired. 

Such  was  the  well-merited  end  of  the  emperor  Nero,  in  the 
31st  year  of  his  ao-e  and  the  14th  of  his  reign.  We  have  not 
ventured  to  pollute  our  pages  with  the  appalling  details  of 
his  lusts  and  vices,  which  historians  have  transmitted  to  us; 
for  by  so  doing  we  should  injure  rather  than  serve  the  cause 
of  moral  purity  and  of  virtue.  Monster  as  he  was,  the  pop- 
ulace and  the  pra3torian  soldiery,  missing  the  gifts  and  the 
shows  which  he  used  to  bestow  on  them,  soon  began  to  re- 
gret him  ;  and  for  many  years  his  tomb  continued  to  be  vis- 
ited and  his  memory  to  be  held  in  honor.  No  more  con- 
vincing proof  could  be  given  of  the  utter  degradation  of  the 
Roman  people. 


On  looking  through  the  reigns  of  the  four  immediate  sue- 
cessors  of  Augustus,  one  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the 
singular  failure  of  all  the  projects  of  that  prince  for  securing 
the  happiness  of  the  Roman  world.  It  can  hardly  be  regard- 
ed as  fortuitous  that  such  monsters  should  have  attained  to 
unlimited  power;  and  those  should  not  be  regarded  as  super- 
stitious who  see  in  this  event  a  fulfilment  of  that  great  law  of 
the  moral  world,  the  visitation  on  the  children  of  the  sins 
10*  o 


114  NERO. 

and  errors  of  the  parents.  The  Roman  nobles  had,  in  the 
last  century  of  the  republic,  robbed  and  oppressed  the  people 
of  the  provinces  in  the  most  nefarious  manner,  and  by  their 
civil  contentions  at  home  they  had  demoralized  the  people 
and  caused  the  downfall  of  public  liberty  ;  their  descendants 
were  therefore  the  victims  of  the  most  capricious  and  mer- 
ciless tyranny,  against  which  virtue  or  innocence  was  no  se- 
curity. For  we  may  observe  that,  with  slight  exceptions,  it  /' 
was  solely  against  the  noble  and  wealthy  that  the  cruelties 
of  the  emperors  were  directed. 

The  whole  of  the  people  of  Rome,  nobles  and  plebeians 
alike,  were  debased  and  degraded.  Though  we  may  not 
place  implicit  faith  in  the  exaggerated  statements  of  the  de- 
claimers  and  satirists  of  the  time,  we  must  yet  recognize  the 
foundation  of  truth  on  which  their  exagorerations  rest.  The 
nobles  were  sunk  in  luxury  and  sensuality  to  a  degree  rarely 
equalled.  Vice,  unrestrained  by  that  regard  to  appearance 
and  public  opinion  which  acts  as  so  salutary  a  check  in 
modern  times,  reigned  in  their  splendid  mansions,  and  boldly 
affronted  the  public  view.  But  all  were  not  equally  debased. 
In  the  history  of  the  time,  we  meet  with  many  splendid  ex- 
amples of  virtue  ;  and,  had  we  the  records  of  private  life,  we 
should  probably  find  much  to  flatter  our  more  exalted  views 
of  human  nature.  They,  in  general,  cultivated  literature.  \/ 
The  rigid  precepts  of  the  Stoic  doctrine  were  adopted  by  • 
those  of  more  lofty  aspirations,  while  the  votaries  of  sensual 
enjoyment  professed  the  degenerated  system  of  Epicurus. 

The  common  people,  now  degenerated  into  mere  lazza- 
roni,  living  on  the  bounty  or  charity  of  the  sovereign,  and 
utterly  der^titute  of  even  the  semblance  of  political  power, 
thought  only  of  the  public  games,*  and  contended  wilh  more 
passion  for  the  success  of  the  blue  or  green  faction  of  the 
Circus  than  their  forefathers  had  shown  for  the  elevation  of 
a  Scipio  or  a  Marius  to  the  highest  dignities  of  the  state. 
They  were  also  completely  brutalized  by  the  constant  view 
of  the  slaughter  of  grjadiators,  the  combats  of  men  with  the 
wild  beasts  to  which  they  were  exposed,  and  the  massacre  of 
animals,  many  brought  for  the  purpose  from  the  most  distant 
.regions,  in   the  amphitheatre.     For    such  were  the  arause- 

*  "  Ex  quo  suffragia  nulli 
Vendiinus  cffudit  curas;  nam  qui  dabat  olim 
Imperiuin,  fasces,  lejrioncs,  omnia,  nunc  se 
Continet,  atque  duas  tantuin  res  anxius  opUt, 
Panem  et  Circenses."     Juv.  Sat.  x-  77. 


STATE    OF    THE    EMPIRE.  115 


ments  with  which  the  emperors,  continuing  in  truth  only  the 
usage  of  the  counnonwealth,  sought  to  gratify  the  populace 
of  Kome. 

The  fine  rural  population  of  Italy,  the  hardy  yeomanry  and 
stout  farm  laborers,  whose  viiror  and  couracje  had  won  the 
victories  which  gave  Rome  her  empire,  had  been  greatly  di- 
minished. Tillage  had  ceased  in  a  great  measure;  and  Italy, 
divided  into  huge  estates,  the  lutifuadia  of  the  nobles,  con- 
tained only  vineyards,  oliveyards,  pastures,  and  forests,  in 
which  all  the  labor  was  performed  by  gangs  of  slaves.  The 
corn  which  was  to  relieve  the  wants  of  the  imperial  city  was 
all  supplied  by  Africa  and  Egypt;  the  existence  of  the  Ro- 
man people  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  winds,  and  any  one  who 
could  obtain  the  possession  of  Egypt  could  starve  the  capi- 
tal. In  every  point  of  view,  this  policy  was  bad;  it  should 
be  the  object  of  every  prudent  government  to  maintain  a 
sound  agricultural  population. 

Literature  had  greatly  declined  after  the  time  of  Augustus. 
The  only  historian  of  any  note  remaining  from  this  period  is 
C.  Velleius  Paterculus,  an  agreeable  and  ingenious  writer, 
but  the  abject  flatterer  of  the  tyrant  Tiberius.  The  philo- 
sophic writings  of  Seneca  display  a  pure  morality,  conveyed 
in  a  style  affected  and  epigrammatic,  which,  attractive  from 
its  very  faults,  operated  very  injuriously  on  the  literature  of 
the  age.  Of  the  actions  of  Seneca  we  have  had  occasion  to 
speak  in  the  preceding  pages;  and  it  is  clear  that  his  life 
did  not  strictly  correspond  with  the  high-strained  principles 
of  the  Stoic  philosopiiy  which  he  professed.  He  is  accused 
by  Dion  of  having  caused  the  insurrection  of  the  Britons,  in 
the  reign  of  Nero,  by  his  avarice;  and  that  historian  hints 
that  the  charge  of  adultery  against  him  was  not  without 
foundation.  On  the  other  hand,  Tacitus  always  speaks  of 
him  with  great  respect.  Seneca,  in  effect,  as  he  himself  fre- 
quently confesses,  had  the  failings  of  a  man  :  he  was  rich  ;  he 
increased  his  wealth  in  the  ordinary  Roman  manner,  by  put- 
ting his  money  out  at  interest  in  the  provinces;  he  lived  in  a 
splendid  manner;  but  he  was  moderate  and  temperate  in  his 
habits,  and  kind  and  amiable  in  all  the  relations  of  private 
life,  and  we  should  not  hesitate  to.  regard  him  as  a  good  man. 
The  unfortunate  circumstances  under  which  he  was  placed 
with  respect  to  his  imperial  pupil,  may  plead  his  excuse  for 
such  of  his  public  acts  as  are  morally  objectionable. 

Of  the  poets  of  this  period  we  possess  only  two,  M, 
Annseus   Lucanus,  the  nephew  of  Seueca,  and  A.  Persius 


116  THE    CHRISTIAN    RELIGION. 

Flaccus.  Both  of  these  poets  embraced  the  Stoic  philoso- 
phy, and  both  died  young.  Lucan,  following  the  example  of 
Ennius,  sought  the  materials  of  a  narrative  poem  in  the  his- 
tory of  Rome.  But  his  subject,  the  war  between  Caesar  and 
Pompeius,  was  too  recent  an  event,  and  the  poet  was  there- 
fore impeded  in  his  efforts  by  the  restrictions  of  truth.  The 
Pharsalia,  consequently,  though  full  of  vigor  and  spirit,  is 
rhetorical  rather  than  poetical ;  and  we  meet  in  it  the  severe 
truths  of  history,  and  the  strict  precepts  of  philosophy,  instead 
of  the  beguiling  illusions  of  fiction,  the  proper  ornaments 
of  poetry. 

Persius  has  left  six  satires,  written  in  a  tone  of  pure  and 
elevated  morality,  but  in  a  harsh,  rugged  style.  Horace  was 
the  great  object  of  his  admiration ;  but  no  contrast  can  be 
greater  than  that  which  the  style  and  manner  of  their  respec- 
tive compositions  present. 


CHAPTER   VII. 
THE    CHRISTIAN    RELIGION. 

THE  JEWISH  MESSIAH. JESUS  CHRIST. HIS  RELIGION. ITS 

PROPAGATION. CAUSES    OF    ITS    SUCCESS. CHURCH     GOV- 
ERNMENT. 

While  such  was  the  condition  of  the  Roman  empire  under 
the  successors  of  Augustus,  the  religion  which  was  to  super- 
sede the  various  systems  of  polytheism  in  Europe  and  a  part 
of  Asia,  was  secretly  and  noiselessly  progressing,  and  making 
converts  in  all  parts  of  the  Roman  dominions. 

The  inspired  books  of  the  Jews  in  many  places  spoke  of 
a  mighty  prince  of  that  nation,  named  the  Messiah,  i.  e.  the 
Anointed-one,  who  would  rule  over  all  mankind  in  justice 
and  equity,  and  exalt  his  own  peculiar  people  to  an  extraor- 
dinary degree  of  power  and  preeminence.  He  was  to  be 
born  of  the  line  of  their  ancient  sovereigns  of  the  house  of 
David  ;  and  the  interpreters  of  the  prophetic  writings  had 
fixed  the  time  of  his  advent  to  a  period  coinciding  with  the 
reign  of  Augustus.  Interpreting  their  prophecies  in  a  literal 
sense,  they  viewed  the  promised  Deliverer  as  a  great  temporal 


JESUS    CHRIST.  117 

prince,  who  would  wrest  the  supremacy  of  the  world  from 
Rome,  and  confer  it  on  Judaea  ;  and  the  whole  Jewish  people 
were  looking  forward  with  hope  and  exultation  to  the  predes- 
tined triumph  of  their  arms  and  their  creed. 

The  promised  Saviour  came  at  the  appointed  time,  but 
under  a  widely  different  character  from  what  the  expounders 
of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  had  announced.  His  mother, 
an  humble  maiden  of  the  house  of  David,  the  wife  of  a  car- 
penter in  one  of  the  towns  of  Galilee,  brought  him  forth  at 
Bethlehem,  the  city  of  David.  He  grew  up  in  privacy  and 
obscurity;  at  the  age  of  thirty  he  entered  on  his  destined  of- 
fice as  a  teacher  of  mankind  ;  by  many  wonderful  works,  he 
proved  his  mission  to  be  from  on  high,  and  himself  to  be  the 
promised  Messiah,  whose  triumph  was  to  be  over  sin  and  the 
powers  of  darkness,  and  not  over  the  arms  of  Rome.  Many, 
struck  by  his  miraculous  powers,  and  won  by  the  beauty  and 
sublimity  of  his  doctrines,  and  their  accordance  with  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  of  Israel,  became  his  followers;  but 
a  mild  and  beneficent  system  of  religion  was  distasteful  to 
the  nation  in  general;  the  heads  of  the  Jewish  religion  grew 
alarmed  for  their  own  power  and  influence ;  they  therefore 
resolved  on  his  destruction ;  and  they  forced  the  Roman  gov- 
ernor to  condemn  him  to  death  as  a  spreader  of  sedition 
against  the  Roman  authority.  The  death  which  the  Son  of 
God  endured  was  that  of  the  cross,  (the  usual  mode  at  the 
time ;)  but,  as  he  had  foretold  to  his  disciples,  he  rose  from 
the  dead  on  the  third  day,  and,  after  an  abode  of  forty  days 
on  the  earth,  he  ascended,  in  their  view,  to  heaven,  leaving 
them  a  charge  to  disseminate  his  religion  throughout  the 
whole  world. 

None,  we  should  suppose,  require  to  be  told  what  is  the 
religion  of  Jesus  Christ.  All  must  know  that  its  essence 
is  the  love  of  God  and  the  love  of  man,  that  it  inculcates 
every  virtue,  teaches  to  shun  all  evil,  promises  to  the  good 
eternal  bliss,  and  menaces  the  wicked  with  eternal  misery,  in 
a  future  state  of  existence.  So  lovely  is  it,  so  mild,  peaceful, 
and  beneficent  is  its  character,  that,  were  its  precepts  gener- 
ally, though  but  imperfectly,  obeyed,  even  the  present  world 
would  become  a  paradise.  We  speak  of  the  religion  which 
is  contained  in  the  sacred  books  of  the  New  Testament,  in 
the  words  of  Christ  himself  and  his  apostles,  and  not  of  the 
corrupted  system  which  grew  up  and  usurped  its  place,  the 
progress  of  which  it  will  be  our  task  to  relate.  There  is 
perhaps    no    moral    phenomenon   so    extraordinary    es   the 


118  THE    CHRISTIAN    RELIGION. 

change  of  the  purity  and  simplicity  of  the  gospel  into  the 
polytheism  and  idolatry  which  afterwards  assumed  the  name 
and  office  of  Christianity ;  yet,  as  will  appear,  it  is  a  phe- 
nomenon not  difficult  of  explanation. 

The  religion  of  Christ  was  founded  on  that  of  Moses  ;  but 
while  the  latter  was  limited  to  one  people  and  one  country, 
and  burdened  with  a  wearisome  ceremonial,  and  many  peculi- 
arities about  meats  and  drinks,  and  such  like,  the  former,  un- 
limited and  unencumbered,  was  adapted  to  all  parts  of  the 
earth,  and  suited  to  all  those  who  had  capacity  to  understand 
and  follow  its  precepts.  Its  Divine  Author  therefore  directed 
his  disciples  to  preach  it  to  all  nations;  and  so  bold  and  ener- 
getic were  they  in  the  performance  of  their  commission,  and 
so  powerfully  were  they  aided  by  the  Divine  Spirit  which 
was  promised  them,  that  the  religion  was  in  the  space  of  a 
few  years  diffiised  throughout  the  greater  part  of  the  Roman 
empire. 

The  first  societies  of  the  Christians  (named  clmrchcs  *) 
were  necessarily  in  Judaea,  and  the  principal  one  at  Jeru- 
salem, where  the  apostles  or  original  companions  of  Christ 
chiefly  resided.  Gradually,  by  means  of  missionaries,  the  doc- 
trine was  spread  beyond  the  limits  of  Judaea,  and  churches 
were  established  at  Damascus,  Antioch,  and  other  towns. 
The  most  powerful  and  effective  of  these  missionaries  was 
Saul,  (or,  as  he  was  afterwards  named,  Paul,)  who  had  been 
originally  a  persecutor  of  the  church,  but,  being  converted  by 
miracle,  as  he  was  on  his  road  to  Damascus,  became  a  most 
zealous  preacher  of  the  truth  which  he  had  opposed.  To 
zeal  and  ardor  he  united  the  advantages  of  learnincr  and 
eloquence  ;  he  was  versed  in  the  literature  of  his  own  nation 
and  of  the  Greeks,  and  was  thus  eminently  qualified  for  the 
office  assigned  him,  of  being  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles.  By 
means  chiefly  of  this  eminent  man,  within  the  space  of  five- 
and-twenty  years  from  the  death  of  Christ,  churches  had 
been  formed  in  the  principal  towns  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor, 
Macedonia,  Greece,  and  even  in  the  city  of  Rome. 

The  mode  in  which  Paul  and  the  other  missionaries  pro- 
ceeded was  as  follows:  The  Jews  were  now  (for  the  pur- 
poses of  traffic,  it  would  appear)  established  in  most  of  the 
great  towns  of  the  Roman  empire  ;  and  wherever  they  were, 

*  The  term  employed  in  the  New  Testament  is  ixxliiola,  "  assem- 
bly." Church  is  usuall}'  derived  from  the  phrase  o  toO  xvniov  otxue, 
"  the  Lord's  House,  "  which  was  also  employed  to  designate  tiie  be- 
lievers in  Christ. 


ITS    PUOPAGATION.  119 

they  had  their  synagogues  or  places  of  worship.  On  arriving 
at  any  town,  therefore,  Paul,  (to  take  him  for  an  example,)  as 
being  a  Jew,  used  to  enter  the  synagogue  on  the  Sabbath  day, 
where,  taking  advantage  of  the  custom  which  prevailed  in  the 
synagogues,  of  inviting  any  persons  who  seemed  inclined  to 
address  the  congregation,*  he  undertook  to  prove  to  them 
that  Jesus  was  the  long-promised  Messiah.  If  the  Jews  were 
convinced  and  believed,  they  became  the  iiudcus  of  a  church; 
if  they  did  not,  (as  was  more  generally  the  case,)  the  apostle 
"turned  to  the  Gentiles,"  that  is,  preached  the  gospel  to  the 
heathen,  or  the  followers  of  the  worship  of  false  gods.  The 
church  of  each  town  was  usually  composed  of  converts  from 
among  both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  but  chiefly  of  the  latter,  the 
Jews  being  in  general  the  implacable  enemies  of  the  religion 
which  was  to  supersede  their  own,  and  which  disappointed 
all  their  lofty  anticipations. 

In  the  moral  as  in  the  natural  world,  there  is  no  effect 
without  a  preceding  cause ;  no  change  is  produced  without 
a  due  preparation  of  circumstances.  We  may  therefore  in- 
quire, without  presumption,  what  were  the  circumstances  that 
favored  the  rapid  progress  of  the  Christian  religion. 

The  able  historian  of  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire  assigns  five  causes  for  this  great  effect,  namely,  the 
zeal  of  the  Christians — the  doctrine  of  a  future  life  —  the 
miraculous  powers  ascribed  to  the  church  —  the  pure  and  aus- 
tere morals  of  the  Christians  —  and  the  union  and  discipline 
of  the  Christian  republic.  In  his  examination  of  each  of 
these  causes  and  its  effects,  he  exerts  all  his  powers  of  sneer 
and  irony  to  throw  discredit  on  the  early  Christians,  to  repre- 
sent them  as  weak  dupes  or  artful  impostors,  and  their  reli- 
gion as  no  more  divine  than  those  of  Greece  and  Italy.  We 
shall  endeavor  to  examine  them  in  a  different  spirit. 

The  first  of  the  causes  assigned  by  the  historian  is  doubt- 
less a  true  one.  Without  zeal,  no  system  of  philosophy,  far 
less  of  religion,  will  ever  make  rapid  progress  in  the  world. 
The  second  cause  is  also  true.  The  doctrine  of  a  future 
state,  as  taught  by  the  apostles,  had  in  it  a  degree  of  purity, 
determinateness,  and  certainty,  unattainable  by  the  polytheism 
of  the  heathen,  and  which  foimed  no  part  of  the  law  given  to 
the  Jews  by  Moses.     But  we  must  not  suppose,  as  the  his- 


*  "  And  after  the  reading  of  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  the  rulers  of 
the  synagoorue  sent  unto  them,  saying  :  Ye  men  and  brethren,  if  ye 
have  any  word  of  exhortation  for  the  people,  say  on."     Acts  xiii.  15. 


120  THE    CHRISTIAN    RELIGION. 

torian  would  have  us,  that  a  future  state  was  not  believed 
generally  at  that  time  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  The 
philosophers  and  men  of  education,  doubtless,  disgusted  by 
the  absurd  details  of  the  future  world,  furnished  by  poets  and 
adopted  in  the  popular  creed,  and  finding  no  demonstrative 
arguments  for  a  future  existence,  had  reasoned  themselves 
into  skepticism  on  the  subject,  and  the  doctrine  therefore  had 
little  or  no  effect  on  their  lives  and  conduct;  but  the  vulgar 
still  clung  pertinaciously  to  the  faith  transmitted  to  them  by 
their  forefathers,  and  believed  the  poetic  creed  of  the  future 
world  with  all  its  incongruities.*  The  religious  aspect  of 
the  Roman  world  at  that  time  in  fact  very  much  resembled 
that  of  Catholic  Europe  at  the  present  day;  the  popular  re- 
ligion was  a  mass  of  absurdities  revoltino[  to  the  understand- 
ing;  the  men  of  education  rejected  it,  and  were  skeptics  or 
infidels;  while  the  vulgar  lay  grovelling  in  idolatry  and  super- 
stition. 

The  historian's  third  cause  —  the  miraculous  powers  of  the 
church — is  the  one  liable  to  most  dispute.  The  infidel  to- 
tally denies  their  reality ;  the  believer  is  convinced  of  their 
truth.  On  this  point  no  a  priori  arguments  should  be  ad- 
mitted;  the  inquirer  should,  for  example,  give  no  heed  to 
reasonings  from  the  steadiness  and  regularity  of  the  course 
of  nature,  for  we  know  not  what  that  course  is,  and  whether 
the  effects  which,  as  being  uimsual,  we  denominate  miracu- 
lous or  wonderful,  may  not  form  a  part  of  it,  and  have  been 
arranged  so  as  to  coincide  in  point  of  time  with  the  promul- 
gation of  certain  moral  principles.  The  whole  is  in  effect  a 
question  of  evidence,  and  those  who  find  the  proofs  offered 
for  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  convincing,  must 
acknowledge  that  the  promise  of  divine  aid  made  by  Jesus 
to  his  disciples  was  fulfilled,  and  that  the  Holy  Spirit  enabled 
them  to  perform  many  wonderful  works.t     At  the  same  time, 

*  In  Lucian  (De  Luctu  2)  will  be  found  a  proof  of  the  tenacity  with 
which  the  vulgar  adhered  to  the  traditional  creed.     The  chief  cause  of 
Gibbon's  error  seems  to  have  been  his  ignorance  of  the  difference  be- 
tween the  religions  systems  of  Greece  and   Italy.     Ctesar  and  Cicero 
might  deride  the  poetic  under-world  ;  Juvenal  might  say,  (ii.  149,) 
"  Esse  aliquid  Manes  et  subterranea  regna, 
Et  contuni,  et  Stygio  ranas  in  gurgite  nigras, 
Atque  una  transire  vadum  tot  millia  cymba, 
Nee  pueri  credunt  nisi  qui  nondum  cere  lavantur." 
But  these  are  all  Grecian,  not  Roman,  ideas  on  the  subject,  and  the 
vulgar  at  Rome  might  make  light  of  them,  and  yet  believe  (as  the  vul- 
gar every  where  do)  in  a  future  state. 

t  The  most  convincing  work  on  the  evidences  of  Christianity,  in 


CAUSES  OF  ITS  SUCCESS.  121 

there  are  no  safe  grounds  for  supposing  that  this  aid  was 
continued  beyond  the  age  of  the  apostles.  The  Deity  does 
nothing  in  vain ;  and,  when  once  the  Christian  religion  was 
firmly  rooted  in  the  world,  supernatural  assistance  was  with- 
drawn. In  fact,  the  accounts  of  all  subsequent  miracles  ex- 
hibit the  marks  of  error  or  imposition. 

The  fourth  cause  was,  beyond  all  question,  a  most  effica- 
cious one.  The  virtues  of  the  early  Christians  (to  which  we 
may  add  the  purity  of  their  system  of  morals)  must  have 
shone  forth  with  preeminent  lustre  amid  the  moral  darkness 
which  then  obscured  the  world.  Not  that  virtue  was  totally 
extinct ;  for  God  never  suffers  it  to  become  so  among  any 
people;  but  from  the  language  used  by  the  apostle  Paul,  and 
from  the  history  of  the  times,  and  the  writings  which  have 
come  down  to  us,  we  may  infer  that  morality  was  never  at  a 
lower  ebb  than  at  that  period  of  the  Roman  empire.  There 
certainly  was  then  no  sect  nor  society  which  showed  the  phi- 
lanthropy and  spirit  of  mutual  love  displayed  by  the  early 
Christians.  "  Behold  how  these  Christians  love  one  another !  " 
was  the  language  of  the  admiring  heathens. 

The  last  cause  assigned  by  the  historian  —  the  government 
of  the  church  —  could  hardly  have  had  much  efficacy  in  the 
period  of  which  we  now  treat.  What  the  original  form  of 
church  government  was,  is  a  question  which  was  once  agitated 
with  a  degree  of  violence  and  animosity  which  testified  little 
for  the  acquaintance  of  the  combatants  with  the  true  nature 
and  spirit  of  the  gospel.  It  is  now,  we  believe,  pretty  gen- 
erally agreed  among  rational  and  moderate  divines,  that  nei- 
ther Christ  nor  his  apostles  intended  to  institute  any  particu- 
lar form;  leaving  it  to  the  members  of  the  church  to  regulate 
it  according  to  their  ideas  of  what  would  best  accord  with 
the  political  constitution  under  which  they  lived.  And,  in 
fact,  if  we  are  to  judge  by  the  effects,  we  might  say  that 
forms  of  ecclesiastical  government  are  indifferent,  and  that 
"  vv'hate'er  is  best  administered  is  best;  "  for  equal  degrees  of 
piety  and  holiness  seem  to  be  attainable  under  all.  True  re- 
ligion is  seated  in  the  heart ;  it  depends  not  on  outward 
forms :  it  is  the  pride,  the  ambition,  the  vanity  of  man,  that 
has  introduced  schism  and  dissension  into  the  church  of 
Christ. 

The  first  churches,  as  we  have  seen,  were  founded  by  mis- 

our  opinion,  is  Paley's  "  Hor®  Paulinas,"  the  perusal  of  which  we 
strongly  recommend. 

CONTIN.  11  P 


122  THE    CHRISTIAN    RELIGION. 

sionaries,  who  travelled  from  place  to  place.  While  they 
were  present  with  any  church,  they  necessarily  exercised  an 
authority  over  it ;  but  every  society  requires  a  permanent 
government;  and,  therefore,  the  churches  seem  almost  im- 
mediately to  have  appointed  some  persons  to  preside  in  their 
assemblies,  and  to  execute  other  offices  of  supervision  or 
ministration.  The  presidents  were  named  Overseers  or 
Elders;*  they  were  chosen  by  the  members  of  the  church, 
and  confirmed  and  appointed  to  their  office  by  the  founder, 
or  one  authorized  by  him.t  There  is  also  a  class  of  persons 
spoken  of  who  were  termed  Prophets,  and  seem  to  have 
been  men  endowed  with  a  ready  eloquence,  able  to  expound 
the  Scriptures,  and  to  exhort  and  admonish  the  congrega- 
tion.J  A  third  class  of  officers  were  named  Deacons,  /.  e. 
Ministers,"^,  who  attended  to  the  poor,  and  discharged  some 
other  duties. 

Such  seems  to  have  been  the  external  form  of  the 
churches  during  the  lifetime  of  the  apostles.  Each  con- 
gregation was  independent  of  all  others,  governed  by  officers 
chosen  by  its  members,  living  in  harmony  and  friendly  com- 
munication with  the  other  churches ;  those  which  were  more 
wealthy  contributing  to  the  comforts  of  those,  which,  like 
the  parent  one  at  Jerusalem,  were  more  exposed  to  affliction 
and  poverty. 

It  was  not  perhaps,  in  general,  till  after  the  death  of  the 
apostles,  that,  the  congregations  having  become  very  numer- 
ous, a  change  was  made  in  their  form  of  government,  and 
the  office  of  Bishop  or  Overseer  was  separated  from  that  of 
Elder,  and  restricted  to  one  person  in  each  society.  His 
office  was  for  life;  he  was  the  recognized  organ  and  head 
of  the  church ;  he  had  the  management  of  its  funds,  and 
the  appointment  to  the  offices  of  the  ministry.  He  also  ad- 
ministered the  rite  of  baptism,  and  he  pronounced  the 
blessing  over  the  bread  and  wine  used  at  the  Lord's  Supper. 
The  presbyters  were  his  council  or  assistants ;  for  he  was 
only  regarded  as  the  first  among  equals. 

Such,  then,  was  the  church  of  Christ  in  its  early  days. 
It  was  composed  of  converts   from    among    the   Jews  and 

*  'Eniaxonoi  and  nqtafivxiqot.  That  they  were  synonymous,  is  evi- 
dent from  the  following  passages  :  Acts  xx.  18  and  28;  Tit.  i.  5  and  7. 
From  the  former  are  derived  the  modern  Vescovo,  (Ital.,)  Obispo, 
(Sp.,)  Eveque,  (Fr.,)  Bishop,  (Eng. ;)  from  tho  latter,  Prete,  (Ital.,) 
Prdtre,  (Fr.,)  Priest,  (Eng.) 

t  Tit.  i.  5.  X  \  Cor.  xiv.  3 — 5.  §   ^laxovoi. 


THE    CHRISTIAN    RELIGION.  123 

Gentiles,  chiefly  of  the  middle  and  lower  ranks,  for  it  did 
not  exclude  even  slaves.*  It  was,  in  general,  disregarded  or 
despised  by  the  learned  and  the  great,  by  whom  it  was  con- 
founded with  Judaism,  which,  from  its  unsocial  character, 
was  the  object  of  universal  dislike,  and  was  treated  as  a 
baneful  superstition.  That  the  early  Christians  were  not 
perfect,  is  evinced  by  the  Epistles  of  Paul  himself,  which,  at 
the  same  time,  prove  how  pure  and  holy  were  the  precepts 
delivered  to  them;  and,  if  Tacitus  and  Suetonius  speak  of 
the  Christians  as  the  worst  of  men,  their  friend,  the  younger 
Pliny,  who,  in  his  office  of  governor  of  a  province,  had  oc- 
casion to  become  acquainted  with  that  persecuted  sect,  bears 
testimony  to  the  purity  of  their  morals  and  the  innocence  of 
their  lives.t 

*  It  must  not,  however,  be  inferred,  as  is  sometimes  done  by  the 
enemies  of  our  religion,  that  there  were  hardly  any  of  the  better 
classes  among  the  early  converts.  Tlie  mention  in  the  apostolic 
writings  of  masters  and  servants;  the  directions  given  to  women  not 
to  adorn  themselves  with  gold  and  silver,  pearls  and  costly  array;  the 
sums  raised  for  the  relief  of  the  poorer  churches;  —  all  testify  the  con- 
trary. St.  Paul's  remark,  that  there  were  not  many  of  the  noble  or  the 
mighty  in  the  church  of  Corinth,  would  seem  to  prove  that  there  were 
some;  and  the  injunction  to  beware  of  the  philosophy  of  the  Greeks, 
and  the  Oriental  Gnosis,  would  hardly  have  been  necessary  if  the 
Christians  were  all  ignorant  and  illiterate. 

t  "They  affirmed,"  says  Pliny,  "that  the  whole  of  their  fault  or 
error  lay  in  this  —  that  they  were  wont  to  meet  together  on  a  stated 
day  before  it  was  light,  and  sing  among  themselves  alternately  a  hymn 
to  Christ  as  to  God,  and  bind  themselves  by  an  oath,  not  to  the  com- 
mission of  any  wickedness,  but  not  to  be  guilty  of  theft,  or  robbery,  or 
adultery,  never  to  falsify  their  word,  nor  to  deny  a  pledge  committed 
to  them  when  called  on  to  return  it." 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE 


PART  II. 

EMPERORS    CHOSEN    BY    THE    ARMY. 


CHAPTER   I.* 

GALEA.    OTHO.     VITELLIUS. 
A.u.  821—823.     A.D.  68—70. 

GALBA. ADOPTION   OF    PISO. MURDER    OP   GALBA. OTHO. 

CIVIL      WAR. BATTLE      OF      BEDRIACUM. DEATH      OP 

OTHO. VITELLIUS. VESPASIAN     PROCLAIMED     EMPEROR. 

ADVANCE    OF  THE    FLAVIANS. STORMING    OF  CREMONA. 

BURNING     OF     THE     CAPITOL. CAPTURE     OF     ROME. 

DEATH    OF    VITELLIUS. 

The  supreme  power  in  the  Roman  world  had  now  been 
held  for  a  century  by  the  family  which,  in  accordance  with 
the  Roman  practice  of  adoption,  we  may  regard  as,  and 
term,  the  Julian  or  Ca;sarian.  It  had  also  been  transmitted 
in  lineal  succession,  except  in  the  case  of  Claudius,  when 
the  guards  proved  to  the  senate  and  the  people  that  the 
power  of  giving  a  master  to  the  Roman  world  lay  with  than. 
We  are  now  to  see  this  power  claimed  and  exercised  by  the 

*  Authorities :  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  Dion,  and  Plutarch. 


A.  O.    68.]  CHARACTER    OF    GALEA.  125 

legions,  and  the  pretensions  of  rival  candidates  asserted  by 
the  arms  of  their  supporters.* 


Ser.  Sulpicius  Galha. 
A.U.  821—822.    A.D.  68—69. 


Servius  Sulpicius  Galba,  a  member  of  one  of  the  most 
ancient  and  honorable  patrician  families  at  Rome,  was  now 
in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age.  He  had  borne  the  high 
offices  of  the  state,  had  governed  both  Africa  and  Spain, 
and  had  displayed  military  talents  in  the  former  province 
and  in  Germany,  which  had  procured  him  the  triumphal 
ornaments.  Both  as  a  general  and  as  a  governor,  he  had 
shown  himself  to  be  rigidly  severe,  and  even  harsh.  He  was 
infected  with  the  usual  vice  of  age  —  avarice,  and  he  was 
entirely  under  the  influence  of  those  by  whom  he  was  sur- 
rounded. 

The  pra;torian  guards  had  been  induced  by  their  prefect, 
Nymphidius  Sabinus,  (the  colleague  of  Tigellinus,)  to  aban- 
don Nero,  and  declare  for  Galba,  in  whose  name  he  prom- 
ised them  the  enormous  donative  of  7,500  denars  a  man, 
while  the  soldiers  of  the  legions  he  engaged  should  each 
'  receive  1,250  denars.  The  troops  which  Nero  had  col- 
lected in  Italy  being  thus  gained  over,  the  senate  followed 
their  example,  and  the  usual  titles  and  power  were  decreed 
to  Galba. 

When  Galba  was  certified  of  the  death  of  Nero,  he  as- 
sumed the  title  of  Caesar,  and  set  out  for  Rome.  In  that 
city  there  had  been  some  disturbance,  for  Nymphidius  had 
tried  to  induce  the  pra;torian  cohorts  to  declare  for  himself; 
but  he  had  been  overpowered  and  slain.  On  his  route,  Gal- 
ba put  to  death  a  consular  and  a  consul  elect,  without  even 
the  form  of  a  trial ;  and  when,  as  he  drew  near  to  the  city, 
the  rowers  of  the  fleet,  whom  Nero  had  converted  into  sol- 
diers, met  him,  and,  refusing  to  return  to  their  former  con- 
dition, demanded  an  eagle  and  standards,  he  ordered  his 
horse  to  charge  them ;  and,  not  content  with  the  slaughter 
thus  made,  he  decimated  the  remainder.     When  the  praeto- 

*  Hence  we  term  this  the  period  of  emperors  elected  by  the  army, 
tliougli  such  was  not  strictly  the  case  in  all  parts  of  it,  as  from  Nerva 
to  Commodus. 

11* 


126  GALEA.  [a.  D.    69. 

rians  demanded  the  donative  promised  in  his  name,  he  re- 
plied that  it  was  his  way  to  levy,  not  to  purchase  his  soldiers. 
He  broke  and  sent  home  the  German  guards  of  the  CiEsars, 
without  giving  them  any  gratuity.  He  oiTended  the  people, 
by  refusing  to  punish,  at  their  earnest  desire,  Tigellinus  and 
some  others  of  the  ministers  of  Nero's  cruelty.  He,  how- 
ever, put  to  death  Helius,  Locusta,  and  others. 

It  added  much  to  the  unpopularity  of  Galba,  that  he  was 
almost  in  a  state  of  pupilage  to  three  persons,  namely,  T. 
Vinius,  his  legate  when  in  Spain,  Cornelius  Laco,  whom  he 
had  made  prefect  of  the  praetorians,  and  hisfreedman  Icelus, 
to  whom  he  had  given  the  equestrian  ring,  and  the  surname 
of  Martianus.  These  persons  had  all  their  own  ends  in 
view;  and,  as  they  knew  that,  under  any  circumstances,  the 
life  of  the  emperor  could  not  be  long,  they  thought  only  of 
providing  for  their  future  interests. 

The  j)rovinces  and  the  armies  in  general  submitted  to  the 
emperor  appointed  by  the  senate.  It  was  not  so,  however, 
with  the  legions  in  the  Germanies.  Galba  had  most  unwise- 
ly recalled  the  noble  Vergiuius  under  the  show  of  friendship, 
but  in  reality  out  of  fear  and  jealousy,  and  sent  A.  Vitellius 
to  command  the  army  of  Lower  Germany,  whose  general, 
Fonteius  Capito,  had  been  slain  by  his  legates  Cornelius 
Aquinus  and  Fabius  Valens ;  while  Hordeonius  Flaccus, 
who  commanded  the  army  of  Upper  Germany,  enfeebled  by 
age  and  the  gout,  had  lost  all  autliority  over  his  troops. 

It  v^as  with  this  last  army  that  the  disturbance  began.  On 
new  year's  day,  (09,)  Galba  entered  on  the  consulate,  with 
Vinius  for  his  colleague;  and  a  few  days  after,  word  came 
that  the  legions  of  Upper  Germany  insisted  on  having 
another  emperor,  leaving  the  choice  to  the  senate  and 
people.  This  intelligence  made  Galba  hasten  the  execution 
of  a  design  he  had  already  formed  of  adopting  some  person, 
as  he  was  himself  childless;  and  he  held  consultations  with 
his  three  friends  on  the  subject.  They  were  divided  in 
their  sentiments.  M.  Salvius  Otho,  from  whom,  it  may  be 
recollected,  Nero  had  taken  Poppa^a,  had  early  joined  Galba, 
whom  he  hoped  to  succeed;  there  was  a  great  intimacy 
between  him  and  Vinius,  whose  daughter,  it  was  believed,  he 
was  engaged  to  marry,  and  Vinius  therefore  now  strongly 
urged  his  claim  to  the  adoption.  Laco  and  Icelus  had  no 
partiiMilar  favorite,  but  they  were  resolved  to  oppose  the 
candidite  of  Vinius.  Galba,  partly,  as  was  thought,  moved 
by  a  regard  for  the  state,  which  would  have  been  to  no  pur- 


A.  D.    69.]  ADOPTION    OF    PISO.  127 

pose  delivered  from  Nero  if  transmitted  to  Otho,  and  partly, 
as  was  supposed,  influenced  by  Laco,  fixed  on  Piso  Licinia- 
nus,  a  young  man  of  the  i)ol»lest  birth  and  the  strictest 
morals.  Having  adopted  him  with  the  usual  forms,  he  took 
him  into  the  camp,  and  informed  the  soldiers  of  what  he 
had  done;  but,  influenced  by  his  parsimony  and  his  regard 
for  ancient  usages,  he  unfortunately  said  not  a  word  of  a 
donative,  and  the  troops  listened  to  him  with  silence  and 
discrust. 

Oiho,  who,  from  the  state  of  his  affairs,  saw  ruin  impend- 
ing over  him,  now  resolved  to  make  a  desperate  eff'ort,  and 
be  emperor  or  perish.  He  had  for  some  time  been  secretly 
tampering  with  the  soldiery.  By  means  of  his  freedman 
Onomastus,  he  gained  over  two  soldiers,  who  undertook  to 
make  trial  of  the  fidelity  of  their  comrades;  and,  on  the 
fifth  day  after  the  adoi)tion  of  Piso,  (Jan.  15,)  as  Galba  was 
sacrificing  at  the  temple  of  the  Palatine  Apollo,  Onomastus 
came  to  Otho,  who  was  standing  by  him,  and  said  that  the 
architect  and  builders  were  waiting  for  him,  that  being  the 
signal  agreed  on.  Otho,  pretending  that  he  had  bought 
some  houses  which  required  to  be  examined,  went  away; 
and,  at  the  golden  mile-stone  in  the  Forum,  he  was  met  by 
three-and-twenty  soldiers,  who  saluted  him  emperor,  and, 
placing  him  in  a  sedan,  hurried  him  away  to  the  camp, 
being  joined  by  about  as  many  more  on  the  way. 

Galba  was  still  engaged  sacrificing,  when  the  report  cnme, 
first,  that  some  senator,  and  then  that  Otho,  was  carried 
away  to  the  camp.  It  was  resolved  to  make  trial  at  once 
of  the  fidelity  of  the  cohort  which  was  on  guard  at  the  pal- 
ace, and  Piso  went  and  stood  on  the  steps  and  addressed 
them.  But,  though  he  promised  a  donative,  they  did  not 
declare  themselves.  All  the  other  troops  joined  the  praeto- 
rians, with  the  exception  of  those  whom  Nero  had  drafted 
from  the  German  army  to  serve  in  Egypt,  and  whom  Galba 
had  lately  treated  with  much  kindness. 

The  populace  hastened  to  the  pal  ice  with  loud  and  noisy 
loyalty;  and,  while  Galba  was  consulting  with  his  friends, 
word  came  that  Otho  was  slain  in  the  camp;  the  senators 
and  knights,  then  taking  courage,  vied  with  the  populace  in 
clamorous  loyalty,  and  Galba  was  put  into  a  chair  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  camp.  Just  as  he  was  setting  out,  a  gu:',rdsman, 
showing  his  bloody  sword,  cried  out  that  he  hid  sl;;in  Otho: 
Galba,  ever  mindful  of  discipline,  replied,  "  Fellow-solclier, 
who  ordered  you  7  "     Piso,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  camp, 


128  OTHO.  [a.  d.  69. 

met  the  emperor  on  his  way  with  the  assurance  that  all  was 
lost,  the  soldiers  having  declared  for  Otho.  While  they 
were  deliberating  on  what  were  best  to  be  done,  the  soldiers, 
horse  and  foot,  rushed  into  the  Forum,  and  dispersed  the 
senators  and  the  people.  At  the  sight  of  them,  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  cohort  which  was  with  Galba  threw  down  his 
ensign.  The  aged  emperor  was  flung  from  his  chair  at  the 
place  called  the  Lake  of  Curtius.  He  desired  the  soldiers 
to  slay  him,  if  it  seemed  for  the  good  of  the  state;  and  he 
was  instantly  despatched.  Vinius  was  the  next  victim. 
Piso  fled  to  the  temple  of  Vesta,  where  he  was  concealed  by 
a  public  slave  attached  to  it;  but  he  was  soon  discovered, 
dragged  out  and  slain,  and  his  head  brought  to  Otho.  Laco, 
Icelus,  and  several  others,  were  put  to  death.  The  body  of 
Galba,  after  being  exposed  to  the  insults  of  the  soldiery 
and  rabble,  was  indebted  for  sepulture  to  his  steward,  Argius, 
who  interred  it  in  his  own  warden. 

D 


M.  Salvius   Otho. 
A.  u.  822.     A.  D.  69. 


The  soldiers  now  did  every  thing  they  pleased  ;  for  Otho, 
even  if  inclined,  had  not  the  power  to  restrain  them  ;  the 
senate  and  people  rushed  into  servitude  as  usual.  The  trib- 
unitian  power,  the  name  of  Augustus,  and  all  the  other 
honors,  were  decreed  to  Otho ;  and,  as  far  as  Rome  was  con- 
cerned, his  power  was  supreme.  But  he  had  hardly  entered 
on  his  new  dignity  when  he  received  intelligence  that  the 
German  legions,  joined  by  several  of  the  Gallic  states,  had 
declared  A.  Vitellius  emperor,  and  that  two  armies,  under 
his  legates,  Fabius  Valens  and  Alienus  Cajcina,  were  in  full 
march  for  Italy. 

The  legions  of  Britain  and  of  Rajtia  had  also  declared  for 
Vitellius.  Those  of  Spain  at  first  gave  in  their  adhesion  to 
Otho;  but  they  speedily  turned  to  his  rival.  The  troops  of 
the  East  and  of  Africa  took  the  oath  to  Otho,  when  they 
learned  his  elevation  by  the  senate.  The  army  of  Illyricum 
also  took  the  engagement  to  him,  and  adhered  to  it.  His 
chief  reliance,  however,  was  on  the  guards  and  the  other 
troops  which  had  revolted  in  his  fivor  against  Galba.  Dur- 
ing  the  time   that   Otho  remained   in  the  city,  preparing 


A.  D.  69.]  CIVIL    WAR.  129 

for  the  war,  he  displayed  a  degree  of  prudence  and  vigor  not 
expected  from  his  general  character.  He  gained  popularity 
by  giving  up  to  the  public  vengeance  the  infamous  Tigelli- 
nus,  and  by  bestowing  pardon  and  his  confidence  on  Marius 
Celsus,  a  consul  elect,  who  had  exhibited  the  most  exempla- 
ry fidelity  toward  Galba,  and  who  afterwards  proved  equally 
faithful  to  Otho  himself. 

On  the  eve  of  the  Ides  of  March,  (14th,)  Otho,  having 
commended  the  state  to  the  care  of  the  senate,  set  out  to 
take  the  command  of  his  army  ;  for  Valens,  at  the  head  of 
40,000  men,  was  now  approaching  Italy  by  the  Cottian  Alps, 
while  Caicina,  with  30,000,  was  entering  it  by  the  Pennine 
Alps,  and  a  part  of  the  troops  in  Cisalpine  Gaul  had  declared 
for  Vitellius,  and  seized  Milan,  Novarra,  and  some  other 
municipal  towns.  The  whole  of  Italy  to  the  Po  was  thus  in 
the  hands  of  the  Vitellians.  As  Otho  had  the  entire  com- 
mand of  the  sea,  he  had  put  troops  on  board  of  the  fleet  from 
Misenum,  and  sent  them  to  make  a  diversion  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Gaul ;  and  they  had  some  success  against  the  troops 
despatched  by  Valens  to  oppose  them.  The  Pannonian  le- 
gions were  on  their  march  for  Italy,  and  they  had  sent  their 
cavalry  and  light  troops  on  before.  Five  praetorian  cohorts, 
with  the  first  legion,  and  some  cavalry,  and  a  band  of  two 
thousand  gladiators,  were  despatched  from  the  city,  under  the 
command  of  Annius  Gallus  and  Vestricius  Spurinna,  to  oc- 
cupy the  banks  of  the  Po ;  and  Otho  himself  followed  with 
the  remainder  of  the  praetorian  cohorts,  a  body  of  veteran 
praetorians,  and  a  large  number  of  the  rowers  of  the  fleet. 

Caicina  had  crossed  the  Po,  unopposed ;  he  moved  along 
the  stream  of  that  river,  and  sat  down  before  Placentia,  into 
which  Spurinna  had  thrown  himself  On  the  very  first  day 
of  the  siege,  the  splendid  amphitheatre,  the  largest  in  Italy, 
which  lay  without  the  walls,  was  burnt,  by  accident  or  de- 
sign. Having  failed  in  all  his  attempts  to  storm  the  town, 
Caecina  put  his  troops  over  the  river,  and  marched  against 
Cremona.  Gallus,  who  was  leadinor  the  first  legion  to  the 
relief  of  Placentia,  being  informed  by  letters  from  Spurinna 
of  the  route  taken  by  Caecina,  halted  at  a  village  named 
Bedriacura,  between  Verona  and  Cremona.  Meantime  Mar- 
tins Macro  had  suddenly  crossed  the  Po  with  the  gladiators, 
and  routed  a  body  of  the  Vitellian  auxiliaries.  The  Olho- 
nians  were  now  elate  with  success,  and  eager  for  battle,  and 
they  wrote  to  Otho,  accusing  their  generals  of  treachery  in 
restraining  their  ardor. 

The  Othonian  generals  wished  to  avoid  engaging  the  vet- 


130  OTHO.  ("a.  d.  69. 

erans  of  Vitellius  with  their  holiday  troops,  which  had  never 
seen  any  service,  and  to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  the  Pannonian 
legions.  On  the  other  hand,  Csecina,  maddened  by  the  re- 
pulses which  he  had  received  at  Placentia,  and  anxious  to 
bring  matters  to  a  conclusion  before  the  arrival  of  Valens, 
was  impatient  of  delay.  He  therefore  wished  to  provoke  a 
battle;  and,  placing  the  best  of  his  auxiliary  troops  in  am- 
bush, in  the  woods  on  each  side  of  the  road,  at  a  place  called 
The  Temple  of  the  Castors,  about  twelve  miles  from  Cre- 
mona, he  sent  a  party  of  horse  along  the  road,  with  directions 
to  fall  on  the  enemy,  and  then  retire  and  draw  them  into 
the  ambuscade.  The  plan,  however,  was  betrayed  to  the 
Othonian  generals,  Suetonius  Paulinus  and  Marius  Celsus, 
of  whom  the  former  taking  the  command  of  the  foot,  and 
the  latter  that  of  the  horse,  they  made  such  dispositions  as 
might  turn  the  enemy's  wile  against  himself  Accordingly, 
when  the  Vitellian  horse  turned  and  fled,  Celsus  kept  his 
men  in  check ;  those  in  the  ambush  then  rising  before  their 
time,  Celsus  gradually  fell  back  till  he  drew  them  to  where 
they  found  the  road  occupied  by  the  legionaries,  while 
cohorts  were  on  each  side,  and  the  cavalry  had  now  gotten 
into  their  rear.  Had  Paulinus  given  the  word  at  once,  they 
might  have  been  cut  to  pieces;  but  he  delayed  so  long,  that 
they  had  time  to  save  themselves  in  the  adjoining  vineyards, 
and  a  little  wood,  from  which  they  made  sallies,  and  killed 
some  of  the  most  forward  of  the  Othonian  horse.  The 
Othonian  infantry  now  pushed  forward,  and,  as  Csecina  sent 
his  troops  out  only  by  single  cohorts  to  oppose  them,  the 
resistance  which  they  experienced  was  slight;  and  it  was 
thought,  on  both  sides,  that,  if  Paulinus  had  not  sounded  a 
recall,  Caecina's  army  might  have  been  annihilated.  The 
reason  which  Paulinus  assigned  for  doing  so,  was  his  fear 
lest  his  wearied  men  should  be  attacked  by  fresh  troops  from 
the  camp  of  the  Vitellians,  in  which  case  he  should  have  no 
reserve  to  support  them;  his  arguments,  however,  did  not 
prove  generally  satisfactory. 

This  check  abated  very  much  the  confidence  of  both  Cae- 
cina  and  his  men;  it  had  a  similar  effect  on  those  of  Va- 
lens, who  had  now  reached  Ticinum.  They  had  lately 
been  very  mutinous,  and  their  general  had  narrowly  escaped 
death  at  their  hands ;  and  when  they  heard  of  the  recent 
disaster  of  their  comrades,  they  were  near  breaking  out  into 
mutiny  again.  They  would  brook  no  delay;  they  urged 
on  the  standard-bearers,  and  they  speedily  joined  the  army 
of  Caecina. 


A.  D.  69.]  CIVIL.  WAR.  131 

Otho  now  advised  with  his  generals  whether  it  would  be 
better  to  protract  the  war,  or  to  bring  matters  to  a  speedy 
decision.  Suetonius  argued  strongly  in  favor  of  the  former 
course.  The  Vitellians,  he  said,  were  all  there ;  they  could 
calculate  ou  no  additions  to  their  force ;  they  would  soon  be 
in  want  of  corn  ;  the  summer  was  coming  on,  and  the  Ger- 
mans, it  was  well  known,  could  not  stand  the  heat  of  Italy. 
On  the  other  hand,  Otho  had  Pannonia,  Moesia,  and  the 
East,  with  their  large  armies;  he  had  Italy  and  the  city  with 
him,  and  the  name  of  the  senate  and  people,  which  was 
always  of  importance  ;  he  had  plenty  of  money,  and  his  men 
were  inured  to  the  climate.  The  line  of  the  Po,  as  Placen- 
tia  had  proved,  could  be  easily  defended ;  he  would  speedily 
he  joined  by  the  legions  from  Illyricum.  All  therefore  con- 
spired to  recommend  delay.  The  opinions  of  Celsus  and 
Annius  Gallus  coincided  with  that  of  Suetonius.  On  the 
other  hand,  Otho  himself  was  inclined  to  a  speedy  decision, 
and  his  brother  Titianus,  to  whom  he  had  given  the  chief 
command,  and  the  praetorian  prefect,  Licinius  Proculus,  men 
utterly  devoid  of  experience,  flattered  his  wishes.  The  gen- 
erals ceased  to  oppose.  It  was  then  asked,  should  the  em- 
peror himself  appear  in  the  field  or  not.  Suetonius  and 
Celsus  gave  no  opinion,  and  the  others  decided  that  he 
should  retire  to  Brescia,  {BrixcUum,)  and  reserve  himself  for 
the  empire.  Nothing  could  be  more  pernicious  than  this 
course,  for  he  took  with  him  some  of  the  best  troops;  and, 
moreover,  as  the  soldiers  distrusted  their  generals,  and  had 
confidence  in  himself  alone,  it  diminished  the  moral  force  of 
the  army. 

Valens  and  Caecina,  who,  by  means  of  scouts  and  desert- 
ers, knew  all  that  was  going  on  in  the  enemy's  camp,  now 
began  to  throw  a  bridge  of  boats  over  the  Po,  as  if  with  the 
intention  of  driving  off  the  gladiators.  While  they  were 
thus  engaged,  the  Othonians  advanced  four  miles  from  Be- 
driacum,  and  encamped,  displaying  so  little  skill  in  the  se- 
lection of  the  site,  that,  though  it  was  spring-time,  and  there 
was  a  number  of  streams  all  about  them,  the  soldiers  actually 
suffered  for  want  of  water.  Celsus  and  Paulinus  were  gen- 
erals only  in  name,  and  their  opinions  had  never  been  taken. 
The  troops  were  then  set  in  motion,  to  march  for  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Po  and  the  Adda,  sixteen  miles  off,  in  spite 
of  the  remonstrances  of  the  generals,  Titianus  and  Proculus, 
being  confirmed  by  an  express  from  Otho,  ordering  matters 
to  be  brought  to  a  decision  at  once. 


132  OTHO.  [a.  d.  69 

CjEcina  was  viewing  the  progress  of  the  bridge,  when 
word  came   that  the  enemy  was  at  hand.     He  hurried  back 
to  the  camp,  where  he  found  that  Valens  had  got  the  troops 
under  arms.     The  horse  issued  forth,  and  charged  the  Otho- 
nians,  but  were  driven  back;  the  legions,   favored  by  the 
denseness  of  the  trees,  which  concealed  them  from  view, 
formed   without  disorder.     The  Othonians  were  advancing 
without  any  order;  the  baggage  and  the  followers  n)ingled 
with  the  soldiers,  along  a  road  with  deep  ditches  on   each 
side.     A  report  being  spread  that   his  own   troops  had  re- 
volted from  Vitellius,   the  Othonians,   when   they  came  in 
view,  saluted  the  Vitellians  as  friends ;  but  they  were  soon 
made  to  perceive  their  error.     A  severe  conflict  ensued ;  but 
the  Othonians  were  finally  routed  and  driven  to  their  camp, 
and  the  Vitellians  took  up  their  position  for  the  night  within 
a  mile  of  it.     The  praetorians  alone  were  unbroken  in  spirit ; 
they  asserted  that  they  were  betrayed,  not   conquered,  and 
insisted  on  continuing  the  war.     Morning,  however,  brought 
cooler  thoughts,  and  a  deputation  was  sent  to  sue  for  peace, 
which  was  readily  granted,  and  the  two  armies  then  united. 
When  the  news  of  the  defeat  at  Bedriacum  reached  Bres- 
cia, the  troops  there,  instead  of  being  dejected,  sought  to  in- 
spirit their  emperor  to  continue  the  war ;  and  envoys  from 
the  McEsian  legions,  who  were  now  at  Aquileia,  assured  him 
of  their  resolution   to  adhere  to  his  cause.     But  Otho  had 
already  formed   his   determination   to  end   the  contest   for 
empire   by  a  voluntary  death.     He  addressed  those   about 
him  in   manly  terms,  declaring  that  he   would  not  be  the 
cause  of  ruin  to  such  brave  and  worthy  men.     He  insisted 
on  their  providing  for  their  own  safety;  and,  having  distrib- 
uted money  among  them,  and  burnt  all  letters  reflecting  on 
Vitellius,  he  retired,  in  the  evening,  to  his  bed-chamber,  and 
taking  two  daggers,  and  trying  their  edge,  he  placed  one 
under  his  pillow.     He  passed  the  night  in  tranquillity,  and  at 
daybreak  he  thrust  the  dagger  into  his  bosom.     At  the  groan 
which  he  gave,  his  freedmen  and  friends  came  in ;  but  they 
found  him  already  dead.     The  funeral  was  hurried  ;   for  so 
he  had  earnestly  desired,  lest  his  head  should  be  cut  off  and 
insulted.     Some  of  the  soldiers  slew  themselves  at  the  pyre, 
and  their  example  was  followed  by  many  at  Bedriacum,  Pla- 
centia,  and  other  places.* 

*  Verginius,  at  this  time,  ran  the  risk  of  his  life  for  again  refusing 
the  empire.     He  had  afterwards  a  narrow  escape  from  tlie  soldiers  of 


D.  69.]  CHARACTER    OF    VITELLIUS.  133 

A.  Vitdlius. 
A.  u.  822—823.     A.  D.  69—70. 


The  news  of  the  death  of  Otho  reached  Rome  during  the 
celebration  of  the  Cereal  games.  The  event,  joined  with 
that  of  Flavins  Sabinus,  the  city  prefect,  having  caused  the 
soldiers  there  to  take  the  oath  to  Vitellius,  being  announced 
in  the  theatre,  the  spectators  shouted  for  Vitellius,  and  they 
then  carried  the  images  of  Galba,  adorned  with  laurel  and 
flowers,  round  to  the  temples.  The  usual  honors  and  titles 
were,  without  hesitation,  decreed  to  Vitellius  by  the  senate, 
and  thanks  were  voted  to  the  armies  of  Germany. 

Aulus  Vitellius,  who  was  thus  suddenly  raised  to  empire, 
was  the  son  of  L.  Vitellius,  who,  as  we  have  seen  above,  was 
one  of  the  basest  of  flatterers  in  the  times  of  Caius  and 
Claudius.  He  himself  had,  in  early  youth,  been  an  inmate 
of  the  Caprscan  sty  of  Tiberius ;  he  gained  the  favor  of 
Caius  by  his  fondness  for  chariot  races;  that  of  Claudius  by 
his  love  of  dice,  and  that  of  Nero  by  adroit  flattery  of  his 
passion  for  the  stage.  He  was  distinguished  above  all  men 
for  his  gluttony,  so  that  Galba,  when  sending  him  to  Lower 
Germany,  gave  as  his  reason  for  selecting  him,  that  none 
are  less  to  be  feared  than  those  who  think  of  nothing  but 
eating. 

Vitellius  was  collectincp  reenforcements  in  Gaul  when  he 
heard  of  the  victory  at  Bedriacum.  He  was  met  at  Lyons 
{Lugdunum)  by  his  own  generals  and  by  those  of  the  Otho- 
nians.  Of  these  last,  Suetonius  and  Proculus  escaped  by 
ascribing  to  treachery  on  their  ownipart  the  accidents  which 
had  favored  the  Vitellians.  Titianus  was  excused  on  the 
ground  of  natural  affection  to  his  brother ;  and  Celsus  was 
even  allowed  to  retain  the  consulate,  to  which  he  had  been 
appointed.  The  most  zealous  of  the  Othonian  centurions, 
however,  were  put  to  death  —  an  act  which  tended  greatly 
to  alienate  the  Illyrian   army.     On   the  whole,  however,  Vi- 

Vilellius,  wlicn  at  that  emperor's  own  table  :  "  Nee  quemquam  ssepius 
quain  Verginium,"  says  Tacitus,  "  omnis  scditio  infestavit ;  monebat 
admiratio  viri  et  fama,  scd  oderant  ut  fastiditi."  This  excellent  man, 
however,  escaped  all  dangers,  and  died,  when  consul  for  the  third 
time,  in  the  reign  of  Nerva,  having  reached  his  83d  year.  His  funeral 
oration  was  pronounced  by  Tacitus.  Pliny,  whose  guardian  he  had 
been,  speaks  of  him  (Ep.  ii.  1.  vi.  10)  in  terms  of  the  greatest  respect 
and  affection. 

CONTIN.  12 


134  VITELLIUS.  [a.  d.  69. 

tellius  did  not  exhibit  much  of  either  avarice  or  cruehy ;  but 
his  gluttony  exceeded  all  conception,  and  the  wealth  of  the 
empire  seemed  inadequate  to  the  supply  of  his  table.  At  the 
same  time,  all  the  north  of  Italy  suffered  from  the  license  of 
the  soldiery,  who,  heedless  of  their  officers,  committed  every 
species  of  excess.  The  spirit  of  the  Othonians,  too,  was 
unbroken,  and  their  language  was  haughty  and  menacing. 
The  fourteenth  legion,  which  was  the  most  turbulent,  was, 
thei^fore,  ordered  to  return  to  Britain,  whence  it  had  been 
recalled  by  Nero,  and  the  praetorians  were  first  separated, 
and  then  disbanded.  At  Ticinum,  almost  in  the  presence 
of  Vitellius  himself,  a  tumult  took  place  between  the  legion- 
aries and  the  auxiliaries  of  his  own  army.  It  was  appeased 
with  difficulty;  and,  in  consequence  of  it,  the  Batavian  co- 
horts were  sent  home — a  measure  productive  of  future 
calamity. 

Vitellius  thence  proceeded  to  Cremona,  where  he  was 
present  at  a  show  of  gladiators  given  by  Cajcina.  He  then 
feasted  his  eyes  with  a  view  of  the  battle-field  at  Bedriacum, 
where  the  slain  lay  still  unburied.  At  Bologna,  he  visited 
another  show  of  gladiators,  given  by  Valens.  He  advanced 
by  easy  journeys  toward  Rome,  exhausting  the  whole  coun- 
try on  his  way  by  requisitions  for  the  numerous  train  that 
followed  him.  At  length,  he  came  in  view  of  Rome,  at  the 
head  of  60,000  men,  attended  by  a  still  greater  number  of 
camp  followers.  Senators  and  knights,  and  crowds  of  the 
most  profligate  of  the  populace,  poured  forth  to  meet  him. 
He  was  about  to  enter  the  city  as  a  conqueror  in  the  mili- 
tary habit ;  but,  at  the  suggestion  of  his  friends,  he  as- 
sumed the  magisterial  pratexta.  The  eagles  of  four  legions 
were  borne  before  him ;  efisigns  and  standards  were  around 
him;  the  troops  —  foot,  horse,  and  allies — followed,  all  in 
their  most  splendid  array.  He  thus  ascended  the  Capitol, 
where  he  embraced  his  excellent  mother,  and  saluted  her  by 
the  title  of  Augusta. 

It  was  remarked,  as  a  matter  of  ill  omen,  that  Vitellius 
took  the  office  of  chief  pontiff  on  the  18th  of  July  —  a  day 
rendered  memorable  in  the  annals  of  Rome  by  the  disasters 
at  the  Cremera  and  the  Allia.*  He  affected  a  civil  deport- 
ment, refusing  the  title  of  Augustus,  and  attending  the  meet- 

*  [The  former  was  the  destruction  of  the  Fabian  family  by  the  Ve- 
jenies,  A.  U.  C.  279;  the  latter  was  the  defeat  of  the  Roman  army  by 
Brennus  and  the  Gauls,  A.  U.  C.  364.  —  J.  T.  S.] 


A.  I).  69.]       LUXURIOUS    HABITS    OF    VITELLIUS.  135 

ings  of  the  senate  as  a  simple  member  of  their  body,  and 
accompanying  his  friends  and  soliciting  votes  for  them  in 
their  canvass  for  the  consulate.  These  popular  arts,  how- 
ever, did  not  blind  men  to  his  vices.  Ilis  gluttony  passed 
all  bounds  of  moderation  ;  he  had  three  or  four  huge  meals 
every  day,  for  which  he  prepared  himself  by  emetics;  and 
the  lowest  cost  of  each  was  400,0f)()  sesterces.  One  ban- 
quet, given  him  by  his  brother,  is  said  to  have  comprised,  in 
its  bill  of  fare,  2,000  of  the  choicest  fishes,  and  7,000  of  the 
rarest  birds.  lie  was  also  immoderately  given  to  the  sports 
of  the  circus,  theatre,  and  ampiiitheatre;  and  he  alarmed 
men's  minds  by  offering  public  sacrifices  to  the  Manes  of 
Nero,  as  if  he  pro[)osed  that  prince  for  his  example.  Like 
his  predecessors,  he  was  governed  by  a  freedman,  named 
Asiaticus,  who  in  cruelty,  rapacity,  and  every  other  vice, 
fully  equalled  those  of  the  courts  of  Claudius  and  Nero. 
The  generals  Ca;cina  and  Valens,  of  whom  the  former  was 
more  desirous  of  power,  the  latter  of  money,  also  acted  as 
they  pleased;  and,  altogether,  Tacitus  observes,  "no  one  in 
that  court  .ittempted  to  distinguish  himself  by  worth  or  ap- 
plication to  business,  the  only  road  to  power  being  to  satiate 
the  insatiable  appetites  of  Vitellius,  by  extravagant  banquets, 
and  expense  and  debauchery  of  every  kind."  The  historian 
adds,  that,  in  the  few  months  that  he  reigned,  Vitellius  spent 
nine  hundred  millions  of  sesterces. 

The  soldiers,  meantime,  were  held  under  little  restraint ; 
but  their  strenorth  was  moltinir  away,  from  their  riotous  liv- 
ing,  and  from  the  insaluiirity  of  the  air  and  soil  about  Rome. 
The  strength  of  the  legions  was  also  reduced,  by  the  forma- 
tion of  sixteen  new  pr;etorian  and  four  urban  cohorts,  into 
which  any  legionary  who  pleased  might  volunteer. 

The  luxurious  enjoyments  of  Vitellius  were  soon  disturbed 
by  tidings  that  the  legions  of  the  East  would  not  submit  to 
have  a  head  imposed  on  the  empire  by  those  of  Germany. 
There  were  four  legions  in  Syria,  under  the  command  of 
I/icinius  Mucianus,  the  governor  of  that  province;  and  T. 
Flavins  Vespasianus  had,  at  the  head  of  three  other  legions, 
been  for  the  last  three  years  carrying  on  the  war  against  the 
rebellious  Jews,  which  he  had  now  nearly  brought  to  a  con- 
clusion; and  Ti.  Alexander,  the  prefect  of  Egypt,  command- 
ed two  other  legions.  Vespasian  had  sent  his  son  Titus  to 
Rome,  with  his  adhesion  to  Galba  ;  but,  hearing  on  his  way 
of  the  murder  of  that  emperor,  Titus  had   stopped,  lest  he 


136  VITELLIUS.  [a.  D.   69. 

might  be  made  a  hostage  by  either  of  the  rival  parties.  The 
armies  of  the  East  had  taken  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Otho, 
without  making  any  objection  ;  but  when  Vespasian  would 
set  them  the  example  of  taking  it  to  Vitellius,  they  listened 
to  him  in  profound  silence.  He  then  began  to  meditate  on 
his  own  chances  of  empire;  both  JNIucianus  and  Alexander, 
he  had  abundant  reason  to  believe,  would  aid  him  in  attain- 
ing it ;  the  third  legion,  which  was  now  in  IMcesia,  had  been 
drawn  thither  from  Syria,  and  he  was  certain  of  its  attach- 
ment to  him,  and  it  might  be  able  to  gain  over  the  other 
legions  of  Illyricum.  On  the  other  hand,  he  reflected  on  the 
strength  of  the  German  legions,  with  which  he  was  well 
acquainted,  and  their  superiority  over  those  of  the  East,  and 
also  on  the  risk  of  his  being  assassinated,  like  Scribonianus 
in  the  time  of  Claudius. 

The  legates  and  other  officers  tried  to  encourage  him,  and 
iMucianus,  both  in  private  and  public,  urged  every  topic  like- 
ly to  prevail  with  him.  His  mind  was  also  affected  by  sun- 
dry omens  and  prophecies  which  he  recollected  ;  and  he 
at  length  resolved  to  run  the  risk,  and  win  the  empire,  or 
perish  in  the  attempt.  To  make  the  necessary  preparations, 
he  repaired  to  Cassarea,  while  Mucianus  hastened  to  Anti- 
och,  the  capitals  of  their  respective  provinces.  It  was, 
however,  at  Alexandria,  that  he  was  first  proclaimed  empe- 
ror;  where,  on  the  first  of  July,  Alexander  made  the  legions 
take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Vespasian ;  and  two  days  later, 
as  he  was  coming  out  of  his  chamber,  at  Caesarea,  some  sol- 
diers, who  were  at  hand,  saluted  him  emperor ;  the  rest  then 
shouted  out  Caesar,  Augustus,  and  the  other  imperial  titles, 
and  he  no  longer  refused  them.  Mucianus  had,  meantime, 
brought  over  the  Syrian  legions,  chiefly  by  assuring  them 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  Vitellius  to  replace  them  by  those 
of  Germany,  and  remove  them  to  the  snows  and  cold  of  the 
north.  The  neighboring  kings,  Sohemus,  Antiochus,  and 
Agrippa,  joined  in  the  league,  and  a  meeting  was  held  at 
Berytus  to  deliberate  on  the  best  mode  of  proceeding. 

It  was  there  resolved  that  every  eff"ort  should  be  made  to 
obtain  money  and  supplies  of  all  kinds;  that  embassies 
should  be  .sent  to  the  Parthians  and  Armenians,  to  engage 
them  to  remain  at  peace;  that  Titus  should  carry  on  the 
war  in  Judaja;  and  Vespasian  himself  secure  Egypt;  while 
Mucianus  should  set  out,  with  a  part  of  the  army,  against 
Vitellius;  and  letters   be  written   to  all  the   armies  and  le- 


A.  D.  69.]         TROOPS    DECLARE    FOR    VESPASIAN  137 

gates  ;  and  every  means  be  employed  to  induce  the  disband- 
ed praetorian  cohorts  to  resume  their  arms  in  the  cause  of 
Vespasian. 

Accordingly,  Mucianus  set  forth  at  once  with   a  body   of 
light  troops,  a  much  larger  force  following  at  a  slower  pace. 
He  ordered  the  fleet  from  the  Pontus  to  meet  him  at  Byzan- 
tium, not   being  yet   determined   whether  he  should  march 
through  MoBsia,  or  pass  direct  from  Dyrrhachium  to  Brundi- 
sium  or  Tarentum.     His  course,  however,  was  decided  by 
the  news  of  what   had   occurred   in  the  army  of  lllyricum. 
For  three  legions  from  Mocsia,  (one  of  which  was  the  third,) 
having  reached  Aquileia,  on  their  march  to  join  Otho,  there 
learned  the  death  of  that  prince.     While  they  halted,  officers 
arrived,  inviting  them  to  submit  to  Vitellius;  but  they  tore 
the  banners  which  were  sent  to  them   bearing  his  name,  and 
seized   and  divided  among  them  the  public  money.     The 
third  then  setting  the  example,  they  declared  for  Vespasian ; 
and  they  wrote  to  the  Pannonian  army,  inviting  them  to  join 
them,  under  the  penalty  of  being  treated  as  enemies.     This 
army,  consisting   of  two  legions,  which  had   fought  at  Be- 
driacum,  eager  to  efface  the  disgrace  of  defeat,  was  easily 
induced,  chiefly  by  means  of  Antonius   Primus,   the  com- 
mander of  one  of  the  legions,  to  accept  the  invitation ;  and, 
the  two   armies   being  united,  they  easily  induced  that  of 
Dalmatia  to  join  them. 

The  revolt  of  the  Mcesian  legions  was  communicated  to 
Vitellius  by  Aponius  Saturninus,  the  governor  of  Moesia. 
He  affected  to  make  light  of  it,  but  he  sent  to  summon  aid 
from  Germany,  Spain,  and  Britain.  At  length,  when  the 
extent  of  the  defection  became  known,  he  ordered  CcBcina 
and  Valens  to  make  ready  for  war.  As  Valens  was  then 
unwell,  Caecina  took  the  sole  command,  and  the  German 
army  marched  from  Rome,  but  no  longer  the  same,  a  few 
weeks'  abode  there  having  sufficed  to  relax  its  discipline  and 
destroy  its  energy.  The  troops  were  directed  to  repair  to 
Cremona  and  Hostilia;  Caecina  himself  proceeded  to  Ra- 
venna, to  confer  with  Lucilius  Bassus,  the  commander  of 
the  fleet,  and  thence  to  Padua,  to  watch  the  course  of 
events. 

The  Flavian  generals,  meantime^held  a  consultation  as 
to  the  best  mode  of  proceeding.  Some  were  for  merely  se- 
curing the  Pannonian  Alps,  and  waiting  for  reenforcements ; 
but  Antonius  Primus  declared  vehemently  in  favor  of  advan- 
cing into  Italy  at  once,  lest  the  Vitellians  should  have  time 

12*  R 


138  VITELHUS.  [a.  d.  69. 

to  recover  their  discipline,  and  be  joined  by  troops  from 
Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain.  His  opinion  prevailed.  Letters 
were  written  to  Aponius,  who  had  declared  for  the  Flavian 
cause,  urging  him  to  come  quickly  with  the  Mojsian  army. 
To  secure  the  provinces  from  the  attacks  of  the  barbarians 
in  the  absence  of  the  legions,  the  princes  of  the  Sarmatian 
Jazyges,  and  Sido  and  Italicus,  the  kings  of  the  Suevians, 
were  taken  into  alliance.  The  army  then  descended  into 
the  plain  of  the  Po,  and  the  generals  again  debated  what 
place  should  be  fixed  on  for  the  seat  of  the  war.  Vespasian 
had  sent  orders  for  the  army  to  halt  at  Aquileia,  and  wait  for 
Mucianus,  as,  by  his  own  occupation  of  Egypt,  whence  It- 
aly was  chiefly  supplied  with  corn,  he  hoped  that  want  of 
food  and  pay  would  oblige  the  Vitellians  to  submit  without 
the  hazard  of  a  battle.  Mucianus,  also,  fearing  lest  the  glory 
of  terminating  the  conquest  should  be  snatched  from  him- 
self, wrote  several  letters  to  the  same  effect.  But  the  army 
had  already  determined  on  the  attack  of  Verona,  and  had 
occupied  Vicenza  ( Vicetia)  on  its  way  to  that  town. 

Caecina  had  taken  a  strong  position  near  Hostilia,  a  Vero- 
nese village,  having  a  river  in  his  rear,  and  marshes  on  his 
flanks.  Though  his  troops  far  outnumbered  those  of  the 
Flavians,  which  as  yet  consisted  of  only  two  legions,  and 
when  joined  within  a  few  days  by  Aponius  with  another  le- 
gion, were  yet  inferior,  —  he  negotiated  instead  of  fighting. 
The  Flavians  were  soon  after  joined  by  two  other  legions, 
and  they  then  prepared  to  assault  Verona.  But  a  seditioa 
speedily  broke  out  among  them.  They  accused  Aponius 
and  Ampius  Flavianus,  the  legate  of  Pannonia,  of  treachery  ; 
and  these  officers  had  to  fly  for  their  lives,  and  the  sole  com- 
mand remained  with  Antoniu>s,  who  was  suspected  of  having 
excited  the  mutiny  with  this  very  view. 

Lucilius  Bassus  now  made  an  attempt  to  induce  the  fleet 
at  Ravenna  to  declare  for  Vespasian ;  but  he  was  seized  by 
his  own  men,  and  sent  a  prisoner  to  Iladria.  Cajcina,  who 
had  made  a  secret  agreement  with  the  Flavian  party,  at  first 
succeeded  in  inducing  his  men  to  declare  for  Vespasian;  but 
they  soon,  however,  repented,  seized  him,  and  put  hiui  in 
bonds,  and  marched  back  to  join  the  legions  that  were  at 
Cremona.  <^ 

Antonius,  judging  that  Valens,  who  was  an  able  officer, 
and  faithful  to  Vitellius,  would  soon  arrive  to  take  the  com- 
mand, resolved  to  bring  matters  to  a  speedy  decision.  He 
therefore  quitted  Verona,  and,  advancing  toward  Cremona, 


A.    D.  69.]  ADVANCE    OF    THE    FLAVIANS.  139 

encamped  at  Bedriacum.  While  tlie  legionaries  were  forti- 
fying the  camp,  he  sent  the  auxiliary  cohorts  to  plunder  the 
lands  of  Cremona,  and  he  himself,  with  a  body  of  4,000  horse, 
advanced  for  eight  miles  along  the  road  leading  to  that  city. 
Toward  noon  the  enemy  was  announced  to  be  on  his'  march. 
An  officer  named  Arrius  Varus  dashed  forward,  and  charged 
and  drove  back,  with  some  slight  loss,  the  Vitellian  horse,  who 
were  in  advance;  but,  fresh  troops  coming  to  their  aid,  the 
Flavians  were  repulsed  in  their  turn.  Antonius,  however, 
checked  their  flight,  and  routed  the  Vitellians,  who  were  in 
pursuit,  and  drove  them  back  on  two  of  their  legions,  which 
had  advanced  to  the  fourth  mile-stone  from  Cremona ;  and, 
Vipstanus  Messala  coming  up  with  the  Mojsic  auxiliaries, 
the  Vitellian  legions  were  driven  back  to  the  town. 

In  the  evening,  the  whole  Flavian  army  came  up  on  the 
ground  where  the  engagement  had  taken  place.  Seeing  the 
heaps  of  slain,  they  looked  on  the  war  as  terminated  ;  and 
they  were  proposing  to  themselves  the  storm  and  plunder  of 
Cremona,  from  which  probably  neither  the  arguments  nor 
the  authority  of  Antonius  would  have  withheld  them,  had 
not  sonic  horsemen,  who  had  been  sent  forward  to  reconnoi- 
tre, reported  that  the  troops  from  Hostilia  had  joined,  and 
that  the  whole  strength  of  the  Vitellian  army  now  lay  at  Cre- 
mona. This  intelligence  rendered  them  obedient  to  their 
general ;  and,  though  night  was  closing  in,  Antonius  placed 
them  in  order  of  battle  on  the  road  itself  and  the  lands  on 
each  side  of  it. 

The  Vitellians,  who  were  now  without  any  general  officers, 
were  so  confident  of  their  own  strength,  that  they  would  not 
remain  in  the  town  ;  and  they  set  forth  with  the  intention  of 
falling  on  and  routing  the  Flavians,  whom  they  supposed  to 
be  exhausted  with  cold  and  want  of  food.  It  was  about  nine 
o'clock  when  they  suddenly  fell  in  with  them,  drawn  up  as 
we  have  described.  A  desultory,  irregular  conflict  was 
maintained  through  the  night.  The  Vitellians  had  drawn 
their  artillery  all  up  on  the  road,  whence  it  was  doing  great 
execution,  especially  a  huge  balista  belonging  to  the  fifteenth 
legion ;  when  two  gallant  soldiers  of  tMe  Flavians,  taking  up 
the  shields  of  the  Vitellians,  that  they  might  not  be  known, 
rushed  forwards,  and,  though  they  lost  their  lives  in  the  at- 
tempt, they  succeeded  in  cutting  the  cords  of  the  engines, 
and  thus  rendering  them  useless.  At  length  the  moon  rose 
behind  the  Flavians,  lengthening  their  shadows,  and  sriving 
them  a  clear  view  of  the  enemy,  who  now  fought  under  a 


140  VITELLIUS.  [a.  d.  69. 

manifest  disadvantage.  When  the  sun  appeared,  the  third 
(as  was  the  usage  in  Syria)  saluted  that  lord  of  day.  A  re- 
port ran  through  both  armies,  that  it  was  the  troops  of  Muci- 
anus,  who  had  just  arrived,  that  they  were  thus  greeting. 
Antonius,  taking  advantage  of  the  effect  of  this  report,  made 
a  steady  charge  on  the  loosely-formed  Vitellians,  who  speed- 
ily broke  and  fled  to  Cremona,  whither  the  victorious  Fla- 
vians lost  no  time  in  following  them.  But  when  they  ap- 
proached the  town,  they  saw  a  labor  before  them  which  they 
had  not  expected.  In  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  German 
army,  when  it  entered  Italy,  had  fixed  a  strongly-fortified 
camp  under  the  walls  of  Cremona;  and  its  strength  had  been 
lately  augmented  very  considerably.  The  Flavians  saw  that 
they  must  either  attack  and  carry  this  camp,  or  return  to 
Bedriacum,  or  adopt  the  hazardous  course  of  encamping  in 
view  of  a  numerous  army.  They  chose  the  first  course, 
perilous  as  it  was ;  the  gates  and  ramparts  were  assailed : 
when  their  efforts  slackened,  one  of  their  leaders  (Antonius, 
as  some  said)  pointed  to  Cremona  as  their  reward,  and  their 
exertions  were  renewed.  At  length  the  tenth  burst  open  one 
of  the  gates  and  rushed  in ;  the  camp  was  speedily  carried, 
and  the  Vitellians  were  slaughtered  in  vast  numbers  as  they 
made  their  escape  to  the  town.  Their  loss  in  this  and  the 
preceding  actions  is  said  to  have  exceeded  30,000  men, 
while   that  of  the  Flavians   amounted   only  to  4,500.* 

The  city  of  Cremona  was  defended  by  lofty  walls,  and 
towers,  and  massive  gates.  Its  population  was  numerous, 
and,  this  being  the  time  of  one  of  its  fairs,  it  was  full  of  peo- 
ple from  the  rest  of  Italy.  This  last  circumstance,  however, 
acted  as  an  incentive  on  the  Flavians,  who  reckoned  that  the 
plunder  would  be  by  so  much  the  greater.  The  assault  waa 
therefore  commenced  :  at  first  the  resistance  was  vigorous, 
but  gradually  it  slackened,  as  the  Vitellian  officers  began  to 
reflect  that,  if  Cremona  were  taken  by  storm,  they  had  no 
further  place  of  refuge,  and  that  it  was  on  them  that  the  ven- 
geance of  the  victors  would  fall.  They  therefore  set  Ca;cina 
at  liberty,  and  prayed  him  to  be  their  mediator ;  they  threw 
aside  the  standards  of  Vitellius,  and  displayed  tokens  of  sup 
plication  from  the  walls.  Antonius  then  ordered  his  men  to 
cease,  and  the  Vitellians  marched  out  with  the  honors  of 
war.  The  Flavians  at  first  insulted  them;  but,  when  they 
marked  their  humble  demeanor,  and  called  to  mind  that  these 

*  Josephus,  Jewish  War,  iv.  11.  Hegesippus,  iv.  30. 


A.  D.  69.]        STORMING  OF  CREMONA.  141 

were  the  men  who  had  used  their  victory  at  Bedriacum  with 
such  moderation,  they  felt  compassion.  But  when  Caicina 
appeared  with  the  consular  ensigns,  they  could  not  control 
their  indignation,  and  Antonius  had  difficulty  to  save  him. 

Antonius  either  could  not  or  would  not  save  the  town  ; 
40,00U  soldiers,  and  a  still  greater  number  of  camp  followers, 
the  more  terrible  of  the  two  on  such  an  occasion,  rushed  in. 
The  usual  series  of  atrocities,  murder,  rape,  robbery,  torture, 
enacted  in  towns  taken  by  storm,  ensued.  The  town  was 
fired  in  various  parts;  it  burned  for  four  days;  at  the  end 
of  which  time  a  solitary  temple  without  the  gates  alone  re- 
mained to  testify  the  former  existence  of  Cremona. 

Vitellius,  meantime,  was  thinking  only  of  his  sensual  enjoy- 
ments.* Valens,  with  a  train  of  women  and  eunuchs,  was 
moving  leisurely  onwards,  when  he  heard  of  the  treachery 
of  Cajcina  and  Lucilius  Bassus.  Instead  of  hastening  by 
forced  marches  to  Cremona,  or  making  some  daring  effort, 
he  still  loitered,  and  thought  only  of  seducing  the  wives  and 
daughters  of  his  hosts.  lie  fell  back  into  Umbria,  and 
thence  into  Etruria,  where,  hearing  of  the  loss  of  the  battle 
at  Cremona,  he  seized  some  shipping  and  made  sail  for  Nar- 
bonese  Gaul,  with  the  intention  of  exciting  the  Gauls  and 
Germans  to  arms.  But  his  project  failed;  and,  being  driven 
by  a  storm  to  some  islets  near  Marseilles,  he  was  there  taken 
by  the  ships  sent  by  the  Flavians  in  pursuit  of  him. 

The  whole  of  Italy  north  and  east  of  the  Apennines  was 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  Flavians.  As  the  winter  was  ap- 
proaching, and  the  Po  was  beginning  to  overflow,  Antonius 
resolved  to  make  no  further  delay;  and,  leaving  the  sick  and 
wounded,  and  a  part  of  the  legionaries,  at  Verona,  he  ad- 
vanced with  the  remainder  to  Fano,  {Fanuin  FortuncB.)  Vi- 
tellius had  sent  fourteen  praetorian  cohorts  and  all  his  cavalry 
to  defend  the  passage  of  the  Apennines,  committing  the 
defence  of  the  city  to  his  brother  L.  Vitellius  and  the  remain- 
ing praetorian  cohorts.  He  occupied  himself  with  remitting 
tributes,  granting  immunities,  appointing  consuls  for  a  series 
of  years,  and  such  like  useless  or  pernicious  acts,  never  in- 
termitting the  pleasures  of  the  table  till  he  learned  that  the 
army  insisted  on  his  presence  with  it.  He  then  set  out  with 
a  great  number  of  the  senators,  and  joined  it  at  Mevania ; 
but  the  total  ignorance  of  war  which  he  displayed,  and  his 

*  "  Unibraculis  hortorum  abditus,  (ut  ignava  animalia,  quibus  si  ci- 
bum  sugcreras,  jacent  torpentque,)  prseterita,  instantia,  futura  pari  obli- 
vione  dimiserat."     Tacitus. 


142  VITELLIUS.  [a.  D.  69. 

continual  drunkenness,  proved  how  unqualified  he  was  for 
empire.  Instead  of  crossing  the  Apennines  and  attacking 
the  enemy,  who  was  suffering  from  the  weather,  and  from 
want  of  supplies  in  an  exhausted  country,  he  frittered  away 
the  strength  of  his  army,  and  exposed  it  to  be  cut  up  in  de- 
tail. Tidings  of  the  revolt  of  the  fleet  at  Misenum  gave 
him  a  pretext  for  returning  to  Rome ;  he  there  learned  fur- 
ther, that  the  people  of  Puteoli  and  other  towns  had  joined 
in  the  revolt,  and  the  officer,  whom  he  sent  to  recall  the  sol- 
diers to  their  duty,  declared  for  Vespasian,  and  occupied 
Tarracina. 

The  disgraceful  departure  of  Vitellms  imboldened  the 
people  of  the  Sabellian  race  to  manifest  their  inclination  to 
the  Flavian  cause.  Antonius,  also,  though  the  weather  was 
foul  and  the  snow  deep,  crossed  the  Apennines,  which  he 
never,  perhaps,  could  have  achieved,  had  Vitellius  been  other 
than  he  was.  As  he  was  advancing,  he  was  met  by  Petillius 
Cerialis,  an  able  officer,  and  a  connection  of  Vespasian's,  who 
had  escaped  from  confinement  in  the  garb  of  a  peasant.  Ce- 
rialis was  forthwith  associated  in  the  command  of  the  army, 
which  encamped  at  Carsulae,  within  ten  miles  of  the  Vitel- 
lians.  Here  the  Flavians  were  joined  by  the  troops  from 
Verona.  Desertion  soon  spread  among  the  Vitellians ;  and, 
when  the  head  of  Valens,  who  had  been  put  to  death  at  Ur- 
bino,  was  brought  and  shown  to  them,  they  gave  up  all  hopes, 
and  consented  to  declare  for  Vespasian.  Frequent  messages 
were  at  this  time  sent  by  the  Flavian  generals  to  Vitellius, 
offering  him  a  large  income  and  a  retreat  in  Campania,  if  he 
would  give  over  the  contest.  Mucianus  wrote  to  the  same 
effect;  and  Vitellius  was  beginning  to  speak  of  the  number 
of  slaves  he  should  require  and  the  place  he  should  select; 
for,  as  Tacitus  says,  "  such  a  torpor  had  seized  his  mind, 
that,  if  others  had  not  remembered  that  he  was  an  emperor, 
he  would  have  forgotten  it  himself" 

The  prefect  of  the  city  at  this  time  was  Flavins  Sabinus, 
the  elder  brother  of  Vespasian  ;  for  a  generous  or  prudent 
policy  of  sparing  the  relatives  of  each  other,  of  which  Otho 
had  set  the  example,  prevailed  among  the  rival  candidates 
for  empire.  Vespasian's  younger  son,  Domitianus,  was  also 
at  Rome  and  in  safety.  Sabinus  was  strongly  urged,  by  the 
principal  persons  in  the  city,  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  urban  cohorts  and  the  watchmen,  with  their  own  slaves, 
and  seize  the  city  for  his  brother  ;  but  he  was  a  man  of  mild 
temper,  and  averse  from  civil  bloodshed  ;  he  therefore  pre- 


A.  D.  69.]  AFFAIRS    AT    ROME.  143 

ferred  the  way  of  negotiation  •  he  had  several  private  meet- 
ings with  Vitellius,  and  they  finally  came  to  an  arrangement 
in  the  temple  of  Apollo,  it  was  said,  in  the  presence  of  two 
witnesses.  Vitellius's  friends,  when  they  heard  of  it,  did  all 
in  their  power  to  make  him  break  the  agreement,  but  to  no 
purpose.  On  the  18th  of  December,  when  news  came  of  the 
defection  of  the  troops  at  Narnia,  he  came  down  from  the 
palace,  clad  in  black,  having  his  young  son  in  a  litter  with 
him,  and  addressed  the  people  and  soldiery  in  the  Forum, 
telling  them  that  he  retired  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  the  re- 
public; and  commending  to  them  his  family.  He  then,  in 
token  of  his  resignation,  handed  his  dagger  to  the  consul, 
who  declined  to  receive  it.  He  moved  toward  the  temple 
of  Concord,  to  deposit  his  ensigns  there,  and  then  retire  to 
the  adjoining  house  of  his  brother;  but  the  people  and  the 
German  soldiers  opposed  his  passage,  and  forced  him  to  re- 
turn to  the  palace. 

The  principal  persons  of  both  orders,  hearing  that  Vitel- 
lius had  abdicated,  had  repaired  to  the  house  of  Sabinus, 
where  the  urban  cohorts  and  the  watchmen  were  also  assem- 
bled. When  they  heard  of  the  conduct  of  the  populace  and 
the  German  cohorts,  feeling  that  they  had  gone  too  far  to 
recede,  they  resolved  to  have  recourse  to  arms.  A  skirmish 
speedily  took  place  with  some  of  the  Vitellians,  in  which 
they  were  worsted ;  and  Sabinus  then  retired  to  the  Capitol, 
with  his  soldiers  and  some  of  the  knights  and  senators.  Dur- 
ing the  night,  as  the  guard  of  the  Vitellians  was  slack,  he 
caused  his  children  and  nephew  to  be  brought  thither ;  and 
at  the  same  time  he  sent  to  apprize  the  Flavian  generals  of 
his  situation. 

As  soon  as  it  was  light,  Sabinus  sent  a  centurion  to  remon- 
strate with  Vitellius  on  his  breach  of  faith.  Vitellius  at- 
tempted to  excuse  himself,  by  declaring  his  want  of  power  to 
restrain  his  soldiers.  The  centurion  was  obliged  to  retire 
by  the  rear  of  the  house  to  elude  them;  and  he  had  hardly 
returned  to  the  Capitol  when  they  advanced  to  the  assault. 
They  assailed  the  portico  of  the  temple  with  flaming  brands; 
Sabinus  caused  the  statues  to  be  all  pulled  down  and  piled 
up  behind  the  doors,  to  serve  as  a  barrier.  They  then  made 
their  attacks  at  all  the  approaches,  especially  that  by  the 
Asylum.  The  edifice  at  length  burst  into  flames,  whether 
fired  by  the  besieged  or  the  besiegers  was  uncertain  ;  and  thus 
was  the  temple  of  the  tutelar  deities  of  Rome  destroyed  for 
the  second  time,  in  the  midst  of  civil  commotions.  Un- 
daunted by  the  flames,  the  Vitellians  rushed  in :  few  of  the 


144  VITELLIUS.  [a.  d.  69. 

defenders  made  resistance ;  most  sought  to  escape  in  various 
ways,  and  generally  with  success.  Domitian  was  concealed 
by  the  keeper  of  the  temple ;  and  next  day  he  got  away,  dis- 
guised as  one  of  the  ministers  of  Isis.  Sabinus  and  the  con- 
sul Atticus  were  seized  and  dragged  into  the  presence  of 
Vitellius.  In  vain  the  powerless  emperor  wished  to  save  the 
former  ;  he  was  murdered  before  his  eyes.  Atticus  escaped 
by  declaring  that  it  was  he  himself  that  had  fired  the  temple. 

The  Flavians  were  keeping  the  Saturnalia,  at  Otriculum, 
when  they  heard  of  the  late  events  at  Rome.  Cerialis  ad- 
vanced immediately,  with  a  body  of  a  thousand  horse,  to 
enter  the  city  by  the  Salarian  road,  while  Antonius  led  the 
remainder  of  the  army  along  the  Flaminian.  The  night  was 
advanced,  when,  at  a  place  named  the  Red  Rocks,  (Saxa 
Rubra,)  he  was  informed  of  the  burning  of  the  Capitol  and 
the  death  of  Sabinus.  Cerialis  was  repulsed,  when  he  ap- 
proached the  city,  and  driven  back  to  Fidenpe  ;  and  the  popu- 
lace, elated  at  this  success  of  their  party,  took  up  arms  for 
Vitellius,  and  demanded  to  be  led  to  battle.  He  thanked 
them  for  their  zeal,  but  he  preferred  negotiation  to  arms. 
He  sent  deputies  to  both  Cerialis  and  Antonius,  and  the 
Vestal  Virgins  were  the  bearers  of  a  letter  to  the  latter.  The 
holy  maidens  were  treated  with  all  due  respect ;  but  the 
answer  returned  to  Vitellius  was,  that  the  murder  of  Sabi- 
nus and  the  burning  of  the  Capitol  had  put  an  end  to  all 
hopes  of  peace. 

Antonius  having  made  a  fruitless  effort  to  induce  his 
troops  to  halt  for  one  day  at  the  Mulvian  bridge,  they  ad- 
vanced to  the  assault,  in  three  bodies,  along  the  Tiber  and  the 
Salarian  and  Flaminian  roads.  The  Vitellians  opposed  them 
vigorously  at  all  points ;  success  was  various,  but  fortune 
mostly  favored  the  Flavians.  The  people  looked  on,  as  if  it 
had  been  the  sports  of  the  amphitheatre,  cheering  the  vic- 
tors, and  requiring  those  who  sought  refuge  any  where  to  be 
dragged  out  and  slain.  They  also  plundered  the  dead.  In 
some  parts  of  the  city  there  were  the  flashing  of  arms  and 
the  sounds  of  combat ;  while  in  others,  the  usual  course  of 
debauchery  was  going  on,  and  the  baths  and  the  taverns  were 
filled  with  their  daily  visitors.  It  was  at  the  praetorian  camp 
that  the  battle  raged  the  loudest.  Pride  urged  the  old  prae- 
torians to  recover  their  camp ;  their  successors  were  de- 
termined to  die  rather  than  yield  it  up.  Every  kind  of  en- 
gine was  employed  against  it;  at  length  an  entrance  was 
forced,  and  all  its  defenders  were  slain. 

When  the  city  was  taken,  Vitellius  had  himself  conveyed 


A.  D.  70.]  MURDER    OF    VITELLIUS.  145 

in  a  sedan  to  the  house  of  his  wife,  on  the  Aventine,  intend- 
ing to  steal  away,  during  the  night,  to  Tarracina,  which  his 
brother  had  recovered.  But  he  changed  his  mind,  and  re- 
turned to  the  palace.  He  found  it  deserted  ;  and,  as  he 
roamed  its  empty  halls,  his  spirit  failed,  and  he  concealed 
himself  in  the  porter's  lodge,  hiding  under  the  bed  and  bed- 
clothes. Here  he  was  found  and  dragged  out  by  a  Flavian 
tribune.  His  hands  were  tied  behind  his  back ;  a  rope  waa 
put  about  his  neck ;  his  robe  was  torn ;  a  sword  was  set 
under  his  chin  to  make  him  hold  up  his  head ;  some  reviled 
him,  others  pelted  him  with  mud  and  dirt.  He  was  thus  led 
along  the  Sacred  Way  ;  and,  at  the  Gemonian  Stairs,  he  was 
hacked  to  death,  and  his  body  was  then  dragged  away  and 
flung  into  the  Tiber. 


CHAPTER   H.* 

THE    FLAVIAN    FAMILY. 
A.u.  823— 849.     A.D.  70— 96. 

STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  ROME. GERMAN  WAR. CAPTURE  AND 

DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM. RETURN  OF  TITUS. VES- 
PASIAN.  CHARACTER  OF  HIS  GOVERNMENT. HIS   DEATH. 

CHARACTER  AND  REIGN  OF  TITUS.  —  PUBLIC  CALAMITIES. 

DEATH  OF  TITUS. CHARACTER  OF  DOMITIAN. CON- 
QUEST OF  BRITAIN. DACIAN  WAR. OTHER  WARS. CRU- 
ELTY   OF  DOMITIAN. HIS    DEATH. LITERATURE   OF  THIS 

PERIOD. 

T.  Flavins  Sabinus  Vespasianus. 

A.  u.  823—832.     A.  D.  70—79. 

The  death  of  Vitellius  terminated  the  civil  war,  but  it  did 
not  yet  restore  tranquillity  to  the  empire.  Rome  presented 
the  appearance  of  a  conquered  city.  The  victorious  Flavi- 
ans pursued  and  slaughtered  the  Vitellians  in  all  quarters , 

*  Authorities  :  Suetonius  and  Dion. 
CONTIN.  13  S 


146  VESPASIAN.  [a.  d.  69. 

houses  were  broken  open  and  robbed,  and  their  owners,  if 
they  resisted,  were  murdered.  Complaint  and  lamentation 
were  heard  on  all  sides.  The  generals  were  unable  to  re- 
strain their  men,  and  the  evil  was  left  to  exhaust  itself.  The 
troops  were  soon,  however,  led  as  far  as  BovilliE  and  Aricia, 
to  oppose  L.  Vitellius,  who  was  reported  to  be  on  his  march 
against  the  city ;  but  he  and  his  cohorts  surrendered  at  dis- 
cretion, and  he  was  led  to  Rome  and  put  to  death.  The 
same  was  the  fate  of  a  few  more  of  the  friends  of  Vitellius  ; 
among  whom  may  be  mentioned  his  freedman  Asiaticus. 
Some  persons  were  prosecuted  and  punished  for  their  acts  in 
the  time  of  Nero ;  among  whom  it  is  gratifying  to  mention 
the  philosopher  Egnatius  Celer,  the  friend  and  prosecutor 
of  Soranus. 

The  senate  decreed  all  the  usual  imperial  honors  to  Ves- 
pasian ;  the  consulship  for  the  ensuing  year  to  him  ;  to  his 
eldest  son,  the  praetorship  ;  and  the  consular  authority  to  Do- 
mitian.  The  consular  ensigns  were  decreed  to  Antonius  Pri-' 
mus;  the  praetorian,  to  Cornelius  Fuscus  and  Arrius  Varus; 
and  the  triumphal,  to  Mucianus,  for  his  success  against  the 
Sarmatians.  The  supreme  power  lay  nominally  with  Domi- 
tian ;  but  its  reality  was  in  the  hands  of  Antonius,  from 
whom,  however,  it  passed  to  Mucianus,  who  speedily  arrived. 
Mucianus  acted  in  all  things  as  if  he  were  a  partner  of  the 
empire;  Domitian  also  exercised  such  imperial  power,  that 
his  father,  it  is  said,  wrote  to  him  one  time,  saying,  "  I  thank 
you,  son,  for  allowing  me  to  reign,  and  for  not  having  de- 
posed me." 

Vespasian  did  not  arrive  at  Rome  till  toward  the  end  of 
the  year.  As  the  Roman  arms  were  at  this  time  occupied 
by  two  distinct  enemies  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  the 
Germans  and  tlie  Jews,  and  both  wars  were  concluded  in  this 
year,  we  will  here  briefly  notice  them. 

The  origin  of  the  German  war  was  as  follows  :  The  Bata- 
vians,  a  tribe  of  the  Chattans,  being  expelled  from  their  ori- 
ginal seats,  had  settled  in  the  north-eastern  extremity  of 
Gaul,  and  in  the  island  formed  by  the  branches  of  the  Rhine. 
They  were  in  alliance  with  the  Romans,  on  the  usual  terms, 
and  therefore  supplied  them  with  troops;  their  cavalry,  from 
its  activity  and  the  skill  and  boldness  with  which  it  was 
known  to  cross  the  deepest  and  most  rapid  rivers,  was  always 
greatly  prized  in  the  Roman  service;  and  the  Batavian  co- 
horts had  very  much  distinguished  themselves  both  in  Britain 
and  at  Bedriacum.     Two  brothers,  named  Julius  Paulus  and 


A.  D.   69.]  INSURRECTION    OF    CIVILIS.  147 

Claudius  Civilis,  had  held  of  late  the  chief  command  of  the 
Batavian  troops.  The  former  was  put  to  death  by  Fonteius 
Capito,  on  a  false  charge  of  disaffection  in  the  time  of  Nero, 
and  the  latter  was  sent  in  chains  to  Rome.  He  was  acquit- 
ted by  Gall)a,  but  he  ran  fresh  danger  from  Vitellius,  as  the 
army  was  clamorous  for  his  execution.  He,  however,  escaped, 
and  returned  to  his  own  country,  where,  under  the  pretence 
of  acting  for  Vespasian,  he  prepared  to  cast  off  the  Roman 
yoke.  He  first  induced  the  Batavians  to  refuse  the  levy  or- 
dered by  Vitellius,  and  then  proposed  to  the  Canninifates,  a 
neighboring  p^ple,  to  join  the  league;  he  also  sent  to  solicit 
the  Batavian  cohorts,  that  had  been  sent  back  from  Bedria- 
cum,  and  were  now  at  Mentz,  [M(t pontine  urn.)  The  Cannin- 
ifates, choosing  one  of  their  nobles,  named  Brinno,  for  their 
leader,  and  having  associated  with  them  the  trans-Rhenic 
Frisians,  attacked  and  took  the  winter  camp  of  two  cohorts 
on  the  sea-coast.  Civilis  at  first  pretended  great  zeal  for  the 
Romans ;  but,  when  he  found  tliat  his  designs  were  seen 
through,  he  joined  Brinno  openly,  and  their  united  forces, 
aided  by  the  treachery  of  a  Tungrian  cohort  and  of  the  Bata- 
vian rowers  in  the  ships,  succeeded  in  defeating  a  body  of 
Roman  troops,  and  capturing  their  fleet  of  four-and-twenty 
vessels.  Hordeonius  ordered  Lupercus,  one  of  his  legates, 
to  march  against  the  rebels  with  two  legions,  Ubian  and  Tre- 
virian  auxiliaries,  and  some  Batavian  cavalry.  Lupercus 
therefore  crossed  the  river;  Civilis  gave  him  battle;  in  the 
midst  of  the  encratrement,  the  Batavian  horse  went  over  to 
their  countrymen  ;  the  auxiliaries  fled  in  confusion,  and  the 
leorionaries  were  obliged  to  take  refiige  in  the  Old  Camp. 

Meantime  a  messenger  from  Civilis  had  overtaken  the  Ba- 
tavian cohorts  that  were  on  their  march  for  Italy.  They  im- 
mediately began,  as  a  pretext  for  defection,  to  demand  a 
donative,  double  pay,  and  other  advantages  promised  by  Vi- 
tellius; and  Hordeonius  having  tried  in  vain  to  satisfy  them, 
they  set  out  to  join  Civilis.  Hordeonius  then,  resolving  to 
have  recourse  to  force,  sent  orders  to  Herennius  Callus,  who 
commanded  at  Bonn,  [Bonna,)  to  .stop  them  in  front  while 
he  himself  should  press  on  their  rear.  He  soon,  however, 
changed  his  mind,  and  sent  word  to  Herennius  to  let  them 
pass.  But  the  latter  yielded  to  the  instances  of  his  men,  and 
led  out  his  forces  of  3,000  legionaries,  some  Belgian  cohorts, 
and  a  train  of  camp  followers,  against  the  Batavians.  The 
latter,  inferior  in  number,  but  superior  in  discipline,  drove 
them  back   with  great  slaughter   to  their  camp,  and  then. 


148  VESPASIAN.  [a.  d.  69. 

continuing  their  route  without  furtlier   molestation,  joined 
Civilis. 

The  arrival  of  these  veteran  cohorts  inspired  Civilis  with 
confidence;  but,  still  aware  of  the  power  of  Rome,  he  made 
all  his  men  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Vespasian.  He  sent 
to  invite  the  two  legions  in  the  Old  Camp  to  do  the  same  ;  but, 
meetincr  with  a  scornful  refusal,  he  resolved  to  attack  them 
without  further  delay.  He  had  now  been  joined  by  some  of 
the  Germans,  and  his  army  was  numerous.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Romans  did  not  exceed  5,000  men,  and  they  had 
to  defend  a  camp  made  for  two  legions.  A  general  assault 
was  at  first  tried ;  and,  when  it  did  not  succeed,  Civilis,  aware 
that  the  supply  of  provisions  in  the  camp  was  very  short,  re- 
solved to  trust  to  the  surer  course  of  blockade.  But  vast 
numbers  of  Germans  having  now  flocked  to  him,  to  gratify 
their  ardor  he  tried  another  assault.  It,  however,  also  failed, 
and  he  then  resumed  the  blockade.  Meantime  he  ceased 
not  to  urge  by  letters  the  people  of  Gaul  to  insurrection  ;  and 
disafleclion  in  consequence  prevailed  extensively  throughout 
that  country. 

Hordeonius,  unable  to  control  the  mutinous  spirit  of  his 
troops,  gave  the  command  of  the  force  which  he  sent  to  raise 
the  siege  of  the  Old  Camp  to  the  legate  Dillius  Vocula.     This 
officer   advanced   as  far   as  Gelduba,   and  there  encamped. 
Meantime,  tidings  of  the  battle  of  Cremona  arrived  ;  and,  on 
the  receipt  of  letters  from  Antonius  Primus,  with    an    edict 
of  CiEcina  as  consul,  Hordeonius  made  his  men  take  the  oath 
to  Vespasian.     An  envoy  was  then  sent  to  Civilis,  to  inform 
him  that  he  had  now  no  further  pretext  for  war,  and  to  re- 
quire him  to  lay  down  his  arms.     He,  however,  refused,  and 
he  sent  off"  the  veteran  cohorts  with  the  Germans  to  attack 
the  forces  at  Gelduba,  while  he  himself  remained  to  keep  up 
the  blockade  of  the  Old  Camp.     These  troops  came  so  sud- 
denly on  Vocula,  that  he  had  not  time  to  draw  out  his  men  ; 
and,  the  cowardice  or  defection  of  some  Nervian  cohorts  aid- 
ing the  enemy,  they  were  on  the  very  point  of  obtaining  a 
complete  victory,  when  some  Gascon  coliorts  came  suddenly 
up,  and  fell  on  their  rear.     The  Batavians,  taking  them  for 
the  entire  Roman  army,  lost  courage,  and,  being  now  assailed 
in  front  and  rear,  were  put  to  flight  with  loss.     Vocula  then 
marched   lo  the  relief  of  the  Old  Camp.     Civilis  gave  hiin 
battle  in  front  of  it;  but  a  sally  of  the  besieged,  and  a  fall  of 
Civilis  himself  from  his  horse,  and  a  report  that  he  was  slain 
or  wounded,  damped  the  spirit  of  his  men,  and  Vocula  forced 


A.  D.  70.]  INSURRECTION    OF    CIVILIS.  149 

his  way  into  the  camp,  which  he  secured  with  additional 
works.  A  convoy,  which  he  sent  to  fetch  corn  from  Nova- 
sium,  being  attacked  on  its  return  by  Civilis,  and  forced  to 
take  refuge  in  the  camp  at  Gelduba,  he  drew  a  good  part  of 
the  troops  out  of  the  Old  Camp,  and  went  with  them  to  tlieir 
relief.  Civilis  then  renewed  the  siege  of  the  Old  Camp;  and 
when  Vocula  went  on  to  Novasium,  the  Batavian  general 
captured  Gelduba,  and  then  came  off  victorious  in  a  cavalry 
action  near  Novasium.  Mutiny  now  prevailed  to  a  great  ex- 
tent in  the  Roman  army,  llordeonius  was  murdered  by  his 
own  men,  and  Vocula  had  to  make  his  escape  disguised  as 
a  slave. 

The  success  of  Civilis,  and  the  intelligence  of  the  taking 
of  Rome,  and  the  death  of  Vitellius,  excited  the  Gauls  to 
think  of  asserting  their  independence.  Classicus,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Trevirian  cavalry,  opened  a  correspondence 
with  Civilis.  Julius  Tutor,  the  prefect  of  the  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  and  Julius  Sabinus,  a  leading  man  among  the  Lingo- 
nians,  joined  wjth  Classicus,  and  measures  were  taken  to 
insure  the  cooperation  of  their  countrymen.  Vocula  had 
information  of  their  plans;  but  he  felt  himself  too  weak  to 
oppose  them,  and  he  affected  to  give  credit  to  their  protesta- 
tions of  fidelity.  When,  however,  he  marched  to  the  relief 
of  the  Old  Camp,  Classicus  and  Tutor,  having  arranged  mat- 
ters with  Civilis,  formed  their  camp  apart  from  that  of  the 
legions.  Vocula,  having  vainly  essayed  to  reduce  them  to 
obedience,  led,  as  we  have  seen,  his  army  back  to  Novasium. 
The  Gauls  encamped  two  miles  off,  and  (strange  and  novel 
event!)  Classicus  and  Tutor  succeeded  in  inducing  the  Ro- 
man soldiers  to  declare  against  their  own  country,  and  aban- 
don their  general.  Vocula  was  murdered  by  a  deserter  from 
the  first  legion  ;  his  legates  were  confined  :  Classicus  entered 
the  camp  with  imperial  ensigns,  and  the  soldiers  took  the 
oath  to  the  empire  of  the  Gauls.  The  troops  in  the  Old 
Camp,  worn  out  with  famine,  now  surrendered ;  all  the  win- 
ter quarters  beyond  the  Rhine,  except  those  at  Mentz  and 
Windisch,  {Vindonissa,)  were  burnt;  Cologne  and  other 
towns  submitted  to  the  conquerors ;  the  Gallic  nations,  how- 
ever, with  the  exception  of  the  Trevirians  and  Lingonians, 
and  a  few  others,  remained  faithful  to  Rome.  Sabinus, 
causing  himself  to  be  proclaimed  C?Bsar,  invaded  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Sequanians;  but  his  disorderly  levies  were  totally 
routed ;  and  he  himself,  flying  to  one  of  his  country-seats, 
13* 


150  VESPASIAN.  [a.  d.  70. 

burned  it  over  his  head,  that  it  might  be  believed  that  he  had 
perished,  while  he  reserved  himself  for  better  times.* 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Cerialis  came  from 
Rome  to  conduct  the  German  war.  He  fixed  his  head-quar- 
ters at  Mentz,  and  the  success  of  his  first  operations  checked 
the  progress  of  the  rebellion.  He  thence  advanced  to  Treves, 
where  Civilis  and  Classicus,  having  in  vain  solicited  him  to 
assume  the  empire  of  the  Gauls,  resolved  to  give  him  battle. 
Early  in  the  morning,  a  sudden  attack  was  made  on  the  Ro- 
man camp  by  a  combined  army  of  Gauls,  Germans,  and  Ba- 
tavians.  Cerialis,  who  had  lain  out  of  the  camp,  hastened  to 
it,  unarmed  as  he  was,  and  found  his  men  giving  way  on  all 
sides.  By  great  personal  exertions  he  restored  the  battle, 
and  the  enemy  was  at  length  forced  to  retire.  Civilis  then, 
having  received  fresh  troops  from  Germany,  took  his  position 
at  the  Old  Camp.  Cerialis,  who  had  also  been  reenforced  by 
two  legions,  followed  him  thither.  Civilis  gave  him  battle  ; 
the  contest  was  long  doubtful ;  at  length,  the  treachery  of  a 
Batavian,  who  deserted,  and  conducted  a  body  of  Roman 
horse  into  the  rear  of  Civilis's  army,  decided  the  fortune  of 
the  day.  Civilis  then  retired  with  Classicus,  Tutor,  and 
some  of  the  principal  men  of  the  Trevirians,  into  the  Bata- 
vian island,  whither  Cerialis,  for  want  of  shipping,  could  not 
pursue  them  ;  and  issuing  thence  again,  they  attacked  the 
Romans  in  various  places,  who,  in  turn,  passed  over  to  the 
island  and  ravaged  it.  The  approach  of  winter,  during 
which  the  toil  of  carrying  on  a  war  amidst  bogs  and  marshes 
would  be  intolerable,  disposed  Cerialis  to  seek  an  accommo- 
dation, to  which  Civilis,  who  saw  that  his  countrymen  were 
weary  of  war,  was  equally  well  inclined.  The  two  leaders 
had  an  interview  to  arrange  the  terms.  Civilis  received  a 
pardon;  the  confederates  were  released  from  all  demands  of 
tribute,  and  only  required  to  supply  troops  as  heretofore. 

While  such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  west,  Titus  had 
brought  the  Jewish  war  to  a  fortunate  conclusion. 

The  Jews,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  for  some  years  under 
the  government  of  a  Roman  president.  Those  selected  for 
that  office,  such  as  Felix  and  Festus,  had  been  usually  tyran- 

*  His  place  of  refuge  was  a  subterraneous  cavern,  where  he  remained 
concealed  for  nine  years.  His  wife  (who  bore  him  two  children  in  the 
cavern)  and  two  of  his  freedmen  alone  knew  of  his  retreat.  He  was 
at  lenglii  discovered,  and  led  to  Rome,  where  Vespasian,  with  a  harsh- 
ness unusual  to  him,  caused  both  him  and  Ws  wife  to  be  executed. 
Dion,  Ixvi.  16.     Plut.  Amat.  p.  1372. 


A.  D.  63-64.]  JEWISH     WAR.  151 

nic  and  avaricious  men ;  and  they  oppressed  the  people  be- 
yond measure.  On  the  other  liand,  the  Jews,  in  reliance  on 
the  words  of"  their  prophets,  looked  every  day  for  the  appear- 
ance of  their  conquering  Messiah,  who  was  not  merely  to 
deliver  them  from  bondage,  but  to  make  them  lords  and 
rulers  over  all  nations.  They  also  believed  that  they  were 
forbidden  by  their  law  to  submit  to  the  rule  of  a  stranger. 
From  all  these  causes,  insurrections  were  frequent  in  Judaja, 
and  they  were  punished  with  great  severity  in  the  usual 
Roman  manner.  Bands  of  robbers  swarmed  in  the  country, 
among  whom  were  particularly  remarkable  those  called  Sica- 
rians,  from  the  dagger  (sira)  which  they  carried  concealed 
in  their  garments,  and  with  which  they  used  secretly  to  stab 
their  enemies  even  in  the  open  day,  in  the  streets,  and  chiefly 
at  the  time  of  the  great  festivals.  In  some  points  they  seem 
to  have  resembled  the  Assassins  of  a  far  later  period.  False 
prophets  were  also  continually  appearing  and  leading  the 
people  into  destruction. 

In  the  eleventh  year  of  Nero,  (C:?,)  Gessius  Florus  was 
appointed  procurator  of  Judsa.  The  tyranny  which  he 
exercised  passed  all  endurance,  and  in  the  second  year  of 
liis  government  (64)  the  whole  Jewish  nation  took  up  arms 
against  the  dominion  of  Rome.  The  Roman  garrison  of  Je- 
rusalem was  massacred  ;  on  the  other  hand,  great  numbers 
of  Jews  were  slaughtered  at  Cajsarea  and  Alexandria,  and 
they,  in  their  turn,  destroyed  Samaria,  Askalon,  and  several 
other  towns.  Cestius  Gallus,  the  governor  of  Syria,  seeing 
that  matters  had  assumed  so  serious  a  form,  entered  the 
country  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  and  advanced  as  far  as 
Jerusalem  ;  but,  being  foiled  in  the  first  attempts  which  he 
made  on  that  city,  instead  of  persevering,  when,  according  to 
the  most  competent  authority,  he  could  have  taken  the  city 
and  prevented  all  the  future  calamities,  he  drew  off  his  army 
and  retired  with  disgrace.  The  Jews  forthwith  began  to 
prepare  for  the  war,  which  they  now  saw  to  be  inevitable. 
They  appointed  military  governors  for  all  the  provinces, 
among  whom  was  Josephus,  the  historian  of  the  war,  to 
whom  was  given  the  province  of  Galilee. 

When  Nero  was  informed  by  Cestius  of  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Judaea,  he  saw  the  necessity  of  committing  the  conduct  of 
the  war  to  a  man  of  military  talent  and  experience.  The 
person  on  whom  he  fixed  was  Voi.pasian,  who  had  already 
distinguished  himself  both  in  Germany  and  Britain.  Ves- 
pasian set  forth  without  delay,  proceeding  overland  to  Syria, 


152  VESPASIAN.  [a.  d.  65-70. 

while  he  sent  his  son  Titus  to  Egypt,  to  lead  to  him  two 
legions  from  that  province.  At  Antioch  he  received  from 
Musianus,  then  president  of  Syria,  one  legion  ;  and,  when 
joined  by  his  son,  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army 
of  about  60,000  men,  including  the  auxiliary  troops  of  the 
different  Asiatic  princes  and  states. 

The  Roman  army  rendezvoused  at  Ptolemais,  (Acre,) 
whence  it  advanced  into  Galilee,  (65.)  The  city  of  Gadara 
was  taken  at  the  first  assault ;  and  Vespasian  then  laid  siece 
to  Jotopata,  the  strongest  place  in  the  province,  and  of  which 
Josephus  himself  conducted  the  defence.  The  Jews,  favored 
by  the  natural  strength  of  the  place,  made  a  most  gallant 
resistance ;  but,  on  the  forty-seventh  day  of  the  siege,  a  traitor 
revealed  to  Vespasian  the  secret  of  the  actual  weakness  of 
the  garrison,  and  showed  how  the  town  might  be  surprised. 
The  city  accordingly  fell,  and  an  indiscriminate  massacre 
was  made  of  all  the  male  inhabitants.  Josephus  became  a 
prisoner  to  the  Roman  general,  by  whom  he  was  treated 
with  much  consideration  ;  and  he  thus  had  the  excellent 
opportunity,  of  which  he  availed  himself,  for  relating  the 
events  of  the  war. 

Few  other  places  in  Galilee  oifered  resistance;  the  towns 
on  the  coast  were  all  in  the  hands  of  the  Romans;  Vespasian 
had  advanced  southwards  and  placed  garrisons  in  Jericho 
and  other  towns  round  Jerusalem,  and  he  was  preparing  to 
lay  siege  to  that  city,  when  he  received  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  Nero,  (68.)  He  then  put  aside  all  thoughts  of  the 
siege  for  the  present,  waiting  to  see  what  course  events 
would  take  in  Italy,  and  retired  to  Cssarea  for  the  winter. 
In  the  spring,  (69,)  he  had  resumed  operations  against  the 
Jews,  when  news  came  of  the  battle  of  Bedriacum,  and  the 
elevation  of  Vitellius  to  the  empire.  We  have  already  re- 
lated what  thence  resulted,  and  the  consequent  suspension 
of  the  Jewish  war. 

Vespasian  was  at  Alexandria  when  he  heard  of  the  death 
of  Vitellius,  and  of  himself  being  declared  emperor  by  the 
senate.  He  resolved  now  to  prosecute  the  Jewish  war,  and, 
Titus  having  left  Egypt  and  proceeded  to  Cassarea  early  in 
the  spring,  (70,)  and  being  there  joined  by  the  remainder 
of  the  army  destined  for  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  advanced 
against  the  devoted  city,  at  the  head  of  an  army  composed 
of  four  legions,  with  their  due  number  of  cohorts  and  auxil- 
iaries. As  the  festival  of  the  Passover  occurred  about  this 
time,  the  city    was  thronged  with  an    immense  number  of 


A.  D.  70.]  JEWISH    WAR.  153 

people  from  all  parts  of  Judaea,  and  the  Jewish  nation  was 
thus,  as  it  were,  enveloped  in  the  net  of  destruction. 

Of  no  siege,  in  ancient  times,  have  the  events  been  trans- 
mitted with  the  same  degree  of  minuteness  as  that  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  for  Josephus,  the  historian  of  them,  was  a  Jew  of 
noble  birth,  and  he  was  present  in  the  Roman  camp,  and 
on  a  footing  of  friendship  with  Titus.  Versed  in  both  the 
Greek  and  Hebrew  languages,  and  acquainted,  personally, 
with  the  principal  persons  on  both  sides,  he  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  learning  the  exact  truth  of  every  event ;  and  his  ve- 
racity has  never  been  called  in  question.  As  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  was  accurately  foretold  by  the  divine  Author 
of  our  religion,  the  narrative  of  the  siege  possesses  additional 
importance  in  the  eyes  of  all  Christians.  The  proper  place, 
however,  for  the  detailed  narration  of  it  is  the  History  of 
the  Jews  ;  in  the  limits  to  which  the  present  work  is  neces- 
sarily restricted,  we  feel  it  impossible  to  give  such  an  ac- 
count as  would  content  the  reasonable  curiosity  of  the  reader, 
and  shall  therefore  only  aim  at  a  general  view  of  this  ruin  of 
the  Jewish  nation. 

The  great  body  of  the  people  of  Jerusalem  were  anxious 
to  submit  to  the  Romans ;  and  Titus,  on  his  part,  would  most 
willingly  have  granted  them  favorable  terms.  But  all  the 
robbers  and  Sicarians  had  repaired  to  the  city,  and,  under 
the  name  of  Zealots,  they  seized  on  the  whole  power.  They 
were  divided  into  three  hostile  parties,  having  but  one  prin- 
ciple in  common,  namely,  to  oppose  the  Romans,  and  to 
oppress  and  murder  the  unhappy  people.  In  their  madness, 
they  early  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  magazines  of 
corn,  and  famine  soon  began  to  spread  its  ravages.  The 
sufferings  of  the  people  were  beyond  description  ;  if  they 
remained  in  the  city,  they  perished  of  hunger ;  if  they  were 
caught  attempting  to  escape  from  it,  they  were  barbarously 
murdered  by  the  Zealots;  if  they  succeeded  in  making  their 
escape,  they  were  murdered  by  the  Syrians  and  Arabians  in 
the  Roman  army,  for  the  gold,  which  it  was  discovered  they 
used  to  swallow. 

The  siege  lasted  for  nearly  seven  months.  The  Romans 
had  to  carry  each  of  the  three  walls,  and  all  the  quarters  of 
the  city,  successively.  Titus  was  anxious  to  save  the  mag- 
nificent temple  of  the  God  of  Israel  ;  but  one  of  the  Roman 
soldiers  set  fire  to  it,  and  the  stately  edifice  became  a  prey  to 
the  flames.  The  Upper  City,  as  it  was  named,  was  still 
defended,  but  the  Romans  finally  carried  it ;  and  the  whole 

T 


154  VESPASIAN.  [a.u.  70. 

city,  with  the  exception  of  three  of  the  towers,  left  to  show 
its  former  strength,  was  demolished.  Josephus  computes 
the  number  of  those  who  perished  in  the  siege  and  capture 
of  the  city  at  1,100,000,  and  those  who  were  made  prisoners 
during  the  war,  at  97,000  persons.  Of  these,  those  under 
Beventeen  years  of  age  were  sold  for  slaves ;  of  the  rest, 
some  were  sent  to  the  provinces  to  fight  with  each  other,  or 
with  wild  beasts,  for  the  amusement  of  the  people  in  the 
theatres ;  the  greater  part  were  condemned  to  work,  in  the 
quarries  of  Egypt. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  Titus  was 
saluted  emperor  by  his  army ;  and,  when  he  was  about  to 
depart  from  the  province,  they  insisted  that  he  should  either 
remain  or  take  them  with  him.  This,  combined  with  the 
circumstance  of  his  wearing  a  diadem,  (though  according 
to  the  established  usage,)  some  time  after,  when  consecra- 
ting the  holy  calf  Apis  at  Memphis  in  Egypt,  gave  occasion 
to  a  suspicion  that  he  meditated  to  revolt  from  his  father 
and  establish  a  kingdom  for  himself  in  the  East.  He  there- 
fore lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  Italy,  whither  Vespasian 
had  proceeded  long  before.  When  he  arrived  unexpected- 
ly at  Rome,  he  addressed  his  father  in  these  words :  "  I  am 
come,  father,  I  am  come,"  to  show  the  absurdity  of  the  re- 
ports respecting  him.  Vespasian,  however,  kuew  his  noble 
son  too  well  to  have  had  any  suspicion  of  him.  He  cele- 
brated with  him  a  joint  triumph  for  the  conquest  of  Judasa; 
he  made  him  his  colleague  in  the  censorship,  the  tribunate, 
and  seven  consulates,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  the 
praetorian  cohorts.  He  transferred  to  him  most  of  the  busi- 
ness of  the  state,  authorizing  him  to  write  letters  and  issue 
edicts  in  his  name.  He,  in  effect,  made  him  his  colleague 
in  the  empire  ;  and  he  never  had  occasion,  for  one  moment, 
to  rewret  his  confidence. 

Titus  Flavins  Vespasianus,  the  present  ruler  of  the  Roman 
world,  was  somewhat  past  his  sixtieth  year  when  called  to 
the  empire.  He  was  born  near  Reate,  in  the  Sabine  country, 
of  a  family  which  was  merely  respectable.  He  commenced 
his  public  life  as  a  tribune  in  the  army  in  Thrace;  he  rose 
to  the  rank  of  prajtor,  and  he  served  as  a  legate  in  Germany 
and  Britain,  in  which  last  country  he  distinguished  himself 
greatly  as  a  general,  and  was  honored  with  the  triumphal 
ensigns;  and  he  afterwards  obtained  the  government  of  Afri- 
ca. Finally,  as  we  have  seen,  he  was  selected  for  the  con- 
duct of  the  Jewish  war.     In   all  the  offices  which  he  held, 


A.  D.  70-79.]  CHARACTER    OF    VESPASIAN.  155 

Vespasian  had  behaved  with  justice,  honor,  and  humanity  ; 
and  there  was,  perhaps,  no  man  at  the  time  better  calculated 
for  the  important  post  of  head  of  the  Roman  empire. 

The  first  cares  of  Vespasian  were  directed  to  the  restora- 
tion of  discipline  in  the  army,  and  of  order  in  the  finances. 
He  discharged  a  great  part  of  the  Vitellian  soldiers,  and  he 
treated  his  own  with  strictness,  not  giving  them  even  their 
just  rewards  for  some  time,  to  make  them  sensible  of  his 
authority.  In  consequence  of  the  wasteful  extravagance  of 
Nero,  and  the  late  civil  wars,  the  revenues  of  the  state  were 
in  such  a  condition,  that  Vespasian  declared,  on  his  acces- 
sion, that  no  less  a  sum  than  40,000,000,000  sesterces  were 
absolutely  requisite  to  carry  on  the  government.  He  there- 
fore reestablished  all  the  taxes  that  Galba  had  remitted,  and  \ 
imposed  new  ones;  he  increased,  and  in  some  cases  doubled, 
the  tributes  of  the  provinces ;  he  even  engaged  in  various 
branches  of  traffic,  buying  low  and  selling  high.  He  was 
accused  of  selling  places  and  pardons,  and  of  making  proc- 
urators of  those  known  to  be  most  rapacious,  that  he  might 
condemn  thetn  when  they  were  grown  rich,  "  using  them," 
as  it  was  said,  "  as  sponges,  wetting  them  when  dry,  and 
squeezing  them  out  when  wet." 

Granting,  however,  that  Vespasian  was  rapacious  of 
money,  it  was  not  to  hoard  it  or  to  squander  it  on  pleasures. 
He  was  liberal  both  to  the  public  and  to  all  orders  of  the 
people.  He  rebuilt  the  Capitol,  and  he  collected  copies  of 
the  brazen  tablets  (three  thousand  in  number)  of  the  sena- 
tus-consults  and  plebiscits,  which  had  been  melted  in  the  con- 
flagration. He  built  a  temple  to  Peace,  one  to  the  emperor 
Claudius,  and  an  amphitheatre  which  had  been  designed  by 
Augustus.  He  gave  large  sums  to  various  cities  which  had 
suffered  from  fires  or  earthquakes.  He  settled  annual  pen- 
sions on  those  men  of  consular  rank  who  were  in  narrow 
circumstances.  He  was  liberal  to  poets,  rhetoricians,  and 
artists  of  all  kinds. 

Early  in  his  reign,  Vespasian  made  a  diligent  examination 
of  the  senatorian  and  equestrian  orders.  He  expelled  the  more 
unworthy  members  of  both,  and  supplied  their  places  with 
the  most  respectable  of  the  Italians  and  the  provincials.  He 
seems  in  this  to  have  been  actuated  by  his  military  notions  \ 
of  the  unity  and  identity  which  should  pervade  the  empire  ; 
for  the  superiority  of  the  Roman  citizens  was  thus  taken  away, 
the  path  to  all  honors  now  lying  equally  open  to  the  provincials. 
It  was  probably  the  same  principle  that  caused  him  to  de- 


156  VESPASIAN.  [a.  D.  70-79. 

prive  Lycia,  Cilicia,  Thrace,  Rhodes,  Samos,  and  other 
places,  of  the  independence  which  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed, 
and  reduce  them  to  the  form  of  provinces. 

Vespasian  was  never  ashamed  of  the  humbleness  of  his 
origin,  and  he  laughed  at  those  who  attempted  to  deduce  the 
Flavian  family  from  one  of  the  companions  of  Hercules. 
He  retained  no  enmities ;  he  procured  a  very  high  match  for 
the  daughter  of  Vitellius,  and  gave  her  a  dowry  and  outfit. 
When  warned  to  beware  of  Metius  Pomposianus,  who  was 
said  to  have  an  imperial  nativity,  he  made  him  consul.  Even 
during  the  civil  war,  he  omitted  the  practice  of  searching 
those  who  came  to  salute  the  emperor.  The  doors  of  the 
palace  stood  always  open,  and  there  was  no  guard  at  them. 
He  constantly  had  the  senators  and  other  persons  of  respecta- 
bility to  dine  with  him,  and  he  dined  with  them  in  return. 
In  his  mode  of  living  he  was  simple  and  temperate. 

Vespasian  banished  the  philosophers  and  the  astrologers 
from  Rome.  These  last  were  extremely  mischievous,  med- 
dling in  all  affairs  of  state;  and  they  had  been  objects  of  y[ 
suspicion  ever  since  the  time  of  Augustus.  In  his  proceed-  ' 
ings  against  the  philosophers,  he  was  actuated  by  Mucianus, 
who  represented  to  him  that  the  Stoics  were  dangerous  as 
republicans,  and  the  Cynics  as  the  enemies  of  decency  and 
morality.  The  death  of  Helvidius  Priscus,  which  is  esteemed 
a  stain  on  the  memory  of  Vespasian,  may  be  ascribed  to  his  i 
Stoicism  and  republicanism.  When  the  emperor  came  to 
Rome,  Helvidius  addressed  him  as  plain  Vespasian  ;  in  his 
edicts  as  praetor,  he  treated  him  with  neglect  and  disrespect ; 
and  in  the  senate  behaved  toward  him  with  such  insolence, 
that  he  quitted  the  house  in  tears.  Helvidius  was  relegated, 
and  finally  put  to  death,  we  know  not  on  what  account ;  but 
Vespasian  is  said  to  have  sent  to  countermand  the  order 
when  it  was  too  late. 

Toward  the  end  of  his  reign,  a  conspiracy  was  formed 
against  him  by  Cajcina  and  Marcellus,  both  of  whom  stood 
high  in  his  friendship,  and  had  received  all  the  honors  of 
the  state.  The  plot  being  discovered,  Ca?cina  was  seized  as 
he  was  coming  out  from  dining  with  the  emperor,  and  put 
to  death  by  the  orders  of  Titus,  lest  he  should  raise  a  dis- 
turbance in  the  night,  as  he  had  gained  over  several  of  the 
soldiers.  Marcellus,  being  condemned  by  the  senate,  cut  his 
own  throat  with  a  razor. 

Vespasian  was  but  once  married.  His  wife  having  died 
long  before  he  came  to  the  empire,  he  lived  with  Caenis,  the 


A.  D.  79.]  DEATH    OF    VESPASIAN.  157 

freedwoman  of  Antonia,  whom  he  treated  as  a  wife,  rather 
than  a  mistress.  He  allowed  her  to  make  traffic  of  the 
offices  of  the  state,  by  which  she  amassed  large  sums  of 
money;  and  the  emperor  was  suspected  of  sharing  in  her 
gains. 

This  able  prince  had  nearly  completed  the  tenth  year  of 
his  reign,  when  he  was  attacked  by  a  feverish  complaint,  in 
Campania.  lie  returned  to  the  city,  and  thence  hastened  to 
his  native  Sabine  land,  about  Cutilia)  and  Reate,  where  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  spending  the  summer,  and  tried  the  cold 
springs  of  the  place,  but  witiiout  effect.  He  attended  to 
public  business  to  the  last :  when  he  felt  the  approach  of 
death,  "An  emperor,"  said  he,  "should  die  standing;"  and 
being  supported  in  that  posture,  he  met  his  fate,  in  the 
seventieth  year  of  his  age. 


T.  Flavius  Sahinus  Vespasianus  II. 
A.  u.  832—834.     A.  D.  79—81. 

Titus  Flavius  Vespasianus  was  born  in  the  year  of  the 
death  of  the  emperor  Caius.  He  was  brought  up  at  the 
court  of  Claudius,  as  the  companion  of  the  young  Britanni- 
cus.  When  he  grew  up,  he  served  as  a  tribune  in  Germany 
and  Britain,  and  he  afterwards  held  a  high  command  in  the 
army  of  Judfea.  In  person,  Titus  was  rather  short,  with  a 
projecting  stomach.  He  was  eminently  skilled  in  all  martial 
exercises ;  he  had  a  remarkable  memory ;  could  make  verses 
extempore,  in  either  Greek  or  Latin;  and  was  well  skilled  in 
music.  He  could  imitate  any  hand-writing ;  and,  as  he 
said  himself,  wanted  only  the  will,  to  be  the  most  expert  of 
forgers. 

Many  people  feared  that  Titus  might  prove  a  second  Nero. 
He  was  accused  of  having  put  various  persons  to  death  in 
the  late  reign,  and  of  having  taken  money  from  others  for 
his  interest  with  his  father.  His  revels,  prolonged  till  mid- 
night, gave  occasion  to  suspicions  of  luxury  ;  and  the  crowds 
of  eunuchs,  and  such  like  persons  about  him,  excited  suspi- 
cions of  a  darker  hue.  People  also  feared  that  he  would 
espouse  (contrary  to  Roman  usage)  the  Jewish  queen  Bere- 
nice, who  had  followed  him  to  Rome,  and  lived  with  him 
in  the  palace,  acting  as  if  she  were  already  empress. 

CONTIN.  14 


158  TITUS.  [a.  d.  80-81. 

All  these  fears  were,  however,  agreeably  disappointed  ;  and 
Titus,  when  emperor,  acted  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  justly 
named  the  Love  and  Delight  of  Mankind.  He  sent  away 
the  fair  Jewish  queen,  though  it  cost  him  a  severe  struggle.* 
He  reduced  his  train  of  eunuchs;  he  retrenched  the  lu.\ury 
of  his  table ;  he  selected  his  friends  from  among  the  best 
men  of  the  time.  In  liberality  no  one  surpassed  him  ;  while 
preceding  princes  used  to  regard  the  gifts  of  their  predeces- 
sors as  invalid,  unless  they  were  given  over  again  by  them- 
selves, Titus,  unsolicited,  confirmed  by  one  edict  all  the  pre- 
ceding grants.  He  could  not  bear  to  refuse  any  one  ;  and 
when  those  about  him  observed  that  he  promised  more  than 
he  could  perform,  he  replied,  "  No  one  ought  to  retire  dis- 
satisfied from  the  presence  of  the  prince."  At  dinner,  one 
time,  recollecting  that  he  had  done  nothing  for  any  one  that 
day,  he  cried,  "  Friends,  I  have  lost  a  day." 

When  he  took  the  office  of  chief  pontiff",  he  declared  that 
he  did  it  that  he  might  keep  his  hands  free  from  blood ; 
and  during  his  reign  not  a  single  person  was  put  to  death. 
Though  his  brother  was  constantly  conspiring  against  him, 
he  could  not  be  induced  to  treat  him  with  rigor.  When  two 
patricians  had  been  convicted  of  a  conspiracy  against  him, 
he  contented  himself  with  exhorting  them  to  desist,  for  that 
the  empire  was  given  by  fate.  He  even  despatched  couriers 
to  assure  the  mother  of  one  of  them  of  her  son's  safety  ;  and 
he  invited  them  to  dinner,  and  treated  them  with  the  utmost 
confidence.  He  constantly  said  that  he  would  rather  die 
than  cause  the  death  of  any  one.t 

Titus  would  never  allow  any  prosecutions  on  the  charge  / 
of  treason.  "  /,"  said  he,  "  cannot  be  injured  or  insulted,  \ 
for  I  do  nothing  deserving  of  reproach,  and  I  care  not  for 
those  who  speak  falsely  ;  and  as  for  the  departed  emperors, 
if  they  are  in  reality  demigods,  and  have  power,  they  will 
avenge  themselves  on  those  who  injure  them."  He  was  very 
severe  against  the  informers  ;  he  caused  them  to  be  beaten 
with  rods  and  cudgels,  led  through  the  amphitheatre,  and 
then  to  be  sold  for  slaves,  or  confined  in  the  most  rugged 
islands. 

The  reign  of  this  excellent  prince  was  marked  by  a  series 
of  public  calamities.  He  had  reigned  only  two  months 
when  a  tremendous  volcanic  eruption,   the  first  on   record, 

*  "  Berenicen  statim  ab  urbe  dimisit  invitus  invitam."     Sueton. 
i  "  Periturum  se  potius  quam  perditurura." 


A.  D.  80-81.]  ERUPTION    OF    VESUVIUS.  159 

iVorn  Mount  Vesuvius,  spread  dismay  through  Italy.  This 
niountaiu  liad  hitherto  formed  the  most  beautiful  feature  in 
the  landscape  of  Campania,  being  clad  with  vines  and  other 
agreeable  trees  and  plants.  Earthquakes  had  of  late  years 
been  of  frequent  occurrence  ;  but  on  the  24th  of  August  the 
summit  of  the  mountain  sent  forth  a  volume  of  flame,  stones, 
and  ashes,  which  spread  devastation  far  and  wide.  The  sky, 
to  the  extent  of  many  leagues,  was  enveloped  in  the  gloom  of 
night ;  the  fine  dust,  it  was  asserted,  was  wafted  even  to  Egypt 
and  Syria;  and  at  Rome  it  rendered  the  sun  invisible  for 
many  days.  Men  and  beasts,  birds  and  fishes,  perished  alike. 
The  adjoining  towns  of  Pompeii  and  Herculaneum  were 
overwhelmed  by  the  earthtpiake  which  attended  the  irrup- 
tion, and  their  inhabitants  destroyed.  Among  those  who  lost 
their  lives  on  this  occasion,  was  Pliny,  the  great  naturalist. 
He  commanded  the  fleet  at  Miscnum,  and,  his  curiosity  lead- 
ing him  to  proceed  to  Stabi;E  to  view  this  convulsion  of 
nature  more  closely,  he  was  suffocated  by  the  pestilential  air. 

Titus  did  all  in  his  power  to  alleviate  this  great  calamity. 
.But  while,  on  account  of  it,  he  was  absent  in  Campania,  (80,) 
a  fire  broke  out  at  Rome,  which  raged  for  three  days  and 
nights,  and  destroyed  the  Septa,  the  baths  of  Agrippa,  the 
Pantheon,  the  rebuilt  Capitol,  and  a  number  of  the  other 
public  buildings.  This  was  succeeded  by  a  pestilence, 
probably  the  consequence  of  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  which 
swept  away  numbers  of  people.  The  emperor  undertook  to 
restore  the  city  at  his  own  expense,  refusing  all  the  presents 
that  were  offered  him  for  that  purpose.  He  built  a  splendid 
amphitheatre  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  and  the  baths  which 
bear  his  name.  At  the  dedication  of  these  works,  he  gave 
magnificent  games  to  the  people. 

In  the  September  of  the  following  year,  (81,)  the  reign  and 
life  of  this  excellent  prince  came  to  their  close.  At  the  termi- 
nation of  one  of  the  public  spectacles,  he  was  observed  to  burst 
into  tears  in  presence  of  the  people.  Some  ill  omens  dis- 
turbed him,  and  he  set  out  for  the  Sabine  country.  On  the 
first  stage,  he  was  attacked  by  a  fever;  and,  as  he  was  pro- 
ceeding in  his  litter,  it  is  said  that  he  looked  at  the  sky  and 
lamented  that  life  should  be  taken  from  him  undeservedly, 
as  there  was  but  one  act  he  ever  did  to  be  repented  of* 
He  died  at  the  country-house  in  which  his  father  had  so 
lately  expired.     Domitian  was  suspected,  though  apparently 

*  What  that  act  was  no  one  knew ;  and  none  of  the  conjectures  are 
very  probable. 


160  DOMITIAN.  [a.  D.  81. 

Without  reason,  of  having  caused  his  death.  Titus  was  only 
in  his  forty-first  year,  and  had  reigned  little  more  than  two 
years;  fortunate  perhaps  in  this,  for,  as  Dion  observes,  had 
he  lived  longer,  his  fame  might  not  have  been  so  pure. 


T.  Flavins  Sahinus  Domitianus. 
A.  u.  834—849.     A.  D.  81—96. 

Titus  Flavins  Sabinus  Domitianus  was  the  younger  son  of 
Vespasian.  He  was  born  in  the  year  51 ;  his  youth  was  not 
reputable  ;  and  when,  after  the  death  of  Vitellius,  lie  exercised 
the  supreme  power  at  Rome,  he  gave  free  course  to  his  evil 
propensities.  Among  other  acts,  he  took  Domitia  Calvina, 
the  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Corbulo,  from  her  husband, 
yElius  Lamia,  and  made  her  his  own  wife.  After  the  return  of 
his  father  to  Rome,  he  passed  his  time  mostly  in  seclusion  at 
his  residence  at  the  Alban  mount,  devoting  himself  to  poetry, 
in  which  he  made  no  mean  progress.  When  his  father  died, 
he  had  some  thouo;hts  of  ofTeriufj  a  double  donative  to  the 
soldiers,  and  claiming  the  empire;  and,  as  long  as  his  brother 
lived,  he  was  conspiring  openly  or  secretly  against  him.  Ere 
Titus  had  breathed  his  last,  Domitian  caused  every  one  to 
abandon  him,  and,  mounting  his  horse,  rode  to  the  praetorian 
camp,  and  caused  himself  to  be  saluted  emperor  by  the 
soldiers. 

Like  most  bad  emperors,  Domitian  commenced  his  reign 
with  popular  actions;  and  a  portion  of  his  good  qualities 
adhered  to  him  for  some  time.  Such  were  his  liberality  (for 
no  man  was  freer  from  avarice)  and  the  strictness  with  which 
he  looked  after  the  administration  of  justice,  both  at  Rome 
and  in  the  provinces.  His  passion  for  building  was  extreme  ; 
not  content  with  restoring  the  Capitol,  the  Pantheon,  and 
other  edifices  injured  or  destroyed  by  the  late  conflagration, 
he  built  or  repaired  several  others;  and  on  all,  old  and  new 
alike,  he  inscribed  his  own  name,  without  noticing  the 
original  founder. 

Domitian  was  of  a  moody,  melancholy  temper,  and  he  loved 
to  indulge  in  solitude.  His  chief  occupation,  when  tiius 
alone,  we  are  told,  was  to  catch  flies,  and  pierce  them  witli  a 
sharp  writing-style  ;  hence  Vibius  Crispus,  being  asked  one 
day  if  there  was  any  one  within  with  Ca'sar,  replied,  "  No, 
not  so  much   as  a  fly."     Among  the  better  actions  of  the 


A.  D.  83-85.]  GERMAN    WAR.  161 

early  years  of  this  prince,  may  be  noticed  the  following : 
He  strictly  forbade  the  abominable  practice  of  making 
eunuchs,  for  which  he  deserves  praise  ;  though  it  was  said 
that  his  motive  was  not  so  much  a  love  of  justice  as  a  desire 
to  depreciate  the  memory  of  his  brother,  who  had  a  partiality 
for  these  wretched  beings.  Domitian  also  at  this  time  pun- 
ished three  Vestals  who  had  broken  their  vows  of  chastity ; 
but,  instead  of  burying  them  alive,  he  allowed  them  to  choose 
their  mode  of  death. 

In  the  hope  of  acquiring  military  glory,  he  undertook  (83) 
an  expedition  to  Germany,  under  the  pretence  of  chastising 
the  Chattans.  But  he  merely  crossed  the  Rhine,  pillaged 
the  friendly  tribes  beyond  it,  and  then,  without  having  even 
seen  the  face  of  an  enemy,  returned  to  Rome,  and  celebrated 
the  triumph  which  the  senate  had  decreed  him,  dragging  as 
captives  slaves  that  he  had  purchased  and  disguised  as  Ger- 
mans. While,  however,  he  was  thus  triumphing  for  imagi- 
nary conquests,  real  ones  had  been  achieved  in  Britain  by 
Cn.  Julius  Agricola,  to  whom  Vespasian  had  committed  the 
affairs  of  that  island,  (80.)  He  had  conquered  the  country 
as  far  as  the  firths  of  Clyde  and  Forth,  and  (85)  defeated  the 
Caledonians  in  a  great  battle  at  the  foot  of  the  Grampians. 
Domitian,  though  inwardly  grieved,  affected  great  joy  at  the 
success  of  Agricola ;  he  caused  triumphal  honors,  a  statue, 
and  so  forth,  to  be  decreed  him  by  the  senate,  and  gave 
out  that  he  intended  appointing  him  to  the  government  of 
Syria ;  but,  when  Agricola  returned  to  Rome,  he  received 
him  with  coldness,  and  never  employed  him  again.* 

The  country  on  the  left  bank  of  the  lower  Danube,  the 
modern  Transylvania,  Wallachia,  and  Moldavia,  was  ai  cnis 
time  inhabited  by  a  portion  of  the  Sarmatian  or  Slavonian 
race  named  the  Dacians,  and  remarkable  for  their  valor. 
The  extension  of  the  Roman  frontier  to  the  Danube,  in  the 
time  of  Augustus,  had  caused  occasional  collisions  with  this 
martial  race ;  t  but  no  war  of  any  magnitude  occurred 
till  the  present  reign.  The  prince  of  the  Dacians  at  this 
time,  named  Decebalus,  was  one  of  those  energetic  char- 
acters often  to  be  found  among  barbarous  tribes,  to  whom 
nature  has  given  all  the  elements  of  greatness,  but  fortune 
has  assigned  a  narrow  and  inglorious  stage  for  their  exhibi- 

*  See  the  Life  of  Agricola,  by  his  son-in-law,  Tacitus. 

t  "  Occidit  Daci  Cotisonis  agmen."  Hor.  Carm.  iii.  8.  18.  M. 
Antonius  asserted  that  Augustus  had  promised  his  daughter  Julia  in 
marriage  to  Cotison.     Seut.  Oct.  63. 

14*  u 


162  DOMITIAN.  [a.  D.  86-88. 

tion.  It  was  probably  the  desire  of  military  glory  and  of 
plunder,  rather  than  fear  of  the  avarice  of  Domitian,  the 
only  cause  assigned,*  that  made  Decebalus  at  this  time  (80) 
set  at  nought  the  treaties  subsisting  with  the  Romans,  and 
lead  his  martial  hordes  over  the  Danube.  The  troops  that 
opposed  them  were  routed  and  cut  to  pieces ;  the  garrisons 
and  castles  were  taken,  and  apprehensions  were  entertained 
for  the  winter  quarters  of  the  legions.t  The  danger  seemed 
so  imminent,  that  the  general  wish  was  manifested  for  the 
conduct  of  the  war  being  committed  to  Agricola;  and  the 
imperial  freedmen,  some  from  good,  others  from  evil  motives, 
urged  their  master  to  compliance.  But  his  jealousy  of  that 
illustrious  man  was  invincible ;  and  he  resolved  to  superin- 
tend the  war  in  person. 

Domitian  proceeded  to  Illyria,  where  he  was  met  by  Da- 
cian  deputies  with  proposals  of  peace,  on  condition  of  a  capi- 
tation tax  of  two  oboles  a  head  being  paid  to  Decebalus. 
The  emperor  forthwith  ordered  Cornelius  Fuscus,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Illyria,  to  lead  his  army  over  the  Danube,  and  chas- 
tise the  insolent  barbarians.  Fuscus  passed  the  river  by  a 
bridge  of  boats ;  he  gained  some  advantages  over  the  enemy, 
but  his  army  was  finally  defeated  and  himself  slain. |  Domi- 
tian, who  had  returned  to  Rome,  hastened  back  to  the  seat 
of  war ;  but,  instead  of  heading  his  troops,  he  stopped  in  a 
town  of  Mojsia,  where  he  gave  himself  up  to  his  usual  pleas- 
ures, leaving  the  conduct  of  the  war  to  his  generals,  who, 
though  they  met  with  some  reverses,  were  in  general  success- 
ful ;  and  Decebalus  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  suing 
for  peace.  Domitian  refused  to  grant  it;  but,  shortly  after, 
havincr  sustained  a  defeat  from  the  Marcomans,  whom  he 
wished  to  punish  for  not  having  assisted  him  against  the 
Dacians,  he  sent  to  offer  peace  to  Decebalus.  The  Dacian 
was  not  in  a  condition  to  refuse  it,  but  he  would  seem  to 
have  dictated  the  terms;  and  in  effect  an  annual  tribute  was 
henceforth  paid  to  him  by  the  Roman  emperor. §  Domi- 
tian, however,  triumphed  for  the  Dacians  and  Marcomans, 
though  he  paid  tribute  to  the  former,  and  had  been  defeated 
by  the  latter. || 

During  the   Dacian  war,  (88,)  L.  Antonius,    who   coni- 

*  Jornandes  De  Reb.  Goth.  13.  t  Tac.  Affric.  41. 

t  JuvonaljSat.  iv.  Ill,  112.  §    Dion,  Ixvii.  7;  Ixviii.  C. 

II  There  is  great  confusion  respcctintr  the  duration  of  the  Uacian 
war.  Eusebius  makes  it  end  in  the  year  90,  and  places  the  triumph 
of  Domitian  in  the  following  year.  See  Tillemont,  Hist,  des  Einpe- 
reurs. 


A.  D.  88-94.]  VICES    OF    DOMITIAN.  163 

manded  in  Upper  Germany,  having  been  grossly  insulted 
by  the  emperor,  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Alemans,  and 
caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor.  But  L.  Maximus 
marched  against  him,  and,  the  Alemans  having  been  pre- 
vented from  coming  to  his  aid  by  the  rising  of  the  Rhine, 
he  was  defeated  and  slain.  Maximus  wisely  and  humanely 
burned  all  his  papers;  but  that  did  not  prevent  the  tyrant 
from  putting  many  persons  to  death,  as  concerned  in  the 
revolt. 

A  war  against  the  Sarmatians,  who  had  cut  to  pieces  a 
Roman  legion,  is  placed  by  the  chronologists  in  the  year  94. 
Domitian  conducted  it  in  person,  after  his  usual  manner  ; 
but,  instead  of  triumpliing,  he  contented  himself  with  suspend- 
ing a  laurel  crown  in  the  Capitol.  This  is  the  last  foreign 
transaction  of  his  reign. 

After  the  first  three  or  four  years  of  his  reign,  the  evil 
qualities  of  Domitian  displayed  themsekes  more  and  more 
every  day.  By  nature  a  coward,  his  fears,  increased  by  his 
belief  in  the  follies  of  astrology,  rendered  him  cruel,  and 
the  want  brought  on  by  his  extravagance  made  him  rapa- 
cious. Informers  flourished  anew,  as  in  the  days  of  Nero ; 
and  the  blind  Catullus,*  Messalinus,  Melius  Cams,  and  Be- 
bius  Massa,  and  others  of  the  like  stamp,  preyed  continually 
on  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  all  men  of  rank  and  worth. 
Among  the  victims  of  the  incipient  cruelty  of  Domitian  were 
the  following  :  Metius  Pomposianus,  on  account  of  his  horo- 
scope, and  because  he  had  in  his  chamber  a  map  of  the 
world,  and  carried  about  him  speeches  of  kings  and  generals 
out  of  Livy,  and  called  his  slaves  Mago  and  Hannibal;  Sal- 
vius  Coccianus,  for  celebrating  the  birthday  of  his  uncle 
Otho ;  Sallustius  LucuUus,  for  having  given  his  name  to  a 
new  kind  of  lance ;  the  sophist  Maternus,  for  a  declamation 
against  tyrants ;  Julius  Lamia,  (whose  wife  he  had  taken  from 
him,)  for  some  jokes  in  the  time  of  Titus. 

The  tyranny  of  Domitian  at  length  passed  all  bounds. 
Tacitus  describes  the  senate-house  invested  by  soldiery; 
consulars  slaughtered  ;  women  of  the  highest  rank  banished  ; 
the  isles  filled  with  exiles,  the  racks  dyed  with  their  blood ; 
slaves  and  freedmen  corrupted  to  give  false  evidence  against 
their  masters;  nobility,  wealth,  honors,  above  all,  virtue,  the 
sure  causes  of  ruin ;  rewards  lavished  on  informers  and  ac- 
cusers;  all  the  vices  and  all  the  virtues  called  into  action. t 

At  this  time,  Ilelvidius,  the  son  of  Helvidius  Priscus,  was 

•  Juvenal,  Sat.  iv.  113,  seq  *  Agric.  45.     Hist.  i.  2,  3. 


^ 


\ 


V 


I 


164  DOMITIAN.  [a.  d.  84-96. 

put  to  death  for  having  made  an  interlude  on  the  emperor's 
divorce,  of  which  the  characters  were  Paris  and  CEnone; 
and  Herennius  Senecio,  for  having  written  the  life  of  Hel- 
vidius  Prisons.  A  panegyric  on  Thrasea  and  Helvidius  was 
also  fatal  to  its  author,  Junius  Rusticus,  a  Stoic ;  and  Her- 
mogenes  of  Tarsus,  from  some  supposed  allusions  in  his  his- 
tory, was  put  to  death,  and  the  booksellers  that  sold  it  were 
crucified.  After  the  condemnation  of  Rusticus,  all  the  phi- 
losophers were  banished  from  Italy. 

Like  Nero,  whom  he  resembled  in  some  points,  Domitian 
was  capricious  in  his  cruelty.  When,  at  the  shows  which 
followed  his  triumph,  a  tempest  of  rain  came  on,  he  would 
not  allow  any  one  to  quit  the  place  and  seek  shelter.  He 
himself  also  remained  ;  but  he  had  several  cloaks,  and  changed 
them  as  they  became  wet.  Many  of  the  spectators  died  in 
consequence  of  colds  and  fevers.  To  console  them,  he  in- 
vited them  to  a  public  supper,  which  lasted  all  through  the 
night.  He  gave  the  senate  and  knights  also  a  curious  supper 
at  the  same  time.  The  room  in  which  he  received  them 
was  made  perfectly  black;  the  seats  were  black;  by  each 
stood  a  monumental  pillar  with  the  name  of  the  guest  on  it, 
and  a  sepulchral  lamp ;  naked  slaves,  blackened  to  resemble 
spectres,  came  in  and  danced  a  horrid  measure  around  them, 
and  then  each  seated  himself  at  the  feet  of  a  guest ;  the 
funeral  meats  were  then  brought  in  black  vessels.  All  sat 
quaking  in  silence ;  Domitian  alone  spoke,  and  his  discourse 
was  of  death.  At  length  he  dismissed  them ;  but  at  the 
porch,  instead  of  their  own  attendants,  they  found  strange 
ones,  with  chairs  and  sedans  to  convey  them  to  their  houses. 
When  they  were  at  home,  and  began  to  respire  freely,  word 
came  to  each  that  one  was  come  from  the  emperor;  terror 
returned,  but  it  was  agreeably  dispelled  by  finding  that  the 
pillar,  which  was  silver,  the  supper  utensils,  of  valuable  mate- 
rials, and  the  slave  who  had  played  the  ghost,  were  arrived 
as  presents  from  the  palace. 

Domitian  exhibited,  about  this  time,  a  specimen  of  politi- 
cal economy  by  no  means  despicable,  were  not  the  evil  which 
he  proposed  to  amend  already  beyond  remedy.  Wine  prov- 
ing very  plentiful  and  corn  very  scarce  in  Italy,  he  issued 
an  edict  (92)  forbidding  any  new  vineyards  to  be  planted  in 
Italy,  and  ordering  one  half  of  those  in  the  provinces  to  be 
cut  down.  This  edict,  it  may  readily  be  supposed,  was  but 
partially  carried  into  effect. 

The  year  of  Domitian's  triumph  was  also  distinguished  by 


A.  D.  84-96.]  VICES    OF    BOMITIAN.  165 

the  death  of  Cornelia,  the  eldest  of  the  Vestals,  accused  of 
breach  of  chastity.  Slie  was  buried  alive,  in  the  ancient 
manner,  and  underwent  her  cruel  fate  with  the  greatest  con- 
stancy and  dignity.  She  does  not  appear  to  have  had  a  fair 
trial,  and  many  strongly  doubted  of  her  guilt.* 

The  emperor,  so  rigorous  in  punishing  breach  of  chastity 
in  others,  was,  as  usual,  indulgent  to  himself  on  this  head. 
His  brother  Titus  had  wished  him  to  put  away  Domitia,  and 
marry  his  daughter  Julia:  he  refused;  yet,  when  Julia  was 
married  to  another,  he  seduced  her;  and  when  her  father 
and  husband  were  dead,  he  cohabited  openly  with  her,  and 
is  said  to  have  caused  her  death,  by  giving  her  drugs  to  pro- 
cure abortion.!  As  for  Domitia,  he  divorced  her  on  account 
of  an  intrigue  with  Paris  the  actor,  whom  he  put  to  death ; 
but  he  took  her  back  soon  after,  pretending  a  willingness  to 
gratify  the  desire  of  the  people. 

Domitian  met  with  the  usual  fate  of  tyrants;  he  perished 
by  a  conspiracy.  It  is  said  |  that  he  kept  under  his  pillow  a 
list  of  those  whom  he  intended  to  put  to  death,  and  that  one 
day,  as  he  was  sleeping,  a  favorite  little  boy,  who  was  in  the 
room,  carried  it  away.  Domitia,  meeting  the  child,  took  it 
from  him,  and,  to  her  surprise,  found  her  own  name  in  it, 
alonor  with  those  of  Norbanus  and  Petronius,  the  prefects  of 
the  prtetorians,  Parthenius,  the  chamberlain,  and  some  others.  * 
She  immediately  informed  those  concerned,  and  they  re- 
solved to  anticipate  the  tyrant. 

Domitian  had  lately  put  to  death  his  cousin  Clemens,  one 
of  whose  freedmen,  named  Stephanus,  who  acted  as  steward 
to  his  wife  Domitilla,  being  accused  of  malversation  in  his 
office,  engaged  in  the  conspiracy,  and,  being  a  strong  man, 
undertook  the  task  of  killing  ihe  tyrant.  It  was  arranged 
that  the  attack  should  be  made  on  him  in  his  chamber ;  and 
Parthenius  removed  the  sword  which  was  usually  under  his 
pillow.  Stephanus,  for  some  days  previously,  had  his  arm 
bandaged,  as  if  hurt,  in  order  to  be  able  to  conceal  a  dagger  ; 
and  on  the  ISth  of  September,  (9G,)  when  Domitian,  after 
sitting  in  judgment,  retired  to  his  chamber  to  repose,  before 
going  into  the  bath,  Parthenius  presented  Stephanus  to  him 
as  one  who  could  inform  him  of  a  conspiracy.  While  he  was 
readincp  the  paper  handed  to  him,  Stephanus  struck  him  in 

*  Plin.  Ep.  iv.  11.  t  Suet.  Dom.  2'2.     Juvenal,  Sat.  ii.  32. 

t  Dion  (l-xvii.)  says  that  ho  liad  heard  it.  Suetonius  does  not  seem 
to  have  known  it.  We  sliall  find  the  same  told  of  Commodus.  Tho 
circumstance  is  by  no  means  improbable. 


166  LITERATURE.  [a.  D.  96. 

the  belly.  He  called  out  to  a  slave  to  reach  him  the  sword 
that  was  under  his  pillow,  but  it  was  gone ;  others  of  the 
conspirators  then  rushed  in,  and  the  tyrant  was  despatched 
with  seven  wounds.  He  was  in  the  forty-fiiYh  year  of  his  age, 
and  the  fifteenth  of  his  reign. 


The  reigns  of  the  Flavian  family,  and  of  their  immediate 
successors,  may  be  regarded  as  the  last  period  of  Roman 
literature.  It  exhibits  the  decline  of  taste,  thouorh  not  of 
genius,  as  compared  with  the  Augustan  age.  In  its  loftiest  as 
in  its  meanest  performances,  we  discern  the  influence  of  a 
corrupt  and  degenerate  generation ;  the  noble  and  virtuous 
writer  describes  the  ruling  vice  with  horror,  while  the  mer- 
cenary flatterer  portrays  it  for  the  gratification  of  his  patrons. 

Among  the  poets,  the  first  place  is  due  to  P.  Statins  Papi- 
nius,  who  wrote  a  poem  in  twelve  books  on  the  mythic  wars 
of  Thebes,  and  commenced  another  on  the  life  and  actions 
of  Achilles.  We  also  possess  five  books  of  Silvae,  or  occa- 
sional poems  by  this  writer,  which  are  generally  (not,  how- 
ever, we  should  think,  as  poems)  considered  to  be  of  more 
value  than  his  Thebais.  C.  Valerius  Flaccus  also  selected 
a  mythologic  subject.  His  Argonautics  is  imperfect ;  but 
it  exhibits  poetic  spirit  and  more  originality  than  might  have 
been  expected.  C.  Silius  Italicus,  following  the  example  of 
Ennius  and  Lucan  in  writing  epic  history,  composed  a  poem, 
in  eighteen  books,  on  the  second  Punic  war.  But  nature  had 
refused  him  inspiration;  and  polished  verse,  close  imitation 
of  Virgil,  and  rhetorical  expression,  occupy  the  place  of 
poetry  in  his  tedious  work.  The  field  of  satire,  over  which 
Horace  had  passed  with  such  light-footed  gayety,  and  which 
Persius  had  trodden  in  the  dignity  of  virtue,  was  now  occu- 
pied by  D.  Junius  Juvenalis,  a  writer  of  an  ardent  rhetorical 
spirit,  who  lashes  vice  with  terrific  energy,  and  displays  it  in 
the  most  appalling  colors,  his  pictures  being  perhaps  too  true 
to  nature ;  but  his  veneration  for  virtue  is  sincere,  and  in- 
dignation at  beholding  it  oppressed  and  vice  triumphant  is 
his  muse.  M.  Valerius  Martialis,  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  has 
left  fourteen  books  of  terse  and  pointed  epigrams,  in  which, 
however,  little  of  the  poetic  spirit  is  to  be  discerned. 

It  was  also  at  this  time  that  C.  Cornelius  Tacitus  wrote 
his  Annals  and  Histories,  which  place  him  on  a  line  with 
Thucydides   for    deep    insight    into    human  nature   and   its 


A.  D.  96.]  NERVA.  167 

springs  of  action.  C.  Suetonius  Tranquillus  was  a  diligent 
collector  of  anecdotes  ;  his  work  contains  no  oricrinal  thouffhts 
or  sentiments.  M.  Fabius  duintilianus,  a  Spaniard,  a  teacher 
of  rhetoric,  has  left  a  valuable  work  on  his  art.  The  Natural 
History  of  C.  Plinius  Secundus  is  a  vast  repository  of  nearly 
all  that  was  known  on  that  subject  at  the  time.  The  Letters 
of  his  nephew,  the  younger  Pliny,  exhibit  a  highly-cultivated 
mind  and  a  most  amiable  disposition. 


CHAPTER  HI.* 

NERVA.      TRAJAN.      HADRIAN.      ANTONINUS. 

AURELIUS. 

A.  u.  849—933.     A.  D.  96—180. 

NERVA. ADOPTION    OF    TRAJAN. HIS    ORIGIN   AND  CHARAC- 
TER.  DACIAN      WARS. PARTHIAN      WARS. DEATH      OF 

TRAJAN. OBSERVATIONS. SUCCESSION    OF    HADRIAN. 

HIS    CHARACTER. AFFAIRS  AT  ROME. HADRIAN  IN  GAUL 

AND    BRITAIN IN    ASIA    AND  GREECE IN    EGYPT. AN- 

TINOUS. ADOPTIONS. DEATH  OF  HADRIAN. HIS  CHAR- 
ACTER   AS     AN     EMPEROR. REBELLION    OP    THE    JEWS. 

REIGN    OF    ANTONINUS    PIUS. M.     AURELIUS. PARTHIAN 

WAR. GERMAN     WARS. REVOLT     OF     CASSIUS. DEATH 

OF  AURELIUS. HIS  CHARACTER. 

M.  Cocceius  Nerva. 
A.  u.  849—851.     A.  D.  96—98. 

The  death  of  Domitian  filled  the  senate  with  joy  ;  the  peo- 
ple appeared  indifferent ;  the  soldiers  were  anxious  to  avenge 
him.  They  were,  however,  without  leaders,  and  they  were 
finally  induced  by  their  prefects  to  acquiesce  in  the  choice 
of  the  senate. 

The  person  on  whom  this  choice  fell  was  M.  Cocceius 
Nerva,  a  senator  of  a  consular  family,  and  who  had  himself 

*  Authorities  :  Dion  Cassius,  the  Augustan  History,  and  the  Epi- 
tomators. 


{ 


168  NERVA.  [a.  d.  97. 

borne  the  principal  offices  in  the  state.  He  was  now  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age;  he  was  a  man  of  tlie  most  amia- 
ble temper,  yet  not  devoid  of  energy  and  activity,  but  mild 
and  clement  even  to  a  fault.  To  reverse  the  acts  of  his 
predecessor  was  the  first  care  of  Nerva.  The  banished  were 
recalled,  and  their  properties  restored  to  them  ;  accusations 
of  treason  were  quashed ;  severe  laws  were  enacted  against 
delators ;  slaves  and  freedmen,  who  had  accused  their  mas- 
ters, were  put  to  death.  Nerva  reduced  the  taxes,  and  made 
so  many  other  beneficent  regulations,  that  men  expected  a 
golden  age  under  his  mild  domination. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  a  conspiracy  was  formed 
to  <]eprive  the  empire  of  this  excellent  prince,  (97.)  The 
head  of  it  was  a  nobleman  named  Calpurnius  Crassus,  who, 
by  lavish  promises,  solicited  the  soldiers  to  revolt.  Nerva 
imitated  the  conduct  of  Titus  on  a  similar  occasion.  He 
put  the  swords  of  the  gladiators  into  the  hands  of  the  con- 
spirators, as  they  sat  with  him  at  a  public  spectacle ;  and 
he  contented  himself  with  banishing  Crassus  to  Tarentum. 
The  praetorians,  who  longed  to  avenge  Domitian,  soon,  how- 
ever, found  a  leader  in  their  commander,  ^Elianus  Casperius  ; 
and  they  besieged  the  emperor  in  his  palace,  demanding  the 
lives  of  those  who  had  slain  his  predecessor.  Nerva,  it  is 
said,  showed  outward  marks  of  fear  ;  but  he  acted  with  spirit, 
and  refused  to  give  them  up,  stretching  out  his  neck  for  the 
soldiers  to  strike  off  his  head,  if  they  wished.  But  all  availed 
not ;  he  was  forced  to  abandon  them  to  their  fate  ;  and  Petro- 
nius  and  Parthenius  were  slain,  the  latter  with  circumstances 
of  great  barbarity.  Casperius  even  forced  tlie  emperor  to 
thank  the  soldiers,  in  presence  of  the  people,  for  having  put 
to  death  the  worst  of  men. 

This  insolence  of  the  praetorians  proved  advantageous  to 
the  state.  Nerva  saw  the  necessity  of  a  more  vigorous  hand 
to  hold  the  reins  of  empire.  More  solicitous  for  the  wel- 
fare of  his  country  than  the  elevation  of  his  family,  he  passed 
over  his  relations,  and  fixed  on  M.  Ulpius  Trajanus,  the  com- 
mander of  the  army  of  Lower  Germany,  to  be  his  adopted 
son  and  successor.  On  the  occasion  of  a  victory  being 
gained  over  the  Alemans,  in  Pannonia,  he  ascended  the 
Capitol,  to  deposit  there  the  laurel  which  had  been  sent  him 
according  to  usage,  and  he  then,  in  presence  of  the  people,  de- 
clared his  adoption  of  Trajan,  to  whom  he  shortly  after  gave 
the  titles  of  Caesar  and  Germanicus,  and  then  that  of  emperor, 
with  the  tribunitian  power,  thus  making  him  his  colleague. 


A.  D.  99.]  CHARACTER    OF    TRAJAN.  169 

The  good  emperor  did  not  long  survive  this  disinterested 
act.  He  died  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  (98,) 
reo-retted  by  both  senate  and  people ;  and  his  ashes  were  de- 
posited in  the  monument  of  Augustus. 


M.   Ulpius   Trajanus  Crinitus. 
A.  u.  851—870.     A.  D.  98—117. 

M.  Ulpius  Trajanus  was  born  at  a  town  named  Italica, 
near  Seville,  in  Spain.  He  early  devoted  himself  to  a  mil- 
itary life,  and  served  as  a  tribune  under  his  father,  as  it  would 
appear.  He  was  afterwards  pra;tor  and  consul ;  after  his 
consulate,  he  retired  to  his  native  country,  whence  he  was 
summoned  by  Domitian,  to  take  the  command  in  Lower  Ger- 
many. 

Trajan  had  all  the  qualities  of  mind  and  body  that  form 
the  perfect  soldier.  He  was  rigid  in  discipline,  but  affable 
in  manner ;  hence  he  possessed  both  the  love  and  the  respect 
of  his  men,  and  the  tidings  of  his  adoption  to  the  empire  were 
received  with  joy  by  all  the  armies.  He  received  at  Cologne 
the  account  of  the  death  of  his  adoptive  father ;  but,  instead 
of  proceeding  to  Rome,  he  remained  till  the  following  year, 
regulating  the  affairs  of  the  German  frontier,  and  enforcing 
discipline  in  the  army.  During  this  time,  he  summoned  to 
his  presence  Casperius  and  the  mutinous  praetorians,  and 
punished  them  for  their  insolence  to  the  late  emperor. 

At  length,  (99,)  he  set  out  for  Rome,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  unbounded  joy.  He  made  his  entry  on  foot,  and 
ascended  the  Capitol,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  palace. 
His  wife,  Plotina,  who  was  with  him,  turned  round  as  she 
was  going  up  the  steps,  and  said  aloud  to  the  people,  "  I 
enter  here  such  as  I  wish  to  go  out  of  it."  She  kept  her 
word ;  for  her  influence  was  exerted  only  for  good  as  long 
as  she  lived. 

Trajan  remained  for  nearly  two  years  at  Rome,  occupied 
in  the  arts  of  peace.  His  only  object  seems  to  have  been 
the  promotion  of  the  happiness  of  those  over  whom  he  ruled. 
The  senate  enjoyed  the  highest  consideration  ;  the  prince, 
like  Vespasian  and  Titus,  lived  on  terms  of  the  most  cordial 
intimacy  with  its  members;  and  the  best  men  of  the  times 
were  ranked  as  his  friends.  Justice  was  administered  with 
impartiality ;  the  vile  brood  of  delators  was  finally  crushed ; 

CONTIN.  15  V 


170  TRAJAN.  [a.  D.    101-105. 

oppressive  taxes  were  reduced  or  abolished  ;  the  greatest 
care  was  taken  to  secure  a  regular  supply  of  food  to  the 
people. 

But  the  military  genius  of  the  emperor  could  not  long 
brook  inactivity,  and  he  seized  an  early  occasion  of  engaging 
in  war  with  the  Dacians.  He  observed  that  the  power  of 
this  people  was  on  the  increase ;  he  disdained  to  pay  the 
tribute  conceded  by  Domitian  ;  and  Decebalus  had,  it  is 
further  said,  entered  into  relations  with  the  Parthians.  Tra- 
jan, therefore,  crossed  the  Danube  (101)  at  the  head  of  a 
large  army ;  the  Dacians  gave  him  battle,  but  were  defeated 
with  great  slaughter  ;  the  Romans  also  suffered  so  severely, 
that  the  emperor  had  to  tear  up  his  own  garments  to  make 
bandages  for  the  wounded.  Decebalus  sent  his  nobles  in 
vain  to  solicit  peace;  the  emperor  and  his  generals  pushed 
on  their  successes  ;  height  after  height  was  won  ;  the  Dacian 
capital,  named  Zermizegethusa,  was  taken,  and  Decebalus 
was  at  length  obliged  to  consent  to  receive  peace  on  the 
terms  usual  in  the  days  of  the  republic ;  namely,  the  surren- 
der of  arms,  artillery,  and  deserters,  the  dismantling  of  for- 
tresses, the  abandonment  of  conquests,  and  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance  with  Rome.  Trajan,  having  left  garrisons 
in  the  capital  and  some  other  strong  places,  returned  to  Italy, 
and  triumphed,  taking  the  title  of  Dacicus. 

Decebalus,  though  he  submitted  for  the  present,  was  pre- 
paring for  future  war ;  he  collected  arms,  received  deserters, 
and  repaired  his  fortresses.  He  invited  his  neighbors  to  aid 
him,  showing  that  if  they  suffered  him  to  be  destroyed,  their 
own  subjection  would  inevitably  follow.  He  thus  induced 
many  to  join  him  ;  and  lie  made  war  on  some  of  those  who 
refused.  War  being  therefore  again  declared  against  the 
Dacian  prince,  (104,)  Trajan  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  and  fixed  his  head-cpiartcrs  in  M(Esia.  Here  he  occu- 
pied himself  in  raising  one  of  his  most  magnificent  works,  a 
bridge  of  stone  over  the  Danube.  It  consisted  of  twenty- 
one  arches,  each  one  hundred  and  seventy  feet  in  span,  the 
piers  being  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  height,  and  sixty  in 
breadth.  A  castle  was  built  at  either  end,  to  defend  it;* 
and,  when  it  was  completed,  Trajan  passed  over  the  river, 
(105.)  No  great  action  seems  to  have  ensued;  but  the 
troops  of  Decebalus  were  routed  in  detail,  and  his  fortresses 

*  The  site  of  this  bridge,  which  was  destroyed  by  Hadrian,  is  un- 
known.    It  is  supposed  to  liave  been  between  Visninac  and  Widin. 


A.  D.   106,    107.]        TRAJAN    IN    ARMENIA.  171 

captured  one  after  another.  Seeing  all  hope  gone,  the 
brave  but  unfortunate  prince  put  an  end  to  himself.  Dacia 
was  then  reduced  to  the  form  of  a  province,  and  numerous 
Roman  colonies  were  established  in  it.  On  his  return  to 
Rome,  (lOG,)  where  he  found  numerous  embassies,  even  one 
from  India,  awaiting  him,  Trajan  celebrated  his  second  tri- 
umph ;  after  which  he  gave  games  that  lasted  one  hundred 
and  twenty-three  days,  in  which  11,000  animals  were 
slaughtered,  and   10,000  gladiators  fought. 

The  warlike  spirit  of  Trajan  could  not  remain  at  rest; 
and  he  soon  undertook  an  expedition  to  the  East.  The 
pretext  was,  that  the  king  of  Armenia  had  received  his  dia- 
dem from  the  Parthian  monarch  instead  of  the  Roman  em- 
peror; the  real  cause  was  Trajan's  lust  of  military  glory. 
The  condition  of  the  Parthian  empire  at  this  time  was 
favorable  to  his  views;  it  was  vercrin^  fast  to  its  decline,  and 
was  torn  by  intestine  convulsions,  the  sure  forerunners  of 
national  dissolution. 

The  Armenian  king  at  this  time  was  named  Exedares, 
probably  a  son  or  grandson  of  Tiridates.  Chosroes,  the 
Parthian  king,  however,  deposed  him,  and  gave  the  king- 
dom to  Parthamasiris,  his  own  nephew,  when  he  found  that 
Trajan  was  on  his  way  to  the  East,  and  despatched  an  em- 
bassy, (which  met  the  emperor  at  Athens,)  bearing  presents, 
and  praying  that  he  would  send  the  diadem  to  the  new 
prince.  Trajan  was  not,  however,  to  be  diverted  from  his 
purpose;  he  merely  replied  that  friendship  was  to  be  shown 
by  deeds  rather  than  by  words,  and  continued  his  march  for 
Syria.  He  reached  Antioch  in  the  first  week  of  January, 
(107;)  and,  having  made  all  the  necessary  preparations,  he 
led  his  troops  into  Armenia.  The  various  princes  and 
chieftains  of  the  country  met  him  with  presents;  resistance 
was  nowhere  offered;  and,  at  a  place  named  Elegeia,  Partha- 
masiris himself  entered  the  Roman  camp,  and  laid  his  diadem 
at  the  feet  of  the  emperor.  Perceiving  that  he  was  not  de- 
sired to  resume  it,  and  being  terrified  by  the  shouts  of  the 
soldiers,  who  saluted  Trajan  Impcrator,  he  craved  a  private 
audience;  but,  finding  that  Trajan  had  no  intention  of  ac- 
ceding to  his  request,  he  sprang  out  of  the  tent,  and  was 
quitting  the  camp  in  a  rage,  when  Trajan  had  him  recalled, 
and,  from  the  tribunal,  told  him  that  Armenia  belonged  to 
the  Romans,  and  should  have  a  Roman  governor,  but  that 
he  was  at  liberty  to  go  whither  he  pleased.  His  Armenian 
attendants  were  then  detained  as  Roman  subjects,  and  him- 


172  TRAJAN.  [a.d.    107-116. 

self  and  his  Parthians  were  dismissed  under  charge  of  an 
escort  of  horse.  Partliamasiris  fell  some  time  after  in  an 
action,  and  Armenia  was  reduced  to  a  Roman  province. 
The  kincTs  of  the  nations  of  the  Caucasus,  and  around  the 
Euxine  Sea,  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Rome.  Trajan 
then  led  his  army  into  Mesopotamia,  all  whose  princes  sub- 
mitted to  his  authority.  lie  took  the  city  of  J>Jisibis,  and 
Chosroiis  was  obliged  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  him,  and 
even,  it  is  said,  to  implore  his  aid  against  his  rebellious 
subjects.  On  his  return  to  Rome,  Trajan  assumed  the  title 
of  Parthicus. 

The  history  of  the  reign  of  this  celebrated  emperor  has 
come  down  to  us  in  so  very  imperfect  a  form,  that  it  is 
utterly  impossible  to  ascertain  how  long  he  remained  in  the 
East,  or  when  he  came  back  to  Italy.  All  we  know  is,  that 
he  did  return  to  Rome,  and  staid  there  till  the  year  114, 
when  we  find  him  again  in  Syria,  preparing  for  a  war  with 
the  Parthians,  the  cause  of  which  is  not  assigned.  In  the 
spring  of  this  year,  he  entered  Mesopotamia.  The  Parthians 
prepared  to  defend  the  passage  of  the  Tigris  ;  but  Trajan 
had  caused  boats  to  be  framed  in  the  forests  about  Nisibis, 
and  conveyed  on  wagons  with  the  army.  A  bridge  of  boats 
was  speedily  constructed,  and  the  enemy  retired,  after  having 
vainly  attempted  to  impede  the  passage  of  the  Romans. 
The  whole  of  Adiabene  submitted;  and  Trajan,  as  it  would 
appear,  returned  to  the  Euphrates,  for  we  are  told  that  he 
visited  Babylon,  and  inspected  the  sources  of  the  bitumen 
used  for  constructing  its  walls.  He  also,  it  is  added,  set 
about  clearing  the  Nahar-malca,  (Kings' -river,)  or  canal, 
which  formerly  connected  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  in 
order  to  convey  boats  along  it  for  the  passage  of  tliis  last 
river.  But  he  gave  up  the  attempt,  and,  carrying  the  boats, 
as  before,  on  wagons,  he  set  his  army  over  the  Tigris,  and 
captured  Ctesiphon,  the  Parthian  capital.*  He  formed  the 
conquered  country  into  the  provinces  of  Assyria  and  Meso- 
potamia, and  then,  (HG,)  embarking  on  the  Tigris,  sailed 
down  it,  and  entered  the  Persian  Gulf.  Seeing  there,  we  are 
told,  a  vessel  under  sail  for  India,  he  declared  that,  if  he 
was  a  young  man,  he  would  certainly  penetrate  to  that  re- 
mote country,  and  advance  further  than  even  the  great 
Macedonian  conqueror,  whom  he  extolled  and  eulogized. 

*  Ctesiphon  lav  on  the  li'ft  bank  of  tlio  Tigris,  twenty  miles  sonth 
of  the  modern  Baghdad.  The  city  of  Seleucia  stood  on  tlie  opposite 
Bide  of  the  river,  and  was  a  suburb  to  it. 


A.  D.     117.]  DEATH    OF    TRAJAN.  173 

It  is  probable  that  Trajan  returned  up  the  Euphrates ;  for 
he  was  apparently  at  Babylon*  when  he  learned  that  all  the 
conquered  countries  had  revolted,  and  driven  away  or  slain 
the  Roman  garrisons.  He  sent  his  generals  Maximus  and 
Lusius  Quietus  to  reduce  them.  The  former  was  defeated 
and  slain,  but  the  latter  recovered  Nisibis,  and  took  and 
burned  Edessa :  the  city  of  Seleucia  met  with  a  similar  fate 
from  those  sent  against  it.  In  order  to  keep  the  Parthians 
at  rest,  Trajan  returned  to  Ctesiphon,  and,  assembling  the 
inhabitants  and  his  soldiers  in  the  adjoining  plain,  he  as- 
cended a  lofty  tribunal,  and,  having  expatiated  on  his  own» 
exploits,  he  placed  the  diadem  on  the  head  of  Parthamas- 
pates,  one  of  the  rival  candidates  for  the  throne,  declaring 
him  king  of  the  Parthians. 

A  portion  of  the  Arabs  of  Mesopotamia  having  submitted 
to  him,  Trajan  had  formed  a  province  of  Arabia.  But  the 
Arabs  loved  independence  too  much  to  remain  long  in  obe- 
dience, and  the  emperor  found  it  necessary  (117)  to  besiege 
in  person  a  strong  town  belonging  to  them  named  Atra, 
which  lay  not  far  from  the  Tigris.  The  desert  nature  of 
the  surrounding  country,  the  extreme  heat,  the  swarms  of 
mosquitoes  and  other  insects,  together  with  tempests  of 
thunder,  hail,  and  rain,  which  occurred,  soon  obliged  him  to 
raise  the  siege  and  retire ;  and,  shortly  after,  he  fell  sick, 
and,  leaving  the  command  in  the  East  with  his  relative 
Hadrian,  he  set  out  on  his  return  to  Italy.^  But,  at  Selinus 
in  Cilicia,  he  had  a  severe  attack  of  dysentery,  which  carried 
him  off  in  a  few  days,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age,  after 
a  reign  of  twenty  years  all  to  about  six  months.  His  ashes 
were  conveyed  to  Rome,  and  placed  beneath  the  column 
raib-ed  in  his  Forum  to  commemorate  his  Dacian  wars,  and 
which  still  remains  in  that  city^ 

Imperfect  as  are  the  narratives  which  we  possess  of  the 
reign  of  this  prince,  the  testimony  so  unanimously  borne  to 
his  virtues  places  them  beyond  dispute.  Nearly  three  cen- 
turies after  his  death,  the  acclamation  of  the  senate  to  their 
emperors  continued  to  be,  "  May  you  be  more  fortunate 
than  Augustus,  and  better  than  Trajan !"  t     In  the  Pane- 

*  Ma&aiv  Si  Tavra  6  TgaVavoj  iv  nXo'im  (xal  ylto  ixiiae  j^XSt  y.ara 
T«  Ti,»'  (/)i'i(?;v  i]s  ot'ftv  uj'ov  il'Sty,  o  ri  iii,  jfwuaia  y.al  fiv^or:  y.ai  iqtiina, 
xal  Silt  Tor  L-fltiaycinor  at  xai  f >■;,')' iirtv  iy  rai  oixi'uoni  ir  lu  iTf{tXtl'l)]xti.) 
Dion,  Ixviii.  30.  For  nXolco,  we  read  with  Tillemont  iiaiivX^yi,  as  the 
only  word  which  gives  sense  to  tlie  passage.  It  was  certainly  there 
that  Alexander  died. 

*  "  Felicior  Augusta  melior  Trajano."     Eutrop.  viii.  5. 

15* 


174  HADRIAN.  [a.  D.   ]  17. 

gyric  of  Pliny,  the  emperor  is  without  a  fault;  but  we  learn 
from  the  less  courtly  epitomators  that  Trajan  was  so  devoted 
to  wine  and  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  that  he  found  it 
necessary  to  give  directions  that  any  orders  which  he  issued 
after  his  prolonged  meals  should  not  be  regarded ;  and,  while 
the  panegyrist  lauds  his  chastity,  truth  accuses  him  of  be- 
ing immoderately  addicted  to  the  vice  which  degraded  the 
ancient  world.  In  his  lust  of  conquest,  Trajan  evinced  lit- 
tle political  wisdom.  The  prudent  Augustus  advised  hia 
successors  to  be  content  with  the  limits  of  the  empire  which 
he  had  left;  and  the  Danube  and  Euphrates  formed  natural 
boundaries.  This  sage  advice  was  first  neglected  by  the 
stupid  Claudius ;  but  the  conquest  of  Britain  was  not  difii- 
cult,  and  an  island  once  won  is  easily  retained ;  but  the  ac- 
quisitions of  Trajan  could  only  be  held  by  a  large  military 
force;  and  the  best  proof  of  his  want  of  judgment  in  making 
them,  is  the  fact  that  his  Eastern  conquests  were  abandoned 
at  once  by  Hadrian,  and  Dacia,  in  about  a  century  and  a  half 
after  his  death,  by  one  of  his  ablest  successors. 


P.  Julius  Hadrianus. 
A.U.  870— 891.     A.D.I  17— 138. 

The  successor  of  Trajan  was  his  kinsman,  P.  iElius  Ha- 
drianus, who  was  of  a  family  of  Italica,  but  born  at  Rome. 
Hadrian  being  left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  ten  years,  his 
guardians  were  Trajan,  and  a  knight  named  Tatianus.  He 
applied  himself  diligently  to  study,  and  became  equally 
skilled  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages.  He  entered  the 
army  as  a  tribune  in  the  time  of  Domitian.  When  Trajan 
attained  the  empire,  Hadrian,  through  the  influence  of  his 
secretary  Sura,  rose  in  favor  with  him ;  the  empress  Plotina 
also  patronized  him,  and  prevailed  on  Trajan  to  give  him  in 
marriage  his  niece  Sabina.  He  gradually  discharged  the 
principal  civil  and  military  offices  of  the  state,  and  it  was 
generally  understood  that  the  emperor  intended  to  adopt 
him. 

It  is  not  by  any  means  certain  that  the  adoption  actually 
took  place.  Dion  assures  us,  on  what  may  be  regarded  as 
good  authority,  that  the  whole  affair  was  managed  by  Plotina 
and  Tatianus,  who  prepared  the  letters  of  adoption,  conceal- 
ing the  death  of  Trajan  some  days  for  the  purpose,  and  for- 


A.D.   118-119.]  HADRIAN.  175 

warded  them  to  Hadrian,  vvho  had  remained  at  Antioch.  At 
all  events,  the  succession  was  undisputed.  Hadrian,  liaving 
caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor,  wrote  to  the 
senate,  excusing  it,  under  the  plea  of  its  being  unsafe  to 
leave  the  empire  without  a  head,  praying  them  to  confirm 
him  in  it,  and  not  to  confer  any  honors  on  him,  unless  he 
should  himself  request  them,  and  making  lavish  promises  of 
good  government.  He  made  Tatianus  and  Similis  (the  lat- 
ter a  man  of  the  noblest  and  most  virtuous  character)  pre- 
fects of  the  praetorians.  He  wisely  resolved  to  make  the 
Euphrates,  as  before,  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  empire, 
and  to  abandon  the  useless  con(|uests  of  Trajan ;  and  he 
therefore  withdrew  all  the  Roman  garrisons  from  beyond  that 
river.  These  affairs  detained  him  for  some  time  in  the  East, 
and  he  did  not  arrive  in  Rome  till  the  following  year,  (US.) 

Hadrian's  character  was  a  strange  mixture  of  sood  and  ill 
qualities,  but  vanity  was  its  predominant  feature.  His  abili- 
ties were  much  above  mediocrity;  but,  not  content  with  the 
knowledge  adapted  to  his  rank  and  situation,  he  would  fain 
be  a  proficient  in  all  arts  and  sciences.  He  studied  medi- 
cine and  mathematics ;  he  painted,  engraved,  sang,  and 
played  on  musical  instruments.  He  was  a  poet  and  a  critic, 
and  he  showed  his  caprice  or  his  bad  taste,  by  preferring 
Antimachus  (the  author  of  a  Thebais)  to  Homer,  and  En- 
nius  to  Virgil.  At  the  same  time,  he  claimed  the  highest 
proficiency  in  civil  and  military  qualities,  and,  as  was  nat- 
ural in  a  person  of  this  character,  he  was  envious  and  jeal- 
ous of  all  those  who  excelled  in  what  he  made  pretensions 
to,  and  he  even  put  many  of  them  to  death. 

Hadrian  remained  for  about  two  years  in  Italy,  during 
which  time,  however,  he  made  one  expedition  to  the  banks 
of  the  Danube,  against  the  Sarmatians.  On  this  occasion, 
he  broke  down  the  arches  of  Trajan's  bridge,  under  the  pre- 
text that  it  only  served  to  facilitate  the  irruptions  of  the  bar- 
barians. At  Rome,  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  atten- 
tion to  the  administration  of  justice,  (the  brightest  spot  in  hia 
character,)  and  by  the  liberality  with  which  he  remitted  all 
the  debts  due  to  the  fisc  for  the  last  sixteen  years,  burning 
publicly  all  the  accounts  and  obligations. 

While  Hadrian  was  away  from  Rome,  (119,)  various  per- 
sons of  rank  and  wealth  were  put  to  death  on  sundry  pre- 
texts. Of  these,  the  most  distinguished  were  the  four  con- 
sulars,  Cornelius  Palraa,   Celsus,  Domitius  Nigrinus,  and 


176  HADRIAN.  [a.  D.   120-121. 

Lusius  Quietus,  all  favorites  of  the  late  emperor.  The 
charge  against  them  was  the  having  conspired  to  murder 
Hadrian  when  sacrificing,  or,  as  others  said,  hunting,  and  to 
give  the  empire  to  Nigrinus,  whom  he  had  designed  for  his 
successor ;  but  their  real  guilt  appears  to  have  been  their 
wealth  and  influence.  They  were  all  put  to  death  in  the 
different  places  where  they  were  found,  by  order  of  the  sen- 
ate, against  the  will  of  Hadrian,  as  he  pretended.  He  re- 
turned to  Rome  on  occasion  of  this  aff'air,  when,  to  silence 
the  murmurs  of  the  people,  he  gave  them  a  double  congiary  ; 
and  he  swore  to  the  senate  that  he  would  never  punish  a 
senator,  unless  when  condemned  by  themselves. 

At  this  period  also  there  was  a  change  made  in  the  pre 
fecture  of  the  praetorians.  The  upright  Similis,  who  had 
accepted  the  charge  against  his  inclination,  asked  and  ob- 
tained permission  to  resign;*  and  Tatianus,  whose  power 
was  become  too  great  to  be  endured  by  the  jealous  emperor, 
was  induced  by  him  to  ask  for  a  successor.  Hadrian,  who 
had  cast  on  him  the  odium  of  the  late  executions,  had  at  first 
thoughts  of  putting  him  to  death ;  but  he  contented  himself 
with  making  him  quit  his  important  post,  and  accept  the 
rank  of  a  senator.  The  new  prefects  were  Marcius  Turbo, 
a  man  of  most  excellent  character,  and  an  able  officer,  and 
Septitius  Clarus. 

In  the  year  120,  as  it  would  appear,  Hadrian  commenced 
visiting  the  various  provinces  of  the  empire  —  a  practice  in 
wiiich  he  passed  nearly  the  whole  of  his  reign.  Restlessness 
and  curiosity  seem  to  have  been  his  principal  motives ;  but 
his  presence  proved  of  essential  benefit  to  the  provinces. 
He  saw  with  his  own  eyes  their  real  condition ;  he  looked 
into  the  conduct  of  their  governors,  and  punished  those  who 
were  guilty  of  fraud  or  oppression ;  he  adorned  their  towns 
with  public  buildings,  and  he  bestowed  money  liberally  where 
any  calamities  had  occurred. 

Hadrian  first  visited  Gaul;  he  thence  proceeded  to  the 
Germanics,  where  he  carefully  inspected  the  troops,  made 
sundry  judicious  regulations  respecting  the  service,  and  re- 
stored the  discipline,  which  had  fallen  into  neglect.  He 
thence  (121)  passed  over  to  Britain,  inspected  the  troops 

*  He  retired  to  the  country,  where  he  spent  the  remaining  seven 
years  of  his  life.     On  his  tomb  he  caused  to  be  inscribed,  "  Here  lies 
Similis,  who  existed  {(iiovg)  so  many  years,  and  lived  (t»|oas)  seven.' 
Dion,  Ixix.  19. 


i 


A.D.   122-132.]  HADRIAN.  177 

there,  reformed  abuses,  and,  to  secure  the  conquered  and 
civili/cd  portion  of  the  island  from  the  incursions  of  tiie  bar- 
barous Caledonians,  he  erected  a  strong  wall,  eighty  miles  in 
length,  running  from  the  mouth  of  tiie  Tyne  to  the  Solvvay 
Firtli.  He  then  returned  to  Gaul,  and  he  spent  his  winter 
at  Tarragona,  in  Spain.  Some  troubles  in  Africa  drew  him 
over  to  that  country  in  the  following  year,  (122.)  It  is  not 
known  where  he  spent  the  winter,  but  we  find  iiim  the  next 
year  (123)  in  Asia,  wiicre  a  war  with  the  Parthians  had 
been  on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  Having  averted  this 
danger,  he  spent  a  year  rambling  through  Syria  and  Asia 
Minor,  and  then  (124)  visited  the  isles  of  the  JEgxan,  and 
finally  came  to  Athens,  where  he  passed  the  winter.  He 
was  initiated  in  the  Eleusinian  mysteries,  and  he  conferred 
many  favors  on  the  people  of  Athens.  From  Greece,  he 
passed  over  to  Sicily,  (125,)  in  order  to  ascend  Mount  ^tna, 
and  witness  from  its  sununit  the  rising  of  the  sun.  He  then 
returned  to  Rome,  where  he  appears  to  have  remained  till 
the  year  129,  when  he  again  visited  Africa,  and  conferred 
many  benefits  on  the  provincials.  The  following  year,  (130,) 
he  set  out  for  Asia,  and,  while  there,  he  was  waited  on  by 
most  of  the  princes  from  about  the  Euxine  and  Caucasus. 
He  sent  back  to  Chosroes  his  daughter,  who  had  been  made 
a  captive  by  Trajan,  at  the  taking  of  Ctesiphon.  He  visited 
Syria,  Judaea,  and  Arabia,  every  where  making  regulations 
and  punishing  evil  governors,  and  at  length  (132)  arrived  at 
Alexandria  in  Egypt,  where  he  remained  for  more  than  a 
year.  On  his  way  thither,  he  had  visited  and  repaired  the 
tomb  of  Pompeius  the  Great,  remarking,  in  an  extemporary 
Greek  verse,  how  strange  it  was,  that  he  who  had  so  many 
temples  should  scarcely  have  a  tomb. 

The  death  of  the  celebrated  Antinoijs  occurred  while  Ha- 
drian was  in  Egypt.  This  was  a  beautiful  youth,  a  native 
of  Bithynia,  beloved,  after  the  unnatural  but  prevalent  fash- 
ion of  the  age,  by  the  emperor.  According  to  Hadrian's 
own  account,  he  fell  into  the  Nile  and  was  drowned;  others 
said  that,  like  the  Alrestis  of  Grecian  fable,  he  devoted  him- 
self, according  to  the  superstition  of  the  age,  to  prolong  the 
days  of  the  emperor;  while  others  affirm  that  Hadrian,  who 
was  curious  about  magic  arts,  sacrificed  him  in  order  to  pry 
into  futurity  by  the  inspection  of  his  entrails.  The  extreme 
grief  of  the  emperor  at  his  loss  gives  probability  to  the  first 
account,  but  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  second.     He  built 


178  HADRIAN.  [a.  d.  134-138. 

a  town,  named  after  him,  where  he  died;  he  set  up  statues 
of  him  all  over  the  empire  ;  the  Greeks,  at  his  desire,  de- 
clared him  to  be  a  god,  and  temples  were  raised  and  oracles 
ascribed  to  him  ;  in  fine,  a  new  star,  observed  at  this  time, 
was  pronounced  to  be  the  soul  of  Antinolis. 

Hadrian  at  length  (134)  quitted  Egypt,  and,  returning 
through  Syria  and  Asia,  canie  and  passed  another  winter  at 
Athens.  He  was  now  admitted  to  the  Greater  Mysteries  ; 
and  he  was,  in  return,  lavish  of  benefits  to  the  Athenians,  and 
he  adorned  their  city  with  many  stately  edifices.  In  the 
spring,  (135,)  he  returned  to  Rome,  and,  his  health  being 
now  in  a  declining  state,  and  having  no  offspring,  he  resolved 
to  adopt  a  successor.  His  choice,  after  long  consideration, 
fixed  on  L.  Ceionius  Commodus  Verus,  a  man  of  noble  birth 
and  of  literary  taste,  but  sunk  in  indolence  and  volup- 
tuousness, and  delicate  in  health.  After  the  adoption  of 
Verus,  Hadrian  retired  from  the  city,  and  fi.xed  his  abode  at 
Tibur,  where  he  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  the  cultivation 
of  the  fine  arts.  His  disorder  still  continuing,  he  became 
peevish  and  cruel;  and  he  put  to  death,  or  forced  to  die,  sev- 
eral men  of  rank,  amonw  whom  was  his  own  brother-in-law 
Servianus,  a  man  of  ninety  years  of  age. 

Verus,  who  had  been  sent  to  take  the  command  in  Panno- 
nia,  returned  to  Rome  in  the  end  of  the  year  137.  He  had 
prepared  an  address  to  make  to  the  emperor  on  new  year's 
day,  but,  having  taken  an  opiate  to  settle  his  nerves,  the  dose 
proved  too  powerful,  and  he  fell  asleep,  never  to  wake.  Ha- 
drian  then  fixed  on  a  senator  named  T.  Aurelius  Antoninus, 
a  man  of  most  excellent  character,  as  his  successor,  and  he 
adopted  him,  making  Antoninus,  who  was  childless,  adopt 
his  wife's  nephew,  M.  Annius  Verus,  and  L.  J^^lius  Verus, 
the  son  of  the  late  Commodus  Verus. 

His  disease,  which  appears  to  have  been  dropsy,  growing 
worse  and  worse  every  day,  Hadrian  felt  life  to  be  a  burden, 
of  which  he  was  anxious  to  be  relieved.  He  implored  in 
vain  those  about  him  to  give  him  a  sword  or  poison,  that  he 
misht  terminate  his  sufferinfrs;  and  Antoninus  watched  over 
him  assiduously.  The  irritation  of  his  mind,  it  is  said,  made 
him  become  daily  more  cruel.  He  ordered  several  senators 
to  be  put  to  death  ;  but  Antoninus  saved  them  by  pretending 
that  the  orders  had  been  executed.  At  length  he  retired  to 
BaifE,  and  neglected  all  regimen,  using  the  common  saying 
that  "  many  doctors  killed  a  king."     He  died  on  the  lOlh 


A.  D.    138.]  DEATH    OF    HADRIAN.  179 

of  July,  138,*  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age,  and  after  a 
reign  of  twenty-one  years,  wanting  a  month.  The  senate, 
on  account  of  his  late  cruelties,  proposed  at  first  to  abrogate 
all  his  acts,  and  refused  him  the  usual  honors ;  but  they 
yielded  to  the  arguments  and  tears  of  Antoninus,  and  Ha- 
drian was  deified,  and  his  ashes  consigned  to  the  splen- 
did mausoleum  which  he  had  raised  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tiber.t 

The  merits  of  Hadrian  as  a  monarch,  however,  far  out- 
numbered his  defects.  He  maintained  peace  and  plenty  in 
the  interior  of  the  state,  and  he  kept  the  army  in  a  condition 
of  the  greatest  efficiency.  Justice  was  carefully  adminis- 
tered, and  he  was  the  author  of  many  beneficent  laws  and 
regulations.  Among  these  may  be  observed  those  in  favor 
of  the  slaves.  Hitherto  the  law  had  been,  that,  if  a  master 
was  assassinated  in  his  house,  all  the  slaves  in  it  should  be 
put  to  death.  Hadrian  directed  that  none  should  even  be 
put  to  the  torture,  except  those  who  were  within  hearing  at 
the  time.  He  also  took  from  masters  the  power  of  life  and 
death  over  their  slaves,  and  ordered  that  no  slave  should  be 
put  to  death  without  the  sentence  of  a  magistrate.  He 
further  abolished  the  private  workhouses  all  through  It- 
aly.t 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  this  prince  that  Heaven  poured 
out  its  last  vial  of  vengeance  on  the  obstinate  and  fanatic 
nation  of  the  Jews.  Toward  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Trajan, 
(115,)  this  people  had  risen  in  rebellion  in  Egypt  and  Gy- 
rene, and  committed  great  massacres  and  other  atrocities ; 
and  the  following  year  they  rose  in  a  similar  manner  in  the 
isle  of  Cyprus  and  in  Mesopotamia.  They  were,  however, 
reduced  by  Marcius  Turbo  and  Lusius  Quietus  ;  and  they 
remained  at  rest  till  the  year  134,  when,  on  the  occasion  of 
Hadrian's  placing  a  Roman  colony  at  Jerusalem,  which  he 
named  from  himself  .^lia  Capitolina,  and  building  a  temple 
to  Jupiter  on  the  site  of  that  of  Jehovah,  their  fanatic  spirit 

*  A  little  before  his  death,  he  made  the  following  pretty  lines,  ad- 
dressed to  his  soul.    (The  measure  is  dimeter  iambic  acatalectic.) 
Animula  vagula,  blandula, 
Hospes,  comcsque  corporis, 
QufE  nunc  abibis  in  loca 
Pallidula,  rigida,  nudula 
Ncc,  ut  soles,  dabis  joca? 
t  The  Moles  Hadriani,  the  present  castle  of  St.  Angelo. 
t  See  above,  p.  32.     The  evil  which  Augustus  tried  to  remedy  still 
continued. 


180  ANTONINUS   PIUS.  [a.  D.  138-161. 

took  fire,  and  they  flew  to  arms  under  a  leader  named  Bar- 
cokebas,  {Son  of  the  Star,)  who  gave  himself  out  for  the 
Messiah.  Hadrian  sent  the  ablest  of  his  generals,  Julius 
Severus,  who  commanded  in  Britain,  to  conduct  the  war, 
which  lasted  about  two  years.  The  number  of  the  Jews 
slain  in  battle  is  said  to  have  been  580,000,  beside  an  infinite 
number  who  perished  by  famine  and  disease ;  and  the  loss  on 
the  part  of  the  Romans  was  not  inconsiderable.  The  pris- 
oners were  sold  for  slaves,  and  the  Jews  were  forbidden 
henceforth,  under  pain  of  death,  to  come  even  within  sight 
of  Jerusalem. 


T.  Aurelius  Antoninus  Pius. 
A.  u.  891—914.     A.  D.  138—161. 

Titus  Aurelius  Antoninus  was  of  a  family  originally  of 
Nismes  (Nemausia)  in  Gaul,  but  he  was  born  near  Lanu- 
vium  in  Latium.  He  bore  the  consulate  and  other  offices 
of  state,  and  he  was  so  generally  beloved,  that  the  legacies 
which,  in  the  usual  Roman  manner,  he  received  from  his 
friends,  made  him  extremely  rich.  Though  he  took  a  share 
in  public  affairs,  and  had  long  been  of  Hadrian's  council, 
his  delight  was  in  a  country  life,  and  his  favorite  abode  was 
his  villa  of  Lorii,  about  twelve  miles  from  Rome,  on  the  Au- 
relian  road,  the  place  where  he  had  passed  his  boyhood. 

Antoninus  was  in  the  fifty-first  year  of  his  age  when  he 
was  adopted  by  Hadrian.  The  senate,  on  his  accession,  de- 
creed him  all  the  usual  titles  and  honors,  adding  to  them 
that  which  gave  him  most  pleasure,  the  title  of  Pius  or  '  Du- 
tiful,' on  account  of  his  anxiety  to  guard  from  reproach  the 
memory  of  his  adoptive  father. 

For  a  space  of  twenty-three  years,  the  Roman  world  was 
ruled  by  this  excellent  prince,  in  whom  men  recognized  all 
the  virtues  that  imagination  had  ascribed  to  the  mythic 
Numa.  The  aspirations  of  Plato  for  the  happiness  of  man- 
kind in  the  union  of  the  monarch  and  the  philosopher,  at 
length  received  their  accomplishment ;  for  Antoninus,  though 
not  in  speculation,  was  in  practice  a  philosopher  of  the  best 
and  most  rational  school.  All  the  virtues  that  adorn  public 
or  private  life  were  united  in  him.  As  a  ruler,  he  was  just, 
but  clement,  generous,  and  affable  ;  as  a  private  man,  he  was 
kind,  social,  liberal,  and  good-tempered.     He  lived  with  his 


A.  D.   161. J  M.    AURELIUS.  181 

friends  on  a  footing  of  equality;  he  encouraged  philosophy 
and  rhetoric  in  all  parts  of  the  eini)ire,  by  giving  honors  and 
salaries  to  their  professors  ;  he  was  attentive  in  the  discharge         , 
of  all  the  ceremonies  and  duties  belonging  to  the  religion  of      J 
the  state,  but  he  would  not  suffer  those  who  differed  from  it       \ 
to  be  persecuted.     The  public  events  of  this  tranquil  reign 
were  few  and  unimportant,     liad  men,   however,  are  always 
to  be  found,  and  we  need  not  therefore  be  surprised  to  hear  . 

that  conspiracies  were  formed  even  against  Antoninus ;  but  "^s^ 
the  authors  of  them  were  punished  by  the  senate,  or  died  by 
their  own  hands.  The  only  sounds  of  war  were  on  the  dis- 
tant frontiers,  where  the  Moors  and  the  German  and  Sarma- 
tian  tribes  were  checked  by  the  imperial  generals.  In  Brit- 
ain, Antoninus  caused  a  wall  to  be  run  from  the  Firth  of 
Clyde  to  that  of  Forth,  farther  north  than  that  of  Hadrian. 
Some  tumults  in  Greece  and  Juda:!a  were  suppressed.  The 
princes  of  the  East,  and  those  round  the  Euxine,  obeyed  the 
mandates  of  the  Roman  emperor,  or  submitted  their  differ- 
ences to  his  decision. 

Antoninus  had  attained  the  seventy-fifth  year  of  his  age, 
and  the  twenty-third  of  his  reign,  when,  at  his  palace  of 
Lorii,  (161,)  after  supping  rather  heartily  on  some  Alpine 
cheese,  he  was  seized  with  a  vomiting  in  the  night,  which 
was  succeeded  next  day  by  a  fever.  On  the  third  day,  he 
commended  the  empire  and  his  daughter  to  his  adopted  son, 
M.  Aurelius,  and  caused  the  golden  image  of  Fortune,  which 
was  usually  kept  in  the  imperial  chamber,  to  be  transferred 
to  that  prince's  apartments.  To  the  tribune  of  the  guards, 
when  he  came  for  the  word,  he  gave  Equanhnity ;  and  then, 
turning  round  as  if  to  sleep,  quietly  breathed  his  last.  He 
was  buried  in  the  tomb  of  Hadrian,  and  divine  honors  were 
decreed  to  him  by  the  senate. 


M.  ^lius  Aurelius  Antoninus. 
A.  V.  914—933.      A.  D.  161—180. 

The  first  name  of  the  adopted  son,  son-in-law,  and  suc- 
cessor, of  Antoninus  had  been  Catilius  Severus,  that  of  his 
maternal  grandfather;  but,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  he  was 
adopted  by  his  paternal  grandfather,  and  called  after  him, 
AnniusVerus:  when  adopted  by  Antoninus,  he  took  the 
name  of  M.  iElius  Aurelius  Varus;   and  when  he  became 

CONTIN.  16 


182  M.    AURELIUS.  [a.  d.   161-162. 

emperor,  he  dropped  the  Verus,  and  took  in  its  place  An- 
toninus. 

The  character  of  this  prince  was  grave,  serious,  and  vir- 
tuous, even  from  his  childhood ;  and  Hadrian,  who  had  a 
great  affection  for  him,  used,  instead  of  Verus,  to  call  him 
Verissimus.  At  the  age  of  twelve,  he  assumed  the  philoso- 
pher's habit,  and  began  to  practise  the  austerity  of  the  philo- 
sophic life.  He  had  the  best  instructors  of  every  kind ;  he 
became  well  skilled  in  all  active  and  martial  exercises,  and 
acquired  a  knowledge  of  painting  ;  but  the  study  of  the  Stoic 
philosophy,  to  which  he  was  devoted,  chiefly  occupied  his 
attention.  He  was  in  his  eighteenth  year  when  he  was 
adopted  by  Antoninus.  This  prince  gave  him  in  marriage 
his  daughter  Faustina,  and  made  him  in  effect  his  colleague 
in  the  empire.  Such  was  the  filial  duty  of  Marcus,  that, 
from  the  day  of  his  adoption  to  that  of  the  death  of  Pius,  he 
lay  but  two  nights  out  of  the  palace,  and  those  at  different 
times. 

On  the  death  of  Pius,  the  senate  offered  the  empire  to  M. 
Aurelius  alone;  but,  mindful  of  the  wishes  of  Hadrian,  he 
associated  with  him  in  his  dignity  his  adoptive  brother,  L. 
Commodus,  to  whom  he  gave  his  own  name  of  Verus,  and 
betrothed  to  him  his  daughter  Lucilla.  The  Roman  world 
had  thus  for  the  first  time  two  emperors ;  but  in  effect  there 
was  only  one,  for  Verus,  who  was  of  an  open,  good-natured 
temper,  and  a  lover  of  pleasure  rather  than  of  study  and 
business,  deferred  in  all  thincrs  to  his  wiser  brother,  and 
acted  only  as  his  lieutenant. 

The  new  emperors  had  soon  to  prepare  for  the  defence  of 
their  dominions.  The  barbarians  of  Caledonia  and  of  north- 
ern Germany  renewed  tlieir  assaults  on  the  adjoining  prov- 
inces, and  Vologeses,  the  Parthian  king,  entered  Armenia 
and  cut  to  pieces  a  Roman  army,  led  by  the  governor  of  Cap- 
padocia  to  its  defence.  The  Parthian  monarch  then  poured 
a  large  army  into  Syria,  and  defeated  the  governor  of  that 
province.  This  war  appeared  of  such  importance,  that  it 
was  deemed  expedient  that  one  of  the  emperors  should  con- 
duct it  in  person.  Aurelius,  wishing  to  remove  Verus  from 
the  seductions  of  Rome,  and  give  him  an  opportunity  of  ac- 
quiring military  fame,  committed  to  him  the  Parthian  war ; 
and  that  prince  accordingly  set  out  for  the  East,  (16"2.)  But, 
instead  of  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  the  vo- 
luptuous emperor,  under  the  pretext  of  attending  to  the  com- 
missariat of  the  army,  remained  at  Antioch,  visiting  Daphne 


i 


& 


A.  D.    166.]  PARTHIAN    WAR.  183 

in  the  summer  and  Laodicea  in  the  winter,  and  thinking 
only  of  pleasure.  The  war  was  meantime  conducted  by  his 
generals,  who,  especially  Avidius  Cassius,  proved  themselves 
to  be  able  men.  It  lasted  four  years  ;  success  was  generally 
on  the  side  of  the  Romans,  and  Cassius  crossed  the  Tigris, 
took.  Ctesiphon,  and  destroyed  the  royal  palace.  The  war 
appears  to  have  been  concluded  by  a  treaty,  by  which  the 
Parthian  monarch  resigned  all  claim  to  the  country  west  of 
the  Tigris.  The  two  emperors  then  celebrated  a  joint  tri- 
umph, (1(36,)  and  assumed  the  title  of  Parthic. 

While  Verus  was  absent  in  the  East,  the  government  of 
Aurelius  at  Rome  had  emulated  that  of  Pius,  and  been  in  all 
things  directed  to  the  promotion  of  the  happiness  of  the  peo- 
ple. But  in  the  train  of  Verus  came  a  pestilence,  which  ex- 
ceeded in  virulence  any  that  had  occurred  for  many  years, 
spread  to  all  parts  of  the  empire,  and  curried  off  an  immense 
number  of  people.  A  famine  at  Rome  accompanied  it ;  and, 
to  add  to  the  calamities  of  the  empire,  a  war  with  the  Mar- 
comans  broke  out,  which  was  to  occupy  Aurelius  all  the  rest 
of  his  reign. 

We  always  find  the  German  race  acting  in  confederations, 
and  this  is  perhaps  one  of  the  principal  reasons  why  the 
Romans  never  could  make  any  permanent  impression  on 
them.  The  confederation  was  usually  named  from  the  prin- 
cipal people  engaged  in  it,  and  of  the  tribes  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Danube,  the  Marcomans  seem  now  to  have  been  the 
most  powerful.  The  removal  of  the  legions,  on  account  of 
the  Parthian  war,  held  out  to  them  an  opportunity  of  rav- 
aging the  Roman  province.  It  is  also  said  that  the  pressure 
of  some  of  the  tribes  farther  north,  who  had  abandoned  or 
been  driven  from  their  own  lands,  and  came  seeking  new 
ones,  urged  them  to  war.  A  union  was  therefore  formed  of 
all  the  German  and  Sarmatian  nations  conticruous  to  the 
Danube,  for  the  invasion  of  the  Roman  provinces;  but,  while 
the  Parthian  war  lasted,  the  Romans  averted  it  by  negotia- 
tion. When,  however,  the  barbarians  saw  the  empire  deso- 
lated by  the  plague,  they  would  no  longer  be  restrained,  and 
they  passed  the  river  in  all  parts,  and  poured  over  and  rav- 
aged the  provinces,  taking  cities  and  towns,  and  dragging 
thousands  into  captivity.*  The  intelligence  caused  great 
consternation  at  Rome,  and  Aurelius  assured  the  senate  that 

*  According  to  Pausanias  (x.)    they  advanced  as  far  as  Elatea  in 
Greece. 


184  M.   AURELIUS.  [a.  d.  167-169. 

the  danger  was  of  such  magnitude,  as  to  require  the  presence 
of  both  the  emperors ;  not  that  he  set  any  value  on  the  mili- 
tary talents  of  Verus,  but  he  did  not  consider  it  safe  to  leave 
him  behind  at  Rome.  The  emperors  tlierefore  assumed  the 
military  habit,  and  advanced  to  Aquileia,  (167.)  They  found 
that  the  tidings  of  their  approach  had  caused  the  barbarians 
to  repass  the  Danube,  and  deputies  soon  appeared  suing  for 
peace.  Verus,  who  longed  to  return  to  the  delights  of  Rome, 
was  for  accepting  their  excuses ;  but  Marcus,  who  judged 
that  they  only  feigned  a  desire  of  peace  through  fear  of  his 
large  army,  resolved  to  advance  farther,  and  let  them  see  his 
power.  He  therefore  passed  the  Alps,  and  advanced  into  the 
northern  provinces,  and,  having  made  all  the  requisite  dispo- 
sitions for  the  security  of  Illyricura  and  Italy,  he  set  out  on 
his  return  to  Rome,  permitting  Verus  to  precede  his  arrival. 
The  war,  however,  was  speedily  renewed,  and,  toward  the 
close  of  the  year  1G9,  the  emperors  proceeded  again  to  Aqui- 
leia, in  order  to  take  the  field  in  the  spring.  But  the  plague 
was  so  violent  in  that  town,  that  they  could  not  venture  to 
remain  there,  and,  though  it  was  mid-winter,  they  left  it  in 
order  to  return  to  Rome.  On  their  way,  as  they  were  riding 
in  the  same  carriage,  near  to  Altino,  Verus  was  struck  with 
a  fit  of  apoplexy;  and,  after  remaining  speechless  for  three 
days,  he  expired.  His  body  was  conveyed  to  Rome,  and 
deposited  in  the  tomb  of  Hadrian,  and  he  was  deified  in  the 
usual  manner. 

There  were  not  wanting  those  who  were  malignant  enough 
to  charge  Marcus  with  the  guilt  of  having  caused  the  death 
of  Verus,  by  poison,  or  by  excessive  blood-letting ;  but  his 
character  alone  suffices  for  the  refutation  of  such  calumnies. 
The  death  of  Verus  was,  however,  a  great  relief  to  him,  for, 
excepting  cruelty,  this  prince  had  all  the  vices  of  Caius  and 
Nero,  being  devoted  to  gaming,  chariot-racing,  gladiators, 
buffoons,  and  every  species  of  luxury  and  dissipation;  and 
Marcus,  though  aware  of  and  bitterly  lamenting  his  defects, 
thought  it  his  duty  to  conceal  or  excuse  the  failings  of  a 
brother. 

Marcus  now,  unimpeded  by  his  colleague,  devoted  his 
whole  energies  to  the  improvement  and  defence  of  the  em- 
pire. As  the  Marcomans  had  defeated  and  slain  the  prae- 
torian prefect  Vindex,  and  were  growing  every  day  more 
formidable,  and  the  legions  had  been  dreadfully  thinned  by 
the  plague,  he  took  all  kinds  of  men  into  pay.     He  enrolled 


A.D.   170-174.]  MARCOMANIC     WAR.  185 

slaves,  as  had  been  done  in  the  Punic  war,*  gladiators,  the 
bandits  of  Dalmatia,  and  Dardania,  and  the  Diocmitaj,  or  those 
employed  in  pursuit  of  them.  lie  also  commenced  the  per- 
nicious practice  of  taking  bodies  of  the  Germans  into  Roman 
pay.  In  order  to  raise  funds  for  the  war  without  distressing 
the  provincials,  he  caused  an  auction  to  be  held,  for  the  space 
of  two  months,  in  Trajan's  Forum,  at  which  all  the  splendid 
furniture,  plate,  and  jewels  belonging  to  the  palace,  even  his 
own  and  his  wife's  silken  and  golden  garments,  were  sold. 
Having  thus  obtained  an  abundant  supply  of  money,  he  set 
out  for  the  seat  of  war,  (170.) 

The  war  lasted  several  years,  during  which  the  emperor 
did  not  return  to  Italy.  His  residence  was,  for  three  years, 
at  Carnnntum,  in  Pannonia,  on  the  Danube.  He  cleared 
that  province  of  the  barbarians,  and  he  gave  the  Marcomans 
a  notable  defeat,  as  they  were  effecting  the  passage  of  the 
river.  In  the  year  174,  he  carried  the  war  beyond  the  Dan- 
ube, into  the  country  of  the  Quadans.  It  was  the  middle  of 
summer,  the  heat  was  excessive,  and  the  enemy  contrived  to 
enclose  the  Roman  army  in  a  situation  totally  destitute  of 
water,  and,  securing  all  the  outlets,  they  awaited  the  sure 
effects  of  heat  and  thirst.  The  sufferings  of  the  Romans 
were  for  some  time  extreme  ;  but  at  length  the  clouds  were 
seen  to  collect,  and  soon  the  rain  began  to  descend  in  tor- 
rents. The  Quadans,  seeing  their  hopes  thus  frustrated, 
fell  on  the  Romans  while  engaged  in  quenching  their  thirst, 
and  would,  it  is  said,  have  defeated  them,  had  not  a  tempest 
of  hail  and  lightning  come  on,  aided  by  which  the  Romans 
gained  a  victory. 

This  event,  which  was,  no  doubt,  a  natural  one,  was  held 
to  be  miraculous,  and  both  pagans  and  Christians  claimed 
the  honor  of  it.  The  former  ascribed  it  to  an  Egyptian  ma- 
gician named  Arnesiphis,  who  was  with  Aurelius,  and  by 
his  arts  caused  the  acreal  Hermes  and  other  demons  to  send 
the  rain.  The  latter  affirmed  that  it  was  sent  in  answer  to 
the  prayers  of  one  of  the  legions,  named  the  Melitenensian, 
or  the  "Thundering,  and  which  was  composed  of  Christians; 
and  they  add  that  the  emperor,  in  his  letter  to  the  senate, 
acknowledged  this  to  be  the  fact,  and  caused  the  persecution 
of  the  Christians  to  cease.t 

*  The  Volones,  (Hist,  of  Rome,  219 ;)  they  were  now  called  Volun- 
tarii,  and  the  gladiators,  Obsequentes. 

t  Euseb.  Hist.  Ec.  v.  5  ;  Tert.  Ap.  5  ;  Xiphil.  Ixxi.  9.  Apollinaris 
(ap.  Euseb.)  says  that  the  legion  received  the  title  of  Thundering 
IG*  X 


186  M.    AURELIUS.  [a.  D.   175. 

The  confederates  had  suffered  so  much  by  the  war,  that 
they  now  were  anxious  for  peace ;  and  most  of  them  sent 
deputies  to  the  emperor.  The  Quadans,  the  Marcomans, 
and  the  Sarmatian  Jazygans,  obtained  peace  on  the  terms 
of  giving  up  all  the  deserters  and  prisoners,  and  of  the  two 
former  not  dwelling  within  less  than  five  miles  of  the  Dan- 
ube ;  the  Jazygans  of  double  that  distance.  Other  smaller 
nations  were  taken  into  alliance  with  the  Romans,  and  lands 
were  given  them  in  the  adjacent  provinces,  and  even  in  Italy. 

This  accommodation  with  the  barbarians  was  hastened  by 
the  intelligence  of  a  revolt  in  Syria.  Avidius  Cassius,  who 
had,  in  effect,  conducted  the  Parthian  war,  and  had  after- 
wards commanded  on  the  Danube,  had  received  from  Mar- 
cus the  government  of  that  province,  in  order  that  he  might 
restore  the  discipline  of  the  army.  Cassius,  who  was  a  man 
of  the  greatest  rigor,  and  was  even  barbarous  in  his  punish- 
ments, had  still  the  art  of  attaching  the  soldiery ;  and  the 
Syrian  army  was  soon  in  a  most  effective  state  of  discipline, 
and  devoted  to  its  leader :  the  subjects  and  the  neighboring 
princes  were  also  inclined  to  Cassius,  and,  feeling,  or  affect- 
ing to  feel,  a  contempt  for  the  mild  philosophy  and  the 
extreme  lenity  and  clemency  of  Marcus,  he  at  length  (175) 
resolved  to  declare  himself  emperor.  The  whole  of  Asia 
south  of  Mount  Taurus,  and  Egypt,  submitted,  and  the 
troops  of  Bithynia  were  on  the  point  of  declaring  for  him. 
The  emperor  was  informed  of  the  revolt  by  Marcius  Ve- 
rus,  the  governor  of  Cappadocia.  He  concealed  the  matter 
at  first;  but,  finding  that  it  had  come  to  the  ears  of  the 
soldiers,  he  called  them  together,  and  addressed  them  in 
a  speech  worthy  of  himself.  He  then  wrote  to  the  same 
effect  to  the  senate,  and  that  body  declared  Cassius  a  pub- 
lic enemy.  Marcus  was  preparing  to  march  into  the  East 
to  contend  for  his  empire,  when  the  head  of  his  rival  was 
brought  to  him  ;  for  Cassius,  as  he  was  one  day  walking 
or  riding,  was  fallen  on  and  slain  by  two  of  his  own  officers, 
after  a  dream  of  empire  of  three  months.  The  army  returned 
to  its  obedience,  and  put  to  death  the  eldest  son  of  Cassius 
and  his  prcetorian  prefect,  and  no  more  blood  was  shed. 
Cassius's  papers  were  burnt,  either  by  the  emperor  or  by 
Verus ;  his  family  was  treated  with  favor ;  the  cities  and 
towns  which  had  declared  for  him  were  forgiven. 

{Fulminca)  on  this  occasion  ;  but  Tillemont  observes  that  an  inscrip- 
tion proves  it  to  have  belonged  to  the  twelfth  legion  in  the  time  of 
Trajan. 


A.  D.   176-178.]  M.    AURELIUS.  187 

In  order  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  the  East,  Marcus  pro- 
ceeded thither  in  person.  He  visited  Syria  and  Egypt,  and 
stopping,  on  his  return,  at  Athens,  (176,)  he  was  there  in- 
itiated in  the  mysteries.  On  the  23d  of  December,  he  en- 
tered Rome  in  triumph,  with  his  son  Commodus.  The 
triumph  was  for  the  victories  over  the  Germans. 

While  Marcus  was  in  Asia,  the  empress  Faustina,  who 
accompanied  him,  died  suddenly  in  a  little  town  at  the  foot 
of  Mount  Taurus.  Her  husband  lamented  her,  even  with 
tears;  and,  at  his  request,  the  senate  deified  her,  and  erected 
an  altar  to  her,  at  which  all  young  maidens,  when  they  mar- 
ried, were  to  sacrifice  with  their  bridegrooms.  Yet,  if  his- 
tory may  be  credited,  Faustina  was  so  abandoned  to  lust, 
that  she  used  to  select  the  most  vigorous  rowers  from  the 
fleet,  and  gladiators  from  the  arena,  to  share  her  embraces; 
and  the  general  opinion  was,  that  a  gladiator,  and  not  Mar- 
cus, was  the  father  of  Commodus.  Her  infamy,  it  is  said, 
was  not  unknown  to  her  husband,  who,  when  urged  to  di- 
vorce  her  if  he  would  not  put  her  to  death,  replied,  "  If  I  put 
away  my  wife,  I  must  restore  her  dower,"  that  is,  the  empire  ; 
a  reply  so  unworthy  of  Marcus,  that  we  cannot  regard  it  as 
true.* 

The  war  had  been  rekindled  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube; 
the  Marcomans,  Quadans,  and  their  allies,  were  again  in 
arms,  and  the  presence  of  the  emperor  was  required.  He 
left  Rome  in  the  autumn  of  178,  taking  with  him  his  son. 
He  is  said  to  have  gained  a  considerable  victory  the  follow- 
ing year,  and  the  subjugation  of  the  barbarians  was  regarded 
as  certain;  but,  in  the  spring  of  180,  he  was  attacked  by  a 
contagious  malady,  which  carried  him  off  on  the  seventh  day, 
after  a  reign  of  nineteen  years,  and  when  he  had  nearly 
attained  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 

The  emperor  M.  Aurelius  has  been  compared  to  the  Eng- 
lish king  Alfred.  Like  him,  he  united  the  active  and  con- 
templative life,  led  armies  and  cultivated  literature.  But 
Alfred  had  far  greater  difficulties  to  contend  with,  and  his 
studies  were  more  directed  to  objects  suitable  to  a  sovereign. 
The  British  monarch,  too,  (favored  in  this,  perhaps,  by  na- 
ture or  fortune,)  was  more  happy  in  his  fiimily  than  the 
Roman;    for,  while  Alfred  left  children  worthy  to  occupy 

*  It  is  more  probable  that  he  did  not  know  her  infamy  ;  for  in  the 
first  book  of  his  Meditations,  written  only  a  short  time  before  she  died, 
he  praises  her  obedience,  affection,  and  simplicity  of  manners. 


188 


REFLECTIONS. 


his  place,  and  was  blessed  in  all  his  domestic  relations,  the 
vices  of  his  wife,  his  son,  and  his  adoptive  brother,  cast  a 
shade  over  the  virtues  of  Aurelius.  His  blindness  to  these 
vices,  if  he  really  was  not  aware  of  them,  derogates  from  his 
judgment  and  wisdom;  while,  if  we  concede  him  penetration 
of  character,  we  must  condemn  the  weakness  which  could, 
for  example,  commit  the  happiness  of  the  world  to  a  Corn- 
modus.  A  certain  imbecility  of  character  was  in  effect  the 
chief  blemish  of  Aurelius.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  too 
early  a  study  of  speculative  philosophy  were  detrimental  to 
a  man  who  is  called  on  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  affairs 
of  life,  and  to  direct  the  destinies  of  an  empire, 

"If  a  man,"  says  Gibbon,  "  were  called  to  fix  a  period  in 
the  history  of  the  world  during  which  the  condition  of  the 
human  race  was  most  happy  and  prosperous,  he  would,  with- 
out hesitation,  name  that  which  elapsed  from  the  death  of 
Domitian  to  the  accession  of  Comraodus.  The  vast  extent 
of  the  Roman  empire  was  governed  by  absolute  power,  un- 
der the  guidance  of  virtue  and  wisdom.  The  armies  were 
restrained  by  the  firm  but  gentle  hand  of  four  successive 
emperors,  whose  characters  and  authority  commanded  in- 
voluntary respect.  The  forms  of  the  civil  administration 
were  carefully  preserved  by  Nerva,  Trajan,  Hadrian,  and  the 
Antonines,  who  delighted  in  the  image  of  liberty,  and  were 
pleased  with  considering  themselves  as  the  accountable  min- 
isters of  the  laws.  Such  princes  deserved  the  honor  of  re- 
storing the  republic,  had  the  Romans  of  their  days  been 
capable  of  enjoying  a  rational  freedom." 

In  this  passage,  characterized  by  the  author's  usual  preju- 
dices, there  is  certainly  much  that  is  true,  but  mingled  with 
exaggeration  and  error.  The  character  and  reign  of  Ha- 
drian, for  example,  are  surely  not  entitled  to  such  lofty  terms 
of  praise.  The  brightest  spot  in  the  picture  is  the  period 
of  the  dominion  of  Pius  ;  but  our  information  respecting  that 
reign  is  so  imperfect,  that  we  have  not  the  means  of  forming 
a  correct  judgment.  As  happiness  is  seated  so  entirely  in 
the  mind,  and  depends  so  much  on  natural  character,  com- 
parisons of  the  amount  of  it  enjoyed  in  different  periods,  and 
by  different  classes  of  persons,  are  quite  fallacious;  and  we 
have  no  doubt  that  the  guards  and  the  populace  at  Rome 
thought  themselves  happier  under  a  Nero  and  a  Domitian 
than  a  Hadrian  and  an  Aurelius.  We  still,  however,  agree 
generally  in  the  conclusions  of  the  historian. 


A.  D.   ISO.]  COMMODUS.  189 

CHAPTER   III  * 

COMMODUS.    PERTINAX.    JULIAN.     SEVERUS. 
A.  u.  933—964.     A.  D.  180—211. 

COMMODUS.  CONSPIRACY     AGAINST      IIIM.  PERENNIS.  

CLEANDER. MATERNUS    AND    THE    DESERTERS.  DEATH 

OF     CLEANDER. VICES     OF     COMMODUS. HIS     DEATH. 

ELEVATION    AND    MURDER    OF  PERTINAX. EMPIRE  PUT   TO 

AUCTION. BOUGHT     BY     DIDIUS    JULIANUS. PESCENNIUS 

NIGER.  SEPTIMIUS       SEVERUS.  CLODIUS       ALBINUS.  

MARCH    OP    SEVERUS. DEATH    OF    JULIAN.  PRiETORIANS 

DISBANDED. SEVERUS    AT    ROME. WAR  "WITH  NIGER. 

WITH   ALBINUS. PARTHIAN    WAR. FAMILY    OF  SEVERUS. 

PLAUTIANUS. SKVERUS    IN    BRITAIN. HIS    DEATH. 

MAXIMS  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

L.  yEUus  Aurelius  Commodus. 

A.  u.  933—945.     A.  D.  180—192. 

L.  iEuius  Aurelius  Commodus,  the  son  and  successor  of 
M.  Aurelius,  was  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age  when  the 
death  of  his  excellent  father  left  him  master  of  the  Roman 
world.  He  was  the  first  of  the  Roman  emperors  who  was  what 
was  termed  Porphyrogcnitus.,  i.  e.  born  to  a  reigning  emperor. 
Not  a  murmur  was  raised  against  his  succession  ;  a  liberal 
donative  gratified  the  soldiers,  and  the  war  was,  during  the 
summer,  prosecuted  with  vigor  against  the  barbarians;  but 
Commodus  longed  for  the  pleasures  of  Rome,  and  he  will- 
ingly listened  to  their  solicitations  for  peace.  Treaties  hon- 
orable to  Rome  were  therefore  concluded.  The  terms  given 
to  the  Quadans  and  Marcomans  were  nearly  the  same  as 
those  accorded  by  Marcus  ;  but  they  were  bound  not  to  make 
war  on  the  Jazygans,  the  Burrans,  or  the  Vandals.  They 
were  each  to  furnish  a  certain  number  of  men  for  the  Ro- 
man armies.  The  terms  imposed  on  the  rest  were  not 
dissimilar.  The  emperor  then  returned  to  Rome  and  tri- 
umphed, (Oct.  22.) 

*  Authorities :  Dion,  Ilerodian,  the  Augustan  History,  and  the  Epi- 
tome tors. 


190  COMMODUS.  [a.  D.  180-183. 

Commodus  is  one  among  the  many  instances  which  we  may 
find  of  the  feebleness  of  education  in  the  attempt  to  control 
the  tendencies  of  nature.*  It  was  in  vain  that  Marcus  had, 
in  his  own  person,  given  his  son  an  example  of  all  the  virtues, 
and  had  surrounded  him  with  the  ablest  instructors.  Their 
lessons  were  unheeded,  and  their  pupil  was  distinguished 
only  by  skill  in  the  exercises  of  the  gladiators'  school,  and 
for  the  unerring  aim  with  which  he  flung  the  javelin  or  shot 
the  arrow,  under  the  teaching  of  Moors  and  Parthians.  He 
is  also  noted  for  being  the  first  of  the  emperors  who  waa 
totally  devoid  of  taste  for  literature. 

The  foreign  transactions  of  this  reign  are  of  little  impor- 
tance ;  the  German  and  British  frontiers  merely  gave  their 
usual  occupation  to  the  legions.  At  Rome,  for  the  space  of 
about  three  years,  all  was  tranquillity  also;  for  Commodus, 
whose  natural  character,  as  we  are  assured,  was  weak  and 
timid,  rather  than  wicked,  allowed  himself  to  be  directed  by 
the  able  and  upright  men  to  whom  his  father  had  recom- 
mended him.  His  hours  were  devoted  to  luxury  and  indul- 
gence, till,  at  length,  (183,)  an  event  occurred  which  revealed 
the  latent  cruelty  of  his  nature. 

After  the  death  of  L.  Verus,  Marcus  had  given  his  daugh- 
ter Lucilla  in  marriage  to  Pompeianus,  a  most  respectable 
senator,  and,  after  the  death  of  her  mother,  he  allowed  her 
all  the  honors  of  an  empress,  which  her  brother  also  con- 
tinued to  her.  But,  on  the  marriage  of  Commodus  with  a 
lady  named  Crispina,  Lucilla  was  obliged  to  yield  prece- 
dence to  the  reigning  empress.  Her  haughty  spirit  deemed 
this  an  indignity,  and  she  resolved  on  revenge.  Fearing  to 
intrust  her  design  to  her  noble-minded  husband,  she  first 
communicated  it  to  Quadratus,  a  wealthy  young  nobleman, 
with  whom  she  carried  on  an  adulterous  intercourse ;  she 
also  engaged  in  the  plot  Claudius  Pompeianus,  another  of 
her  paramours,  who  was  betrothed  to  her  daughter;  some 
senators  also  were  aware  of  it.  As  Commodus  was  entering 
the  amphitheatre,  through  a  dusky  passage,  Pompeianus, 
who  was  lying  in  wait,  drew  his  sword,  and  cried,  "  The 
senate  sends  thee  this."  But  the  words  prevented  the  exe- 
cution of  his  design,  and  he  was  seized  by  the  guards.  He, 
Quadratus,  and  some  others,  were  executed  ;  Lucilla  was, 
for  the  present,  confined  in  the  isle  of  Caprea;,  but  she  was, 

*  "The  power  of  instruction,"  observes  Gibbon,  "is  seldom  of 
much  cfTicacy,  except  in  tliose  happy  dispositions  where  it  is  almost 
superfluous." 


A.  D.   186.]  CONSPIRACY.  191 

ere  long,  put  to  death;  and  a  similar  fate  soon  befell  her 
rival,  Crispina,  on  account  of  adultery.  In  her  place,  Corn- 
modus  took  a  freedwoman,  named  Marcia,  who  had  been 
the  concubine  of  Quadratus,  and  to  whom  he  gave  all  the 
honors  of  an  empress,  except  that  of  having  fire  borne  be- 
fore her. 

The  unwise  exclamation  of  Pompeianus  sank  deep  in  the 
mind  of  Commodus  :  he  learned  to  regard  the  senate  as  his 
deadly  enemies,  and  many  of  its  most  illustrious  members 
were  put  to  death,  on  various  pretexts.  His  only  reliance 
was  now  on  tlie  guards;  and  the  praetorian  prefects  soon  be- 
came as  important  as  in  former  times.  The  prefects  now 
were  Tarruntius  Paternus  and  Perennis;  but  the  arts  of  the 
latter  caused  the  former  to  be  removed  and  put  to  death,  and 
the  whole  power  of  the  state  fell  into  his  hands ;  for  the  timid 
Commodus  no  longer  ventured  to  appear  in  public,  and  all 
business  was  transacted  by  Perennis.  The  prefect  removed 
all  he  dreaded,  by  false  accusations  ;  and  he  amassed  wealth 
by  the  confiscation  of  the  properties  of  the  nobility.  His 
son  was  in  command  of  the  Illyrian  legions,  and  he  now 
aspired  to  the  empire.  But  he  had  offended  the  army  of 
Britain,  and  they  deputed  (ISC)  fifteen  hundred  of  their 
number  to  accuse  him  to  Commodus  of  designs  on  the  em- 
pire. They  were  supported  by  the  secret  influence  of  the 
freedman  Cleander,  and  Perennis  was  given  up  to  their 
vengeance.  Himself,  his  wife,  his  sister,  and  two  of  his 
children,  were  massacred  ;  his  eldest  son  was  recalled,  and 
murdered,  on  the  way  to  Rome. 

The  character  of  Perennis  is  doubtful,  but  that  of  Clean- 
der, who  succeeded  to  his  power,  was  one  of  pure  evil. 
Cleander,  a  Phrygian  by  birth,  had  been  brought  to  Rome 
as  a  slave,  and  sold  in  the  public  market.  He  was  pur- 
chased for  the  palace,  and  placed  about  the  person  of  Com- 
modus, with  whom  he  speedily  ingratiated  himself;  and 
when  the  prince  became  emperor,  he  made  Cleander  his 
chamberlain.  The  power  of  the  freedman,  when  Perennis 
was  removed,  became  absolute;  avarice,  the  passion  of  a 
vulgar  mind,  was  his  guiding  principle.  All  the  honors  and 
all  the  posts  of  the  empire  were  put  to  sale ;  pardons  for 
any  crime  were  to  be  had  for  money ;  and,  in  the  short 
space  of  three  years,  the  wealth  of  Cleander  exceeded  that 
of  the  Pallas  and  Narcissus  of  the  early  days  of  the  empire. 
A  conspiracy  of  an  extraordinary  nature  occurred  not  long 
after  the  death  of  Perennis.     A  great  number  of  men  who 


192  C0M3I0DUS.  [a.d.  187-189. 

had  deserted  from  the  armies,  put  themselves  under  the  com- 
mand of  a  common  soldier,  named  Maternus :  they  were 
joined  by  slaves,  whom  they  freed  from  their  bonds;  and 
they  ravaged  for  some  time  with  impunity  the  provinces  of 
Gaul  and  Spain.  At  length,  (187,)  when  Maternus  found 
the  governors  preparing  to  act  with  vigor  against  him,  he 
resolved  to  make  a  desperate  effort,  and  be  emperor,  or 
perish.  He  directed  his  followers  to  disperse,  and  repair 
secretly  to  Rome,  where  he  proposed  th;it  they  should  as- 
sume the  dress  of  the  guards,  and  fall  on  the  emperor  during 
the  license  of  the  festival  of  the  Megalesia.*  All  succeeded 
to  his  wishes  :  they  rendezvoused  in  Rome ;  but  some  of 
them,  out  of  envy,  betrayed  the  secret,  and  Maternus  and 
some  others  were  taken  and  executed. 

The  power  of  Oleander  was  now  at  its  height ;  by  gifts  to 
Commodus  and  his  mistresses,  he  maintained  his  influence  at 
court,  and,  by  the  erection  of  baths  and  other  public  edi- 
fices, he  sought  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  people.  He 
had  also  the  command  of  the  guards,  for  whom  he  had,  for 
some  time,  caused  praetorian  prefects  to  be  made  and  un- 
made, at  his  will.  He  at  length  divided  the  office  between 
himself  and  two  others;  but  he  did  not  assume  the  title. t 
As  an  instance  of  the  way  in  which  he  disposed  of  offices, 
we  find  in  one  year  (189)  no  less  than  five-and-twenty 
consuls. 

What  the  ultimate  views  of  Oleander  may  have  been  is 
unknown  ;  for  he  shared  the  usual  fate  of  aspiring  freedmen. 
Rome  was  visited  at  this  time  by  a  direful  pestilence,  and 
the  emperor,  on  account  of  it,  resided  out  of  the  city.  The 
pestilence  wa-,  as  usual,  attended  by  famine;  and  this  visita- 
tion of  Heaven  was  by  the  people  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  odi- 
ous favorite.  As  they  were  one  day  (189)  viewing  the  horse- 
races in  the  circus,  a  party  of  children  entered,  headed  by  a 
fierce-looking  girl,  and  began  to  exclaim  against  Oleander. 
The  people  joined  in  the  cries,  and  then,  rising,  rushed  to 
where  Oommodus  was  residincj  in  the  suburbs,  demandincr 
the  death  of  Oleander.  But  the  favorite  instantly  ordered  the 
praetorian  cavalry  to  charge  them,  and  they  were  driven  back 
to  the  city,  with  the  loss  of  many  lives.  When,  however, 
the  cavalry  entered  the  streets,  they  were  assailed  by  mis- 

*  For  a  description  of  this  festival,  see  Ovid,  Fasti,  iv.  179,  scq. 
t  He  styled  himself  d  pugione,  ministers  being  thus  named    from 
their  offices,  ex  gr.  a  ratianibus,  ab  epistolis. 


A.  D.  192.]      CRUELTY  OF  COMMODUS.  193 

siles  from  the  roofs  of  the  houses;  and  the  pcop.e,  being 
joined  by  the  urban  cohorts,  rallied,  and  drove  them  back  to 
the  palace,  where  Commodus  still  lay  in  total  ignorance  of 
all  that  had  occurred ;  for  fear  of  Oleander  had  kept  all 
silent.  But  now  Marcia,  or,  as  others  said,  the  emperor's 
sister  Fadilla,*  seeincr  the  dantjer  so  imminent,  rushed  into 
his  presence,  and  informed  him  of  the  truth.  Without  a 
moment's  hesitation,  he  ordered  Cleander  and  his  son  to  be 
put  to  death.  The  people  placed  the  head  of  Cleander  on  a 
pole,  and  dragged  his  body  througli  the  streets;  and,  when 
they  had  massacred  some  of  his  creatures,  the  tumult  ceased. 

The  cruelty  of  Commodus  displayed  itself  more  and  more 
every  day,  and  several  men  of  rank  became  its  victims.  At 
the  same  time,  his  lust  was  unbounded ;  three  hundred 
beautiful  women,  and  as  many  boys,  of  all  ages  and  coun- 
tries, filled  his  seraglio,  and  he  abstained  from  no  kind  of 
infamy.  He  delighted  also  to  exhibit  proofs  of  his  skill  as 
a  marksman,  and  he  assumed  the  title  and  attributes  of  the 
hero  Hercules.  For  some  time,  like  Nero,  he  confined  his 
displays  to  the  interior  of  his  residences;  but,  at  length,  the 
senate  and  people  were  permitted  to  witness  his  skill  in  the 
amphitheatre.  A  gallery  ran  round  it  for  the  safety  and 
convenience  of  the  emperor,  from  which  he  discharged  his 
darts  and  arrows,  with  unerring  aim,  at  the  larger  and  fiercer 
animals,  while  he  ventured  into  the  arena  to  destroy  the 
deer  and  other  timid  creatures.  A  hundred  lions  were  at 
once  let  loose,  and  each  fell  by  a  single  wound;  an  irritated 
panther  had  just  seized  a  man  — a  dart  was  flung  by  the  em- 
peror, and  the  beast  fell  dead,  while  the  man  remained  un- 
injured. With  crescent-headed  arrows  he  cut  off  the  heads 
of  ostriches,  as  they  ran  at  full  speed. 

But  his  greatest  delight  was  to  combat  as  a  jrladiator.  He 
appeared  in  the  character  of  a  Secutor  :  he  caused  to  be  re- 
corded 735  victories  which  he  had  gained,  and  he  received 
each  time  an  immense  stipend  out  of  the  gladiatorial  fund. 
Instead  of  Hercules,  he  now  styled  himself  Paulus,  after 
a  celebrated  Secutor,  and  caused  it  to  be  inscribed  on  his 
statues.  He  also  took  up  his  abode  in  the  residence  of  the 
gladiators. 

At  length,  the  tyrant  met  the  fate  he  merited.  It  was  his 
design  to  put  to  death  the  two  consuls  elect  for  the  year  193, 

*  Dion  says  Marcia,  Hfrodian  Fadilla.  Tillemont  and  Gibbon  unite 
the  two. 

CONTIN.  17  V 


194  PERTINAX.  [a.  D.   193. 

and,  on  new  year's  day,  to  proceed  from  the  gladiators'  school, 
in  his  gladiatorial  habit,  and  enter  on  the  consulate.  On 
the  preceding  day,  he  communicated  his  design  to  Marcia, 
who  tried  in  vain  to  dissuade  him  from  it.  Q,.  /Elius  Laetus, 
the  praetorian  prefect,  and  the  chamberlain,  Eclectus,  also 
reasoned  with  him,  but  to  as  little  purpose.  He  testified  much 
wrath,  and  uttered  some  menaces,  knowing  that  the  threats 
of  the  tyrant  were  the  sure  precursors  of  death,  they  saw 
their  only  hopes  of  safety  lay  in  anticipation  ;  they  took  their 
resolution  on  the  moment ;  *  and  when  Commodus  came  from 
the  bath,  Marcia,  as  was  her  usual  practice,  handed  him  a 
bowl,  (in  which  she  had  now  infused  a  strong  poison,)  to 
quench  his  thirst. 

He  drank  the  liquor  off,  and  then  laid  himself  down  to 
sleep.  The  attendants  were  all  sent  away.  The  conspira- 
tors were  expecting  the  effect  of  the  poison,  when  the  empe- 
ror began  to  vomit  profusely.  Fearing  now  that  the  poison 
would  not  take  effect,  they  brought  in  a  vigorous  wrestler, 
named  Narcissus ;  and,  induced  by  the  promise  of  a  large 
reward,  he  laid  hold  on  and  strangled  the  emperor. 


P.  Helvius  Pertinax. 
A.  u.  946.     A.  D.  193. 


The  conspirators  had,  it  is  probable,  already  fixed  on  the 
person  who  should  succeed  to  the  empire ;  and  their  choice 
was  one  calculated  to  do  them  credit.  It  was  P.  Helvius 
Pertinax,  the  prefect  of  the  city,  a  man  now  advanced  in 
years,  who  had  with  an  unblemished  character,  though  born 
in  an  humble  rank,  passed  through  all  the  civil  and  military 
gradations  of  the  state.  Pertinax  was  the  son  of  a  freed- 
man  who  was  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  charcoal,  at 
Alba  Pompeia,  in  the  Apennines.  He  commenced  life  as 
a  man  of  letters;  but,  finding  the  literary  profession  unprofit- 
able, he  entered  the  army  as  a  centurion,  and  his  career  of 
advancement  was  rapid. 

It  was  yet  night  when  La^tus  and  Eclectus  proceeded  with 

*  Herodian  tells  us  of  a  list  of  those  destined  to  be  put  to  death, 
taken  by  a  child,  and  read  by  Marcia,  as  in  the  case  of  Domitian.  But 
he  is  a  very  inaccurate  writer  ;  and  Dion,  who  was  a  senator,  and  in 
Rome  at  the  time,  could  hardly  have  been  ignorant  of  the  circum- 
stance, if  it  were  true. 


A.  D.  193.]  plrt;nax.  195 

some  soldiers  to  the  house  of  Pertinax.  When  informed  of 
their  arrival,  he  ordered  tliem  to  be  brought  to  his  chamber, 
and  then,  without  rising,  tohl  ti)em  that  he  had  long  expected 
every  night  to  be  his  last,  and  bade  them  execute  their  office; 
for  he  was  certain  that  Commodus  had  sent  them  to  put  him 
to  death.  But  they  informed  him  that  the  tyrant  himself 
was  no  more,  and  that  they  were  come  to  offer  him  the  em- 
pire. He  hesitated  to  give  credit  to  them ;  but,  Jiaving  sent 
one  on  whom  he  could  depend,  and  ascertained  that  Com- 
modus was  dead,  he  consented  to  accept  the  proffered  dig- 
nity. Though  it  was  not  yet  day,  they  all  repaired  to  the 
prajtorian  camp ;  and  Lretus,  having  assembled  the  soldiers, 
told  them  that  Commodus  was  suddenly  dead  of  apoplexy, 
and  that  he  had  brought  them  his  successor,  a  man  whose 
merits  were  known  to  them  all.  Pertinax  then  addressed 
them,  promising  a  large  donative.  By  this  time,  the  people 
(for  Laitus  had  caused  the  news  of  Commodus's  death  to  be 
spread  through  the  city)  had  gathered  round  the  camp,  and, 
urged  by  their  shouts  and  importunity,  the  soldiers  swore 
fidelity  to  the  emperor,  though  they  feared  that  he  was  a 
man  who  would  renew  the  strictness  of  discipline. 

Before  dawn,  the  senate  was  summoned  to  the  temple  of 
Concord,  whither  Pertinax  had  proceeded  from  the  camp. 
He  told  them  what  had  occurred,  and,  noticing  his  awe  and 
!iis  humble  extraction,  pointed  out  divers  senators  as  more 
worthy  of  the  empire  than  himself.  But  they  would  not 
listen  to  his  excuses,  and  they  decreed  him  all  the  imperial 
titles.  Then,  giving  a  loose  to  their  rage  against  the  fallen 
tyrant,  they  termed  him  parricide,  gladiator,  the  enemy  of 
the  gods  and  of  his  country,  and  decreed  that  his  statues 
should  be  cast  down,  his  titles  be  erased,  and  his  body 
dragged  with  the  hook  through  the  streets.  But  Pertinax 
respected  too  nmch  the  memory  of  Marcus  to  suffer  the  re- 
mains of  his  son  to  be  thus  treated ;  and  they  were,  by  his 
order,  placed  in  the  tomb  of  Hadrian. 

Pertinax  was  cheerfully  acknowledged  by  all  the  armies. 
Like  Vespasian,  he  was  simple  and  modest  in  his  dress  and 
mode  of  life,  and  he  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the 
respectable  members  of  the  senate.  He  resigned  his  private 
property  to  his  wife  and  son,  but  would  not  suffer  the  senate 
to  bestow  on  them  any  titles.  He  regulated  the  finances 
with  the  greatest  care,  remitting  oppressive  taxes,  and  can- 
celling unjust  claims.  He  sold  by  auction  all  the  late 
tyrant's  instruments  of  luxury,  and  obliged  his  favorites  to 


196  PEUTINAX.  [a.  d.  193 

disgorge  a  portion  of  their  plunder.  He  granted  the  waste 
lands  in  Italy  and  elsewhere  ibr  a  term  of  years  rent-free  to 
those  who  would  undertake  to  improve  them. 

The  reforming  hand  of  the  emperor  was  extended  to  all 
departments  of  the  state ;  and  men  looked  for  a  return  of 
the  age  of  the  Antonines.  But  the  soldiers  dreaded  the 
restoration  of  the  ancient  discipline;  and  Lstus,  who  found 
that  he  did  not  enjoy  the  power  he  had  expected,  secretly 
fomented  tlieir  discontent.  So  early  as  the  3d  of  January, 
they  had  seized  a  senator  named  Triarius  Maternus,  intend- 
ing to  make  him  emperor ;  but  he  escaped  from  them,  and  fled 
to  Pertinax  for  protection.  Some  time  after,  while  the  em- 
peror was  on  the  sea-coast  attending  to  the  supply  of  corn, 
they  prepared  to  raise  Sosius  Falco,  then  consul,  to  the 
empire  ;  but  Pertinax  came  suddenly  to  Rome,  and,  having 
complained  of  Falco  to  the  senate,  they  were  about  to  pro- 
claim him  a  public  enemy,  when  the  emperor  cried  that  no 
senator  should  suffer  death  while  he  reigned  ;  and  Falco  was 
thus  suffered  to  escape  punishment. 

Some  expressions  which  Pertinax  used  on  this  occasion 
irritated  the  soldiers ;  and  Lajtus,  to  exasperate  them  still 
more,  put  several  of  them  to  death,  as  if  by  his  orders.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  28th  of  March,  a  general  mutiny  broke  out 
in  the  camp,  and  two  or  three  hundred  of  the  most  desper- 
ate proceeded  with  drawn  swords  to  the  palace.  No  one 
opposed  their  entrance.  Pertinax,  when  informed  of  their 
approach,  advanced  to  meet  them.  He  addressed  them, 
reminding  them  of  his  own  innocence  and  of  the  obligation 
of  their  oath.  They  were  silent  for  a  few  moments;  at 
length  a  Tungrian  soldier  struck  him  with  his  sword,  crying, 
"  The  soldiers  send  thee  this."  They  all  then  fell  on  him, 
and,  cutting  off  his  head,  set  it  on  a  lance,  and  carried  it  to 
the  camp.  Eclectus,  faithful  to  the  last,  perished  with  the 
emperor;  Lsetus  had  fled  in  disguise  at  the  approach  of  the 
mutineers.  The  reign  of  the  virtuous  Pertinax  had  lasted 
only  eighty-six  days;  he  was  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of 
his  age. 


M.  Didius  Severus  Jtilianus. 

A.  u.  946.     A.  D.  193. 

The  mutineers,  on  their  return  to  the  camp,  found  there 
Sulpicianus,  the  prefect  of  the  city,  the  late  emperor's  father- 


A.  D.   193.]  JULIANUS.  197 

in-law,  wlio  had  been  sent  thither  to  try  to  appease  the  mu- 
tiny. The  bloody  proof  which  they  bore  of  the  empire's 
being  vacant,  excited,  while  it  should  have  extinguished,  his 
ambition,  and  he  forthwith  began  to  treat  for  the  dangerous 
prize.  Immediately  some  of  the  soldiers  ran,  and,  ascending 
the  ramparts,  cried  out  aloud,  that  the  empire  was  for  sale, 
and  would  be  given  to  the  highest  bidder.  The  news  reached 
the  ears  of  Didius  Julianus,  a  wealthy  and  luxurious  senator, 
as  he  sat  at  table ;  and,  urged  by  his  wife  and  daughter,  and 
his  parasites,  he  rose  and  hastened  to  the  camp.  The  mili- 
tary auctioneers  stood  on  the  wall,  one  bidder  within,  the 
other  without.  Sulpicianus  had  gone  as  high  as  5000  denars 
a  man,  when  his  rival,  at  one  bidding,  rose  to  6250.  This 
spirited  offer  carried  it ;  the  soldiers  also  had  a  secret  dread 
that  Sulpicianus,  if  emperor,  might  avenge  the  death  of  his 
son-in-law.  The  gates  were  thrown  open,  and  Julian  was 
admitted  and  saluted  emperor ;  but  the  soldiers  had  the  gen- 
erosity to  stipulate  for  the  safety  of  his  rival. 

From  the  camp,  Julian,  escorted  by  the  soldiers,  proceed- 
ed to  the  senate-house.  He  was  there  received  with  affected 
joy,  and  the  usual  titles  and  honors  were  decreed  him;  but 
the  people  stood  aloof  and  in  silence,  and  those  who  were 
more  distant  uttered  loud  curses  on  him.  When  Julian 
came  to  the  palace,  the  first  object  that  met  his  eyes  was  the 
corpse  of  his  predecessor;  he  ordered  it  to  be  buried,  and 
then,  it  is  said,  sat  down  and  passed  the  greater  part  of  the 
night  at  a  luxurious  banquet,  and  playing  at  dice.  In  the 
morning,  the  senate  repaired  to  him  with  their  feigned  com- 
pliments; but  the  people  still  were  gloomy;  and,  when  he 
went  down  to  the  senate-house,  and  was  about  to  offer  incense 
to  the  Janus  before  the  doors,  they  cried  out  that  he  was  a 
parricide,  and  had  stolen  the  empire.  He  promised  them 
money,  but  they  would  have  none  of  it;  and  at  length  he  or- 
dered the  soldiers  to  fall  on  them,  and  several  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Still  they  ceased  not  to  revile  him  and  the  sol- 
diers, and  to  call  on  the  other  armies,  especially  that  of 
Pescennius  Niger,  to  come  to  their  aid. 

The  principal  armies  were  that  of  Syria,  commanded  by 
Niger  ;  that  of  Pannonia,  under  Septimius,S^verus  ;  and  that 
of  Britain,  under  Clodius  Albinus,  each  composed  of  three 
legions,  with  its  suitable  number  of  auxiliaries. 

C.  Pescennius  Niger  was  a  native  of  Aquinum,  of  a  sim- 
ple equestrian  family.     He  entered  the  army  as  a  centurion, 
and  rose,  almost  solely  by  merit,  till  he  attained  the  lucrative 
17* 


198  JCLIANUS.  [a.  d.  193. 

government  of  Syria.  As  an  officer,  Niger  was  a  rigorous 
maintainor  of  discipline;  as  a  governor,  he  was  just,  but 
mild  and  indulgent;  and  he  succeeded  in  gaining  alike  the 
affections  of  the  soldiers  and  the  subjects.  In  his  private 
life,  he  was  chaste  and  temperate. 

L.  Septimius  Severus  was  born  at  Leptis  in  Africa.  He 
received  a  learned  education,  and  devoted  himself  to  the 
bar,  and  M.  Aurelius  made  him  advocate  of  the  fisc.  He 
acted  as  civil  governor  of  several  provinces,  and  had,  oc- 
casionally, a  military  command,  but  had  seen  little  or  no 
actual  service.  After  his  consulate,  Commodus,  through 
the  influence  of  Lsetus,  gave  him  the  command  of  the  Pan- 
nonian  legions.* 

D.  Clodius  Albinus  was  also  an  African.  He  was  born 
at  Adrumetum,  of  an  honorable  family,  which  derived  its 
origin  from  the  Postumii  and  Ceionii  of  Rome.  He  entered 
the  army  early,  and  rose  through  all  the  gradations  of  the 
service,  being  highly  esteemed  by  M.  Aurelius.  He  com- 
manded in  Bithynia,  at  the  time  of  the  revolt  of  Cassius,  and 
kept  his  legions  in  their  duty.  Commodus  gave  him  the 
command  in  Gaul  and  in  Britain,  and  designed  him  for  his 
successor.  Albinus  was  a  strict  and  even  severe  officer. 
He  was  fond  of  agriculture,  on  which  subject  he  wrote  some 
books.  He  was  charged  with  private  vices,  but  probably 
without  reason. 

When  the  intellio-ence  of  the  murder  of  Pertinax,  and  the 
sale  of  the  empire  to  Julian,  reached  the  armies  of  Syria 
and  Pannonia,  their  generals  saw  the  prospect  of  empire 
open  to  them  as  the  avengers  of  the  emperor  whom  they  had 
acknowledged.  Each  of  them  assembled  his  troops,  and 
expatiated  on  the  atrocity  of  the  deed  which  had  been  per- 
petrated at  Rome,  and  each  was  saluted  Augustus  by  his 
army  and  the  subjects.  But  while  Niger,  seeing  all  the 
provinces  and  allied  princes  of  Asia  unanimous  in  his  fa/or, 
and  therefore  indulwinsf  in  confidence,  remained  inactive  at 
Antioch,  Severus  resolved  to  push  on  for  the  capital,  and 
possess  himself  of  that  seat  of  empire.  Having  secured 
the  adherence  of  the  army  of  Gaul,  he  wrote  a  most  friendly 
letter  to  Albinus,  giving  him  the  title  of  Caesar,  and  adopting 

•  See  hi3  Life,  in  the  Aucrustan  History.  "  The  youth  of  Severus," 
says  Gibbon,  "  had  been  trained  in  the  implicit  obedience  of  camps, 
and  his  riper  years  spent  in  the  despotism  of  military  command." 
We  have  noticed  some  similar  inaccurate  assertions  in  this  writer,  who 
is  in  general  so  correct. 


A.  D.   193.]  JULIANUS.  199 

him  as  his  son ;  by  which  he  made  sure  of  his  neutrality, 
if  not  of  his  cooperation.  He  then  advanced  by  rapid 
marches  for  Rome.  Day  and  night  he  appeared  in  full 
armor,  and  surrounded  by  a  guard  of  six  hundred  chosen 
men,  who  never  laid  aside  their  corselets.  Resistance 
was  no  where  offered ;  all  hailed  him  as  the  avenger  of 
Pertinax. 

The  wretched  Julian  was  filled  with  dismay  when  he 
heard  of  the  approach  of  the  formidable  Pannonian  army. 
He  made  the  senate  declare  Severus  a  public  enemy ;  he 
distributed  large  sums  of  money  to  the  prstorians  to  induce 
them  to  prepare  to  defend  him ;  but  these  dissolute  troops 
were  vigorous  only  for  evil,  and  they  could  not  resume  the 
discipline  they  had  lost;  the  marines  summoned  from  Mise- 
num  were  still  more  inefficient;  and  an  attempt  at  training 
elephants  for  war,  in  the  Oriental  manner,  only  excited  de- 
rision, Julian  also  caused  an  intrenchment  to  be  run  in 
front  of  the  city,  and  he  secured  the  palace  with  strong  doors 
and  bars,  as  \{  it  could  be  maintained  when  all  else  was  lost. 
He  put  to  death  Marcia,  Laetus,  and  all  concerned  in  the 
murder  of  Commodus,  probably  with  a  view  to  the  favor  of 
the  soldiery. 

Severus,  meantime,  had  reached  Ravenna,  and  secured 
the  fleet.  Julian,  having  made  some  fruitless  attempts  on 
his  life,  caused  the  senate  to  declare  him  his  associate  in 
the  empire.  But  Severus  now  disdained  such  divided  pow- 
er ;  he  had  written  to  the  praetorians,  assuring  safety  to  all 
but  the  actual  assassins  of  Pertinax,  and  they  had  accepted 
the  conditions.  The  consul,  Silius  Messala,  assembled  the 
senate,  and  it  was  resolved  to  put  Julian  to  death,  and  give 
the  empire  to  Severus.  When  those  char/ged  with  the  man- 
date for  his  death  came  to  Julian,  hislonly  words  were, 
"  What  evil  have  I  done  1  Whom  have  A  slain  ?  "  He  was 
then  killed  by  a  common  soldier,  after  a  reign  of  only  sixty- 
six  days. 


L.   Septimius  Severus. 
A.  u.  946—964.     A.  D.  193—211. 

Severus  was  met  at  Interamna  ( Terni)  in  Umbria,  sev- 
enty miles  from  Rome,  by  deputies  from  the  senate.  He 
received  them  with  favor,  and  still  continued  to  advance. 


200  SEVERUS    AT    ROME.  [a.    D.    193. 

As  he  drew  nigh  to  Rome,  he  commanded  the  execution 
of  the  murderers  of  Pertinax ;  and  he  sent  orders  to  the 
remaining  praetorians  to  leave  their  arms  in  their  camp,  and 
come  to  meet  him,  dressed  as  they  were  wont  when  attend- 
ing the  emperors  on  solemn  occasions.  They  obeyed ;  and 
Severus  received  them  in  the  plain,  before  his  camp,  and 
addressed  them  from  a  tribunal,  reproaching  them  with  the 
murder  of  Pertinax,  and  the  sale  of  the  empire  to  Julian. 
He  would  spare  their  lives,  he  said,  but  he  would  leave  them 
nothing  save  their  tunics,  and  death  should  be  the  fate  of 
any  of  them  who  ever  came  within  a  hundred  miles  of  the 
capital.  While  he  was  speaking,  his  soldiers  had  impercep- 
tibly surrounded  them ;  resistance  was  vain,  and  they  quiet- 
ly yielded  up  their  swords,  and  their  rich  habiliments,  and 
mournfully  retired.  A  detachment  had,  meantime,  taken 
possession  of  their  camp,  to  obviate  the  effects  of  their 
despair. 

Severus  entered  the  city  at  the  head  of  his  army.  The 
senate  and  people  met  him  with  all  the  marks  of  joy  and 
festivity.  He  ascended  the  Capitol  and  worshipped ;  he  then 
visited  the  other  temples,  and  at  length  proceeded  to  the 
palace.  In  the  morning,  he  met  the  senate,  to  whom  he 
made  a  speech  full  of  the  fairest  promises,  assuring  them 
that  Marcus  should  be  his  model,  and  swearing  that  he  would 
put  no  senator  to  death,  unless  condemned  by  themselves  — 
an  oath  which  he  kept  but  indifferently.  The  usual  titles 
and  powers  had  been  already  decreed  him;  among  these 
was  the  title  of  Pertinax,  of  which  prince  he  affected  to  be 
the  avenger,  and  the  ceremony  of  whose  deification  he  per- 
formed with  the  greatest  magnificence  and  solemnity.  He 
distributed  large  sums  of  money  among  the  soldiers  and 
people ;  he  regulated  the  supply  of  provisions,  and  he  ex- 
amined into  the  conduct  of  several  governors  of  provinces, 
and  punished  those  who  were  proved  guilty  of  oppression 
or  extortion. 

Severus  restored  the  prsetorian  guards,  on  a  new  model, 
and  raised  them  to  four  times  their  original  number.  Au- 
gustus  had  admitted  none  but  Italians  into  this  body ;  the 
youth  of  Spain,  Noricum,  and  Macedonia,  had  gradually 
been  suffered  to  enlist  in  it;  but  Severus  threw  it  open  to 
all,  selecting  the  ablest  and  most  faithful  soldiers  from  the 
legions,  for  the  higher  pay  and  more  easy  life  of  the  guards- 
men. 

After  a  stay  of  only  thirty  days  in  Rome,  Severus  set 


A.  D.    194-196]  PESCENNIUS    NIGER.  201 

out  for  the  war  against  Niger,  who  was  master  of  all  Asia, 
and  held  the  strong  city  of  Byzantium  in  Europe.  The 
preparations,  on  both  sides,  occupied  some  time ;  at  length, 
Severus  took  the  field;  and,  leaving  part  of  his  troops  to 
carry  on  the  siege  of  Byzantium,  he  sent  the  main  body  of 
his  army,  under  his  generals,  over  the  Hellespont,  ^niil- 
ianus,  the  proconsul  of  Asia,  gave  them  battle  (194)  near 
Cyzicus,  but  was  defeated,  lie  fled  to  Cyzicus,  and  thence 
to  another  unnamed  town,  where  he  was  seized  and  put  to 
death.  Niger,  in  person,  afterwards  engaged  the  Severian 
general,  Candidus,  between  Nicsa  and  Kios.  The  contest 
was  long  and  arduous,  but  victory  declared  for  the  European 
army  ;  and  Niger,  leaving  troops  to  guard  the  passes  of  Mount 
Taurus,  hastened  to  Antioch,  to  raise  men  and  money.  The 
elements,  however,  favored  Severus ;  heavy  falls  of  rain  and 
snow  destroyed  the  defences  constructed  by  Niger,  and  his 
troops  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  passes,  and  leave  Cilicia 
open  to  the  enemy. 

Ni^er  made  his  final  stand  at  the  Cilician  Gates,  as  the 
pass  from  Cilicia  into  Syria,  at  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Issus, 
was  named,  a  place  famous  for  the  defeat  of  Darius  by  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  The  troops  of  Niger  were  more  numerous, 
but  they  were  mostly  raw  levies;  yet  they  fought  with  con- 
stancy ;  but  the  elements,  we  are  told,  again  favored  the  Seve- 
rians ;  a  storm  of  rain  and  thunder  came  over  the  sea,  and 
blew  full  in  the  faces  of  the  Nigrians,  and  they  fled,  with  the 
loss  of  20,000  men.  Niger  hastened  to  Antioch  ;  and  thence, 
on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  he  fled  to  the  Euphrates,  in 
order  to  seek  refuge  with  the  Parthians;  but  he  had  hardly 
quitted  the  town,  when  he  was  seized,  and  his  head  was  cut 
off  and  sent  to  Severus.  \ 

This  emperor,  who  had  been  in  none  of  the  preceding 
actions,  now  appeared.  He  put  to  death  all  the  senators  who 
had  borne  arms  for  Niger ;  he  banished  some,  and  seized  the 
property  of  others.  He  put  numbers  of  inferior  rank  to  death  ; 
and  he  treated  severely  Antioch  and  some  other  towns.  He 
then  (195)  led  his  army  over  the  Euphrates;  and  his  gen- 
erals employed  this  and  a  part  of  the  following  year  in 
reducing  the  various  tribes  and  princes  of  Mesopotamia. 
While  he  was  thus  engaged,  (196,)  he  received  the  joyful  in- 
telligence of  the  surrender  of  Byzantium;  which,  strong  by 
situation  and  fortifications,  had  held  out  for  nearly  three 
years  against  the  valor  and  skill  of  the  besieging  army,  and 
was  only  subdued,  at  last,  by  famine.     The  magistrates  and 


202  SEPTIMIUS    SEVERUS.  [a.  D.   197. 

soldiers  were  all  put  to  death  ;  the  property  of  the  inhabitants 
was  sold;  the  walls  and  the  public  edifices  were  demolished; 
Byzantium  was  deprived  of  its  title  of  city,  and  subjected,  as 
a  village,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Perinthus. 

It  is  said  that  Severus  was  meditating  an  invasion  of  Par- 
thia;  but  his  thoughts  were  more  fixed  on  securing  the  suc- 
cession to  his  children,  by  removing  Albinus.  Suitably  to 
his  character,  he  resolved  to  proceed  by  treachery,  rather 
than  by  force.  He  wrote  to  Albinus,  in  the  most  affectionate 
terms,  as  to  his  dearest  brother ;  but  the  bearers  of  the  letter 
were  instructed  to  ask  a  private  audience,  as  having  matters 
of  greater  importance  to  communicate,  and  then  to  assassinate 
him.  The  suspicions  of  Albinus,  however,  being  awaked, 
he  put  them  to  the  torture,  and  extracted  the  truth.  He  saw 
that  he  had  no  alternative,  that  he  must  be  emperor  or 
nothing ;  and  he  therefore  declared  himself  Augustus,  and 
passed  with  his  army  over  to  Gaul.  Severus  returned,  with 
all  possible  speed,  from  the  East,  and  advanced  in  person 
into  Gaul  against  his  rival.  He  crossed  the  Alps  in  the 
depth  of  winter ;  and,  after  some  minor  engagements,  a  deci- 
sive battle  was  fought  on  the  19th  of  February,  197,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Lyons.  The  united  number  of  the  combat- 
ants was  150,000  men  ;  the  battle  was  long  and  dubious  ;  the 
left  wing,  on  each  side,  was  routed ;  but  Severus,  who  now 
fouglit  for  the  first  time,  brought  up  the  prastorians  to  the 
support  of  his  beaten  troops ;  and,  though  he  received  a 
wound,  and  was  driven  back,  he  rallied  them  once  more ; 
and,  being  supported  by  the  cavalry,  under  his  general, 
Lsetus,  he  defeated  and  pursued  the  enemy  to  Lyons.  The 
loss,  on  both  sides,  was  considerable;  Albinus  slew  himself, 
and  his  head  was  cut  off,  and  brought  to  his  ungenerous 
enemy,  who  meanly  insulted  it;  his  wife  and  children  were 
at  first  spared ;  but  they  were  soon  after  put  to  death,  and 
their  bodies  cast  into  the  Rhine. 

The  city  of  Lyons  was  pillaged  and  burnt ;  the  chief  sup- 
porters of  Albinus,  both  men  and  women,  Romans  and  pro- 
vincials, were  put  to  death,  and  their  properties  confiscated. 
Having  spent  some  time  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  Gaul  and 
Britain,  Severus  returned  to  Rome,  breathing  vengeance 
against  the  senate ;  for  he  knew  that  that  body  was  in  general 
more  inclined  to  Albinus  than  himself,  and  he  had  found, 
among  his  rival's  papers,  the  letters  of  several  individual  sen- 
ators. The  very  day  after  his  arrival,  he  addressed  them, 
commending  the  stern  policy  of  Sulla,  Marius,  and  Augustus, 


A.  D.   198-203.]  SEVERUS    IN    ASIA.  203 

and  blaming  the  mildness  of  Pompeius  and  Csesar,  which 
proved  their  ruin.  He  spoke  in  terms  of  praise  of  Commo- 
dus,  saying  that  the  senate  had  no  right  to  dishonor  him,  as 
many  of  themselves  lived  worse  than  he  had  done.  He  spoke 
severely  of  those  who  had  written  letters  or  sent  presents  to 
Albinus.  Of  these  he  pardoned  five-and-thirty ;  but  he  put 
to  death  nine-and-twenty,  among  whom  was  Sulpicianus,  the 
father-in-law  of  Pertinax.  These,  however,  were  not  the 
only  victims ;  the  whole  family  of  Niger,  and  several  other 
illustrious  persons,  perished.  The  properties  of  all  were 
confiscated  ;  for  avarice,  more  perhaps  than  a  thirst  of  blood, 
impelled  Severus  to  cruelty. 

After  a  short  stay  at  Rome,  Severus  set  out  again  for  the 
East;  for  the  Parthians,  taking  advantage  of  his  absence, 
had  invaded  Mesopotamia,  and  laid  siege  to  Nisibis.  They 
retired,  however,  when  they  heard  of  his  approach ;  and  Se- 
verus, having  passed  the  winter  in  Syria,  making  preparations 
for  the  war,  crossed  the  Tigris  the  following  summer,  (198,) 
and  laid  siege  to  Ctesiphon.  The  Roman  soldiers  suffered 
greatly  for  want  of  supplies,  and  were  reduced  to  feed  on 
roots  and  herbage,  which  produced  dysenteries ;  but  the  em- 
peror persevered,  and  the  city  at  length  was  taken.  All  the 
full-wrown  males  were  massacred,  and  the  women  and  chil- 
dren,  to  the  number  of  100,000,  were  sold  for  slaves.  As 
want  of  supplies  did  not  permit  the  Romans  to  remain  be- 
yond the  Tigris,  they  returned  to  Mesopotamia;  and,  on  his 
way  to  Syria,  (199,)  Severus  laid  siege  to  the  redoubtable 
Atra,  but  he  was  forced  to  retire,  with  a  great  loss  both  of 
men  and  machines.  He  renewed  the  attack/ some  time  after, 
(it  is  uncertain  in  what  year,)  but  with  as  little  success,  be- 
ing obliged  to  retire  with  loss  and  disgrace\from  before  the 
impregnable  fortress.  \ 

Severus  remained  in  the  East  till  the  year  203.  He  spent 
a  part  of  that  time  in  Egypt,  where  he  took  great  pleasure 
in  examining  the  pyramids  and  the  other  curiosities  of  that 
country.  He  at  length  returned  to  Rome,  to  celebrate  the 
marriage  of  his  elder  son. 

The  family  of  Severus  consisted  of  his  wife  and  two  sons. 
The  empress,  named  Julia  Domna,  was  a  native  of  Emesa 
in  Syria,  whom  Severus,  who  was  addicted  to  astrology,  is 
said  to  have  espoused  because  she  had  a  royal  nativity.  She 
was  a  woman  of  great  beauty,  sense,  and  spirit,  and  a  culti- 
vator of  literature  and  philosophy.  The  elder  son  was  at 
first  named  Bassianus ;  but  his  father,  at  the  time  of  the  war 


204  SEPTIMIUS    SEVERUS.  [a.  d.  198. 

against  Albinus,  created  him  Caesar,  by  the  name  of  Aurelius 
Antoninus;*  and  he  was  subsequently  nicknamed  Caracalla, 
which,  to  avoid  confusion,  is  the  name  employed  by  modern 
historians.  In  the  year  198,  Severus  created  him  Augustus, 
and  made  him  his  associate  in  the  empire.  The  name  of  the 
emperor's  younger  son  was  Geta ;  and  ho  also  was  styled 
Antoninus. 

The  bride  selected  for  Caracalla  was  Plautiila,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Plautianus,  the  prajtorian  prefect.  This  man  was  a 
second  Sejanus;  and  it  is  very  remarkable  that  two  emperors 
of  such  superior  mental  powers  as  Tiberius  and  Severus 
should  have  been  so  completely  under  the  influence  of  their 
ministers.  Plautianus,  like  his  master,  was  an  African  by 
birth;  he  was  of  mean  extraction,  and  he  seems  to  have 
early  attached  himself  to  the  fortune  of  his  aspiring  coun- 
tryman, whose  favor  and  confidence  he  won  in  an  extraor- 
dinary degree  ;  and  when  Severus  attained  the  empire,  the 
power  of  Plautianus  grew  to  such  a  height  that  he,  the  his- 
torian observes,  was,  as  it  were,  emperor,  and  Severus  cap- 
tain of  the  guards.  Persons  like  Plautianus,  when  eleva- 
ted, rarely  bear  their  faculties  meekly.  He  was  therefore 
proud,  cruel,  and  avaricious ;  he  was  the  chief  cause  of  so 
many  persons  of  rank  and  fortune  being  put  to  death,  in 
order  that  he  might  gain  their  properties.  He  seized  what- 
ever took  his  fancy,  whether  sacred  or  profane,  and  he  thus 
amassed  such  wealth  that  it  was  commonly  said  he  was  richer 
than  Severus  and  his  sons.  Such  was  his  pride,  that  no  one 
dared  approach  him  without  his  permission ;  and  when  he 
appeared  in  public,  criers  preceded  him,  ordering  that  no 
one  should  stop  and  gaze  at  him,  but  turn  aside  and  look 
down.  He  would  not  allow  his  wife  to  visit  or  to  receive 
visits,  not  even  excepting  the  empress.  As  his  power  was  so 
great,  he  was  of  course  the  object  of  universal  adulation. 
The  senators  and  soldiers  swore  by  his  fortune,  and  his 
statues  were  set  up  in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  He  was  in 
effect  more  dreaded  and  more  honored  than  the  emperor 
himself. 

Such  power  is,  however,  unstable  in  its  very  nature ;  and 
the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  the  son  of  the  emperor 

*  Severus,  not  content  with  expressing  his  veneration  and  respect 
for  the  memory  of  M.  Aurelius,  had  the  folly  to  pretend  to  be  his  son. 
"  What  most  amazed  us,"  says  Dion,  (Ixxv.  7,)  "  was  his  saying  that 
he  was  the  son  of  Marcus  and  brother  of  Commodus." 


A.  D.  203-208.]  PLAUTIANUS.  205 

caused  the  downfall  of  Plautianus.  The  wedding  was  cele- 
brated with  the  utmost  magnificence;  the  dower  of  the  bride, 
we  are  told,  would  have  portioned  fifty  princesses;  and,  as  it 
was  the  custom  of  the  East  for  ladies  to  be  attended  by 
eunuchs,  Plautianus  [reduced  to  this  condition]  not  less  than 
one  hundred  persons  of  noble  birth,  many  of  them  fathers  of 
families,  in  order  to  place  them  about  his  daughter  on  this 
occasion.  Plautilhi  was  haughty,  like  himself;  and  Cara- 
calla,  who  had  been  forced  to  marry  her,  hated  father  and 
daughter  alike,  and  resolved  on  their  destruction.  He  induced 
one  Saturninus  and  two  other  centurions  to  declare  that 
Plautianus  had  ordered  them  and  seven  of  their  comrades  to 
murder  Severus  and  his  son.  A  written  order  to  this  effect 
was  forged  and  shown  to  the  emperor,  who  forthwith  sum- 
moned Plautianus  to  his  presence.  lie  came,  suspecting 
nothing;  he  was  admitted,  but  his  followers  were  excluded. 
Severus,  however,  addressed  him  in  a  mild  tone,  and  asked 
him  why  he  had  meditated  killing  him.  Plautianus  was  ex- 
pressing his  surprise,  and  commencing  his  defence,  when 
Caracalla  sprang  forward,  tore  his  sword  from  him,  struck 
him  with  his  fist,  and  would  have  slain  him  with  his  own 
hand,  but  for  the  interference  of  his  father.  He  then  made 
some  of  his  attendants  despatch  him,  and  sent  his  head  to 
the  empress  and  Plautilla  —  a  joyful  sight  to  the  one,  a  mourn- 
ful spectacle  to  the  other.  Plautilla  and  her  brother  Plau- 
tius  were  sent  to  the  isle  of  Lipara,  where  they  lived  in 
poverty  and  misery  for  the  remainder  of  the  reign  of  Severus ; 
and  their  murder  was  one  of  the  first  acts  of[Caracalla,  when 
emperor. 

Severus  now  remained  in  Italy  for  a  spac^  of  four  years, 
actively  engaged  in  the  administration  of  justice,  the  regula- 
tion of  the  finances,  and  the  correction  of  all  kiads  of  abuses. 
He  conferred  the  important  post  of  praetorian  prefect  on 
Papinian,  the  most  renowned  of  jurisconsults  ;  and  as  it  was 
now  a  part  of  this  officer's  duty  to  try  civil  causes,  Papinian 
appointed,  as  his  assessors,  Paulus  and  Ulpian  —  names  nearly 
as  distinguished  as  his  own. 

In  the  year  208,  Severus,  though  far  advanced  in  years, 
and  a  martyr  to  the  gout,  set  out  for  Britain,  where  the 
northern  tribes  had,  for  some  time,  been  making  their  usual 
incursions  into  the  Roman  part  of  the  island.  Various  mo- 
tives are  assigned  for  this  resolution ;  the  most  probable  is, 
that  he  wished  to  remove  his  .sons  from  the  luxury  of  Rome, 
and  to  restore  the  relaxed  discipline  of  the  legions.     He  en- 

CONTIN.  18 


206  SEPTIMIUS    SEVERUS.  [a.  D.  211. 

tered  the  wild  country  north  of  the  Roman  wall,  cut  down  the 
woods,  and  passed  the  marshes,  and  succeeded  in  penetrating 
to  the  extremity  of  the  island,  though  with  a  loss,  it  is  said, 
of  50,000  men ;  for  the  barbarians,  who  would  never  venture 
to  give  him  battle,  hung  on  his  flanks  and  rear,  formed 
numerous  ambuscades,  and  cut  off  all  stragglers.  In  order 
to  check  their  future  incursions,  he  repaired  and  strength- 
ened the  mound  or  wall  which  Hadrian  had  constructed  from 
the  Eden  to  the  Tyne. 

Severus  had  associated  his  second  son,  Geta,  in  the  empire 
the  year  he  came  to  Britain.  But  the  two  brothers  hated 
each  other  mortally,  and  Caracalla  made  little  secret  of  his 
resolution  to  reign  alone.  This  abandoned  youth,  it  is  said, 
even  attempted  to  kill  his  father  in  the  very  sight  of  the 
Roman  legions  and  the  barbarian  enemies ;  for,  as  the  em- 
peror was  riding,  one  day,  to  receive  the  arms  of  the  Cale- 
donians, Caracalla  drew  his  sword  to  stab  him  in  the  back : 
those  who  were  about  them  cried  out,  and  Severus,  on  turn- 
ing round,  saw  the  drawn  sword  in  the  hand  of  his  son.  He 
said  nothing  at  the  time;  but,  when  he  returned,  he  called 
Caracalla,  with  Papinian  and  the  chamberlain  Castor,  to  him 
in  private,  and,  causing  a  sword  to  be  laid  before  him,  rebuked 
his  son,  and  then  told  him,  if  he  desired  his  death,  to  slay  him 
with  his  own  hand,  or  to  order  Papinian,  the  prefect,  to  do  it, 
who  of  course  would  obey  him,  as  he  was  emperor.  Cara- 
calla showed  no  signs  of  remorse;  and,  though  Severus  had 
often  blamed  M.  Aurelius  for  postponing  his  public  duty  to 
his  private  affections,  in  the  case  of  Commodus,  he  himself 
exhibited  even  greater  and  more  culpable  weakness. 

Severus  was  once  more  about  to  take  the  field  against  the 
barbarians,  who  had  renewed  their  ravages,  (211°)  when  a 
severe  fit  of  the  gout  carried  him  off,  at  York,  {Ehoracum,) 
in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  eighteenth  of  hia 
reign. 

Though  this  emperor  had  passed  the  greater  part  of  his 
life  in  civil  rather  than  military  employments,  it  is  remarkable 
that  his  government  relied  more  on  the  arms  of  the  soldiery 
than  that  of  any  of  his  predecessors,  and  that  more  than  any 
he  corrupted  the  military  spirit  of  the  nation,  by  excessive 
indulgence  to  the  soldiers.  We  have  seen  the  important 
changes  which  he  made  in  the  praetorian  guards,  whom  he 
also  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  employ  on  foreign  ser- 
vice. Hitherto  the  legions  of  the  frontiers  had  maintained 
something  of  the  appearance  of  those  of  the  republic  ;  but 


A.  D.  211.]  CABACALLA.  207 

Severus  unstrung  the  nerves  of  their  discipline  by  allowing 
them  to  have  their  wives  and  families  in  their  camps,  and  to 
wear  gold  rings,  like  the  knights,  and  by  increasing  their 
pay,  and  accustoming  them  to  donatives.  His  dying  counsel 
to  his  sons,  "  Be  united,  enrich  the  soldiers,  despise  all 
others,"  revealed  his  principles  of  despotic  government. 


CHAPTER   IV.* 

CARACALLA,    MACRINUS,    ELAGABALUS, 
ALEXANDER. 

A.  u.  9G4— 988.     A.  D.  211—235. 

caracalla  and  geta. murder  of  geta. cruelty  op 

caracalla. german  war.  parthian  war. massa- 
cre at  alexandria. murder  of  caracalla. eleva- 
tion of  macrinus. his  origin  and  character.  con- 
spiracy against  him. his  defeat  and  death. ela- 
gabalus.  his  superstition  and  cruelty. adoption 

of    alexander.  death  of  elegabalus. mam^a. 

Alexander's  character  and  mode  of  l,ife.  —  murder 

OF  ULPIAN. revolution  IN   PERSIA. p4:RSIAN    WAR. 

ALEXANDER  IN  GAUL. HIS  MURDER. THE  ROMAN  ARMY. 


M.  Aurelius  Antoninus   Caracafla 

A.  u.  964—970.     A.  D.  211—21 

In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Caracalla  to  the  contrary,  the 
army  proclaimed  the  two  sons  of  Severus  joint  emperors. 
The  Caledonian  war  was  abandoned,  and  the  emperors  re- 
turned to  Rome,  to  celebrate  the  obsequies  of  their  father. 
On  the  way,  Caracalla  made  various  attempts  on  the  life  of 
his  brother;  but  Geta  was  protected  by  the  soldiery,  of  whom 
he  was  the  favorite.  The  brothers  adopted  every  precaution 
against  each  other  on  the  road,  and  at  Rome  they  divided 
the  palace,  securing  all  the  approaches  to  their  several  por- 

*  Authorities  :  Dion,  Herodian,  the  Augustan  History,  Zosimus, 
and  the  Epitomators. 


208  CARACALLA.  [a.  D.  212. 

tions.  The  court,  the  camp,  the  senate,  and  the  people,  were 
divided  in  their  affections  to  the  brothers,  neither  of  whom 
was,  in  reality,  deserving  of  the  attachment  of  any  man  of 
worth ;  but  Geta  had  a  certain  degree  of  mildness  and 
humanity,  of  affability,  and  of  devotion  to  literature,  which 
gave  him  the  advantage  over  his  more  ferocious  brother,  and 
gained  him  the  affection  of  their  mother,  Julia. 

As  there  seemed  no  probability  of  concord  between  the 
brothers,  a  division  of  the  empire  was  proposed  and  arranged, 
by  wliich  Caracalla  was  to  retain  the  European  portion,  while 
Geta  was  to  rule  in  Asia  and  Egypt,  residing  at  Antioch  or 
Alexandria.  This  arrangement,  it  is  said,  was  defeated  by 
the  tears  and  entreaties  of  Julia  ;  and  Caracalla,  bent  on 
reicrninor  alone,  then  resolved  on  the  murder  of  his  brother. 
At  his  desire,  (212,)  Julia  invited  her  two  sons  to  a  meetmg 
in  her  apartments.  Geta  came,  suspecting  no  danger;  sud- 
denly some  centurions,  whom  Caracalla  had  placed  in  con- 
cealment, rushed  out,  and  fell  on  iiim.  He  threw  himself  on 
his  mother's  bosom  for  protection  ;  but  her  efforts  to  save  him 
were  vain  ;  she  herself  received  a  wound  in  the  arm,  and  was 
covered  with  the  blood  of  her  murdered  son.  When  the  deed 
was  done,  Caracalla  hastened  to  the  camp,  crying  all  the  way 
that  a  plot  had  been  laid  for  his  life.  He  flung  himself  down 
before  the  standards,  in  the  camp  chapel,  to  return  thanks  for 
his  preservation ;  and  then  addressed  the  soldiers,  assuring 
them  that  he  was  one  of  themselves,  and  depended  on  them 
alone.  He  promised  to  raise  their  pay  one  half,  and  to  dis- 
tribute among  them  all  the  treasures  accumulated  by  his 
father.  Such  arguments  could  not  fail  of  convincing,  and 
he  was  readily  proclaimed  sole  emperor.  He  thence  pro- 
ceeded to  the  camp,  at  the  Alban  Mount,*  where  he  found 
more  difficulty,  as  the  soldiers  there  were  much  attached  to 
Geta ;  but,  by  dint  of  promises,  he  gained  them  also  to 
acknowledge  him. 

Followed  by  the  soldiers,  Caracalla  then  proceeded  to  the 
senate-house;  he  had  a  cuirass  under  his  robe,  and  he 
brought  some  of  his  military  followers  into  the  house.  He 
justified  his  conduct  by  the  example  of  Romulus  and  others; 
but  he  spoke  of  Geta  with  regret,  and  gave  him  a  magnificent 
funeral,  and  placed  him  among  the  gods.t 

*  This  was  a  camp  of  the  prfctorians  also.  The  troops  belonging  to 
it  arc  called  the  Albanians  by  the  historians. 

t  "  Sit  divus  duminodo  non  sit  vivus,"  are  said  to  have  boen  his 
words. 


A.  D.  214-215.]       CRUELTY    OF    CARACALLA.  209 

The  unhappy  empress  dared  not  lament  the  death  of  her 
son  ;  she  was  even  obliged  to  wear  an  aspect  of  joy  for  the 
safety  of  the  etnperor,  who,  all  through  his  reign,  continued 
to  treat  her  with  respect,  and  to  give  her  a  share  in  the 
affairs  of  state.  But  on  all  the  other  friends  and  favorers 
of  Geta,  both  civil  and  military,  he  let  his  vengeance  fall 
without  restraint ;  and  the  number  of  those  who  perished  on 
this  account  is  estimated  at  twenty  thousand.  Among  these, 
the  most  regretted  was  the  great  Papinian.  Caracalla,  it  is 
said,  wished  him  to  compose  an  apology  for  the  murder  of 
Geta;  but  he  replied,  with  virtuous  intrepidity,  that  it  was  not 
so  easy  to  excuse  a  parricide  as  to  commit  it.  A  soldier  cut 
off  his  head  with  an  axe,  and  Caracalla  rebuked  him  for  not 
having  used  a  sword.  Fadilla,  the  surviving  daughter  of  M. 
Aurelius,  was  put  to  death  for  having  lamented  Geta.  Hel- 
vius  Pertinax,  son  of  the  emperor,  Thrasea  Priscus,  a  de- 
scendant of  the  great  lover  of  liberty,  and  many  other  persons 
of  rank  and  virtue,  were  involved  in  the  common  ruin.  To 
such  an  extent,  it  is  said,  did  Caracalla  carry  his  hatred  to 
his  brother,  that  the  comic  poets  no  longer  ventured  to  em- 
ploy the  name  of  Geta  in  their  plays. 

Like  Commodus,  the  emperor  devoted  most  of  his  time  to 
the  circus  and  amphitheatre.  In  order  to  defray  his  enor- 
mous expenses,  he  increased  the  taxes  and  confiscated  all 
the  properties  he  could  lay  hold  on.  When  his  mother  one 
day  blamed  him  for  bestowing  such  enormous  sums  on  the 
soldiers,  and  said  that  he  would  soon  have  no  source  of  reve- 
nue remaining,  he  laid  his  hand  on  his  sword,  and  said,  in 
the  true  spirit  of  despotism,  "  Never  fear,  mother ;  while 
we  have  this,  we  shall  not  want  for  money." 

One  of  the  acts  of  Caracalla,  at  this  time,  \<^s  to  confer 
the  rights  of  citizenship,  of  which  the  old  repul^licans  had 
been  so  chary,  on  all  the  subjects  of  the  empire.      "^ 

His  restless  temper  soon  urged  him  to  seek  for  glory  in  a 
contest  with  the  Germans.  He  marched  to  the  Rhine,  and 
obtained  (by  purchase,  as  it  would  seem)  some  advantages 
over  the  confederacy  of  the  Alemans,  whose  name  now  first 
appears  in  history.  He  henceforth  wonderfully  affected  the 
Germans,  even  wearing  a  blond  periwig,  to  resemble  them ; 
and  he  placed  a  number  of  them  about  him  as  guards.  It  is 
thought  that  it  was  on  the  occasion  of  his  return  to  Rome 
from  Gaul,  after  this  war,  (214,)  that  he  distributed  among 
the  people  the  long  Gallic  coats,  named  Caracals,  whence 
he  derived  the  appellation  by  which  he  is  usually  known. 

18*  A  A 


210  CARACALLA.       [a.  d.  215-216. 

After  his  German  war,  he  inarched  to  the  Danube,  (215,) 
visited  the  province  of  Dacia,  and  had  some  skirmishes  with 
the  neighboring  barbarians.  He  then  passed  over  to  Asia 
with  the  intention  of  making  war  on  the  Parthians,  and  spent 
the  winter  at  Nicomedia. 

As  he  professed  an  especial  regard  for  the  memory  of 
Achilles,  he  visited  the  remains  of  Ilium,  offered  sacrifices 
at  the  tomb  of  the  hero,  led  his  troops  in  arms  round  it,  and 
erected  a  brazen  statue  on  its  summit.  One  of  his  freed- 
men  happening  to  die,  or  being  poisoned  by  him  for  the 
purpose,  he  acted  over  again  the  Homeric  funeral  of  Patro- 
clus,  pouring,  like  Achilles,  wine  to  the  winds,  to  induce 
them  to  inflame  the  pyre,  and  cutting  off  the  hair,  with  which 
nature  had  furnished  him  most  scantily,  to  cast  into  the 
flames.  In  thus  honoring  Achilles,  he  sought  to  follow  the 
example  of  Alexander  the  Great  —  a  prince  of  whom  his  ad- 
miration was  such  that  he  erected  statues  of  him  every  where  ; 
and  he  formed  a  phalanx  of  sixteen  thousand  Macedonians 
armed  as  in  the  time  of  that  prince,  whom  he  styled  the 
Eastern  Augustus.  He  even  persecuted  the  Peripatetic  phi- 
losophers, because  Aristotle  was  accused  of  being  concerned 
in  the  death  of  his  royal  pupil. 

In  the  spring,  (216,)  Caracalla  set  out  for  Antioch.  The 
Partiiians  averted  a  war  by  the  surrender  of  two  persons 
whom  he  demanded.  By  treachery,  he  made  himself  master 
of  the  persons  of  the  king  of  Armenia  and  his  sons,  and  of 
the  prince  of  Edessa  ;  but  the  Armenians  defeated  the  troops 
which  he  sent  against  them  under  Theocritus,  a  common 
player,  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  dignity  of  praetorian  pre- 
fect. He  then  proceeded  to  Alexandria  with  the  secret  re- 
solve of  taking  a  bloody  vengeance  on  the  inhabitants  of  that 
city  for  their  railleries  and  witticisms  against  him  on  the 
occasion  of  the  murder  of  his  brother.  When  he  approached 
the  city,  the  people  came  forth  to  meet  him,  with  all  the 
marks  of  joy  and  respect,  and  he  received  them  graciously, 
and  entered  the  town.  Then,  pretending  a  design  of  form- 
ing a  phalanx  in  honor  of  Alexander,  he  directed  all  the 
youth  to  appear  in  the  plain  without  the  walls.  When  they 
had  done  as  required,  he  went  through  them,  as  it  were  to 
inspect  them  ;  and  then,  retiring  to  the  temple  of  Serapis,  he 
gave  the  signal  to  his  soldiers  to  fall  on  them  and  massacre 
them.  The  slaughter  was  dreadful  both  within  and  without 
the  walls,  for  no  age  or  rank  was  spared.  Trenches  were 
xlug,  and  the  dead  and  dying  were  flung  into  them,  in  order 


A.  D.  217.]  5IACR1NUS.  211 

to  conceal  the  extent  of  the  massacre.  He  deprived  the  city 
of  all  its  privileges,  and  its  total  ruin  was  only  averted  by 
his  death. 

After  this  slaughter  of  his  helpless  subjects,  Caracalla  re- 
turned to  Antioch  ;  and,  in  order  to  have  a  pretext  for  making 
war  on  the  Parthians,  he  sent  to  Artabanus,  their  kino-,  de- 
manding  his  daughter  in  marriage.  The  Parthian  monarch 
having  refused  this  strange  suit,  Caracalla  invaded  and  rav- 
aged his  territories ;  and,  having  taken  Arbela,  where  were 
the  royal  tombs,  he  opened  them,  and  scattered  the  bones  of 
the  monarchs  which  were  deposited  within  them.  He  then 
took  up  his  winter  quarters  in  Edcssa. 

In  the  spring,  (217,)  both  sides  were  engaged  in  active 
preparation  for  war;  when  a  conspiracy  in  his  own  army 
terminated  the  life  and  reign  of  the  Roman  emperor.  Of 
the  two  praetorian  prefects,  the  one,  Adventus,  was  a  mere 
soldier,  the  other,  Macrinus,  was  a  civilian,  well  versed  in 
the  laws.  The  rough  and  brutal  Caracalla  often  ridiculed 
him  on  this  account,  and  even  menaced  his  life  ;  and  Macri- 
nus, having  wot  sure  information  that  his  destruction  was  de- 
signed,  resolved  to  anticipate  the  tyrant.  He  accordingly  com- 
municated his  desiorns  to  some  of  the  officers  of  the  guards, 
among  whom  was  one  Martial,  whom  Caracalla  had  mortally 
offended  by  refusing  him  the  post  of  centurion,  or,  as  others 
say,  by  putting  his  brother  to  death.  Accordingly,  on  the 
8th  of  April,  217,  as  the  emperor  was  riding  from  Edessa  to 
Carrhse  in  order  to  worship  at  the  temple  of  the  Moon,  and 
had  retired  and  alighted  for  a  private  occasion.  Martial  ran 
up,  as  if  called,  and  stabbed  him  in  the  throat. i  The  empe- 
ror fell  down  dead.  Martial  mounted  his  hoi\se  and  fled ; 
but  he  was  shot  by  a  Scythian  archer  of  the  guand- 


M.  Opilius  Macrinus. 

A.  u.  970—971.     A.  D.  217—218. 

When  the  news  of  the  murder  of  the  emperor  was  di- 
vulged, Macrinus  was  the  first  to  hasten  to  the  spot,  and  to 
deplore  his  death.  As  Caracalla  had  left  no  heir,  the  army 
was  uncertain  whom  to  proclaim  emperor  in  his  stead,  and 
the  empire  was  for  four  days  without  a  chief  Meantime 
the  officers  who  were  in  the  interests  of  Macrinus,  used  all 
their  influence  with  their  men,  and  on  the  fourth  day  he  was 


212  MACRINUS.  [a.  d.  217. 

saluted  emperor.  He  accepted  the  office  with  feigned  reluc- 
tance; and  he  distributed,  according  to  custom,  large  sums 
of  money  among  the  soldiers.  Adventus  was  the  bearer  of 
the  ashes  of  Caracalla  to  Rome,  where  they  were  deposited 
in  the  tomb  of  the  Antonines ;  and  Macrinus  and  the  senate 
were  obliged  to  yield  to  the  instances  of  the  soldiers,  and 
place  the  monster  among  the  gods.  The  senate  received 
with  joy  the  letter  in  which  Macrinus  announced  his  eleva- 
tion to  the  empire,  and  they  decreed  him  all  the  usual  titles 
and  honors. 

While  these  changes  were  taking  place  in  the  Roman 
empire,  Artabanus  had  passed  the  Tigris  with  a  large  army. 
Macrinus,  having  in  vain  proposed  terms  of  accommodation, 
led  out  his  legions,  and  some  fighting  took  place  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Nisibis,  in  which  the  advantage  was  on  the 
side  of  the  Parthians ;  but,  as  they  now  began  to  feel  the 
want  of  supplies,  and  were  anxious  to  return  home,  they 
readily  listened  to  the  renewed  proposals  of  the  Roman 
emperor,  and  a  peace  was  concluded.  Macrinus  then  led 
his  troops  back  to  Antioch  for  the  winter. 

Macrinus,  as  we  have  already  observed,  was  not  a  military 
man.  He  was  a  native  of  Csesarea  in  Africa,  (Algiers,)  of 
humble  origin,  and  he  was  indebted  for  his  elevation  to  his 
countryman  Plautianus.  He  was  a  man  of  an  amiable  dis- 
position, and  a  sincere  lover  of  justice.  He  therefore  turned 
his  attention  chiefly  to  civil  regulations,  and  he  made  some 
necessary  reforms  and  excellent  laws;  but  he  was  timid  by 
nature,  and,  in  his  anxiety  to  serve  and  advance  his  friends, 
he  did  not  sufficiently  consider  their  fitness  for  the  employ- 
ments which  he  bestowed  on  them.  He  committed  a  great 
and  irreparable  fault  in  not  setting  out  for  Rome  at  once, 
and  in  keeping  the  army  all  together  in  Syria  ;  and  he  further 
commenced  too  soon  a  necessary  but  imprudent  attempt  at 
bringing  back  the  discipline  of  the  legions  to  what  it  had 
been  under  Severus;  for,  though  he  applied  it  only  to  re- 
cruits, and  did  not  interfere  with  the  old  soldiers,  these  last 
apprehended  that  the  reform  would  at  length  reach  them- 
selves;  and  they  became  highly  discontented.  This  feeling 
of  the  soldiers  was  soon  taken  advantage  of,  and  a  rival  set 
up  to  Macrinus. 

The  empress  Julia  was  at  Antioch  at  the  time  of  the  mur- 
der of  Caracalla.  Macrinus  wrote  to  her  in  very  obliging 
terms;  but,  in  the  first  transports  of  her  grief  at  the  death  of 
her  son,  or  the  loss  of  her  power,  she  had  given  herself  sev- 


A.  D.  218.]  CONSPIRACY.  213 

eral  blows  on  the  breast,  and  thus  irritated  a  cancer  with 
which  she  was  afflicted,  and  her  death  ensued.  Her  sister, 
named  Maisa,  who  had  lived  at  court  during  tlie  two  last 
reigns,  and  had  acquired  immense  wealth,  retired,  by  order 
of  Macrinus,  to  her  native  town  of  Emesa.  She  had  two 
daughters,  named  Soasinis  and  Mamaea,  each  of  whom  was  a 
widow  with  an  only  son ;  that  of  tlie  former  was  named 
Bassianus  ;  he  was  now  a  handsome  youth  of  seventeen  years 
of  age,  and  the  influence  of  his  family  had  procured  for  him 
the  lucrative  priesthood  of  the  Sun,  who  was  worshipped  at 
Emesa  under  the  title  of  Elagabalus.  The  Roman  troops 
who  were  encamped  near  the  town,  used  to  frequent  the 
temple,  and  they  greatly  admired  the  comely  young  priest, 
whom  they  knew  to  be  a  cousin  of  their  lamented  Caracalla. 
The  artful  Mcesa  resolved  to  take  advantage  of  that  feeling, 
and  she  made  no  scruple  to  sacrifice  the  reputation  of  her 
daughters  to  the  hopes  of  empire :  she  therefore  declared 
(what  was  perhaps  true)  that  Caracalla  used  to  cohabit  with 
her  daughters  in  the  palace,  and  that  Bassianus  was  in  reali- 
ty his  son.  Her  assertion,  backed  with  large  sums  of  money, 
and  lavish  promises  of  more,  found  easy  acceptance  with  the 
soldiers.  On  the  night  of  the  15th  of  May,  218,  she  and  her 
daughter  and  grandson,  and  the  rest  of  her  family,  conducted 
by  their  eunuch  Gannys,  a  man  of  great  talent,  stole  out  of 
the  city,  and  proceeded  to  the  camp,  where  they  were  joy- 
fully received;  and  Bassianus  was  proclaimed  emperor  by 
the  title  of  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus.  The  camp  was  imme- 
diately put  into  a  state  of  defence  against  a  siege  ;  and  num- 
bers of  the  other  soldiers  hastened  to  sustain  me  cause  of 
the  son  of  Caracalla.  \. 

Macrinus  sent  the  prtetorian  prefect,  Ulpius  JoUanus^ 
against  the  rebels.  This  officer  was  successful  in  his  first 
attack  on  their  camp  ;  but,  having  neglected  to  push  his  advan- 
tage, he  gave  the  enemy  time  for  tampering  with  his  troops, 
a  part  of  whom  abandoned  him  ;  and  he  was  taken  and  slain. 
Macrinus  had  meantime  advanced  as  far  as  Apamea;  where 
he  declared  his  son  Diadumenianus,  a  boy  of  only  ten  years 
of  age,  Augustus  ;  and  took  this  opportunity  of  promising  a 
large  gratuity  to  the  army  ;  he  also  wrote  against  Bassianus, 
to  the  senate  and  governors  of  provinces.  But  instead  of 
advancing  rapidly  against  the  rebels,  he  fell  back  to  Antioch, 
whither  they  speedily  followed  him,  and  he  was  forced  to 
give  them  battle  near  that  town.  The  troops  of  Bassianus 
were  ably  disposed  by  the  eunuch  Gannys,  who,  now  in  arms 


214  ELAGABALUS.  [a.  D.  219. 

for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  showed  the  talents  of  a  general. 
But  the  prjEtorians,  on  the  side  of  Macrinus,  fought  with 
such  determined  valor,  that  the  rebels  were  on  the  point  of 
flying,  when  Majsa  and  Soaemis  rushed  out  and  stopped 
them;  and  Bassianus,  sword  in  hand,  led  them  on  to  the 
combat.  Still  the  praetorians  gave  not  way,  and  victory 
would  have  declared  for  Macrinus,  had  he  not  dastardly  fled 
in  the  midst  of  the  battle.  His  troops,  when  assured  of  his 
flight,  declared  for  Bassianus. 

Macrinus  fled  in  disguise,  and  never  stopped  till  he  came 
to  Chalcedon,  where  he  was  taken  and  put  to  death ;  and  his 
innocent  son  shared  his  fate.  His  reign  had  lasted  only  four- 
teen months. 


M.  Aurelius  Antoninus  Elagabalus. 
A.  u.  971—975.     A.  D.  218—222. 

From  Antioch  Elagabalus,*  as  we  shall  henceforth  style 
him,  wrote  to  the  senate  a  letter  replete  with  abuse  of  Ma- 
crinus, and  promising  that  he  himself  would  take  Augustus 
and  M,  Aurelius  for  his  models.  From  ignorance,  or  from 
arrogance,  he  assumed  in  it  the  title  of  Augustus  and  others, 
which  the  senate  had  been  hitherto  in  the  habit  of  confer- 
ring. They  bitterly  lamented  the  cowardice  of  Macrinus, 
and  his  error  in  not  coming  to  Rome  ;  but  they  submitted, 
though  with  a  sigh,  to  the  rule  of  the  pretended  son  of 
Caracalla. 

Elagabalus  passed  the  winter  at  Nicomedia.  While  there, 
he  put  to  death,  with  his  own  hand,  Gannys,  who  had  been 
the  chief  means  of  procuring  him  the  empire,  but  who  now 
wished  to  make  him  lead  a  regular  and  decorous  life.  Sev- 
eral persons  of  rank,  both  at  Rome  and  in  the  provinces,  had 
already  perished  by  his  orders,  and  men  had  little  hopes  of 
seeing  the  public  good  promoted  by  the  new  emperor. 

As  soon  as  the  season  permitted,  (219,)  Ma^sa,  who  was 
impatient  to  return  to  Rome,  urged  her  grandson  to  com- 
mence his  journey.  He  had  some  time  before  sent  thither 
his  picture,  with  orders  to  have  it  hung  up  over  the  statue 
of  Victory  in  the  senate-house.  In  this,  which  was  a  full- 
length  portrait,  he  appeared  habited  in  the  long,  loose,  Asiatic 

*  So  he  is  more  correctly  named  by  the  Greek  writers;  the  Latins 
name  him  Ileliogabalus. 


A.  D.  219-2-22.]       ELAGABALUS.  215 

dress,  with  collars  and  necklaces,  and  a  tiara  set  with  gold 
and  precious  stones  on  his  head  ;  and  in  this  attire  the  senate 
and  people  beheld  him  entering  the  capital,  Mjesa  having 
essayed  in  vain  to  make  him  assume  the  Roman  habit.  He 
gave  the  usual  shows  and  distributions  of  money  to  the  peo- 
ple. On  the  first  day  of  his  appearance  in  the  senate,  he 
caused  his  grandmother  to  be  invited  thither,  and  she  took 
her  seat  by  that  of  the  consuls,  and  henceforth  acted  in  all 
respects  as  one  of  the  members.  His  mother  held  a  senate 
of  her  own,  composed  of  ladies,  who  regulated  all  matters 
relating  to  dress,  precedence,  and  other  matters  of  impor- 
tance to  the  sex. 

The  great  object  of  the  emperor's  life  was  the  exaltation 
of  the  god  of  Einesa.  The  conical  black  stone  which  repre- 
sented him  was  brought  to  Rome,  and  a  stately  temple  was 
built  on  the  Palatine  to  receive  it;  and  the  pious  emperor 
proposed  to  transport  thither  the  Palladium,  the  Ancilia,  and 
all  the  sacred  pledges  of  the  empire,  and  thus  to  make  it  the 
centre  of  Roman  religion.  He  also  built  for  his  god  a  tem- 
ple in  the  suburbs,  whither  the  sacred  stone  was  conveyed 
every  spring  in  a  magnificent  car  drawn  by  six  milk-white 
horses,  whose  reins  the  emperor  himself  held,  walking  back- 
wards before  them,  with  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  image.  The 
people  flung  flowers  and  garlands  in  the  way  ;  the  knights 
and  the  army  joined  in  the  procession,  and  when  it  reached 
the  temple,  gold  and  silver  cups,  garments,  and  all  kinds  of 
animals,  except  swine,  were  flung  to  the  people,  to  scramble 
for.  Deeming  it  necessary  that  his  god  shouldXhave  a  wife, 
the  emperor  first  selected  Minerva  for  his  bride,  and  removed 
her  image  to  the  palace  for  the  wedding;  but  then,  consider- , 
inof  that  her  rou^h  and  martial  nature  would  make  her  an 
unsuitable  mate  for  the  soft,  luxurious  Syrian  god,  he  gave 
the  preference  to  the  Astarte  or  Urania  of  Carthage;  and 
her  image,  accompanied  with  much  treasure  by  way  of 
dowry,  was  brought  to  Rome  and  placed  in  the  temple  of 
the  sun-god. 

Elagabalus  himself  married  four  different  wives,  one  of 
whom  was  a  Vestal,  which  he  assured  the  senate  was  a  most 
fitting  union,  as  between  a  priest  and  a  priestess.  We  dare 
not  sully  our  pages  with  the  catalogue  of  his  unnatural  lusts 
and  other  excesses;  suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  enormities  of 
Tiberius  and  Nero  were  equalled,  if  not  outdone,  by  this 
wretched,   abandoned  youth.     The  basest  and  most  vicious 


216  ELAGABALUS.       [a.  d.  219-222. 

of  mankind  were  promoted  to  the  highest  offices,  and  the 
revenues  of  the  empire  were  wasted  with  reckless  prod- 
igality. 

The  sagacious  Msesa  saw  the  inevitable  consequences  of 
this  wanton  course,  and  she  resolved  to  provide  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  her  power ;  she  therefore  persuaded  Elagabalus 
to  adopt  and  declare  as  Caesar  his  cousin  Alexianus,  a  boy 
four  years  younger  than  himself  He  yielded  to  her  desire, 
and  adopted  him  in  presence  of  the  senate,  giving  him  the 
name  of  Alexander,  under  the  direction,  he  said,  of  his  god. 
He  at  first  sought  to  corrupt  his  morals  and  make  him  like 
himself;  but  the  disposition  of  Alexander  was  naturally  good, 
and  his  mother,  Mamaea,  took  care  to  supply  him  with  ex- 
cellent masters.  He  then  endeavored  to  have  him  secretly 
destroyed,  but  he  could  find  no  agent,  and  Maesa  discovered 
and  disconcerted  all  his  plans. 

The  soldiers  had  long  been  disgusted  with  the  vices  and 
the  effeminacy  of  the  emperor,  and  all  their  hopes  were 
placed  on  the  young  Alexander.  The  rage  of  Elagabalus 
against  that  youth  became  at  length  so  great  that  he  resolved 
to  annul  the  adoption;  and  he  sent  orders  to  the  senate  and 
soldiers  no  longer  to  give  him  the  title  of  CtBsar.  The  con- 
sequence  was  a  mutiny  in  the  camp,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
proceed  thither,  accompanied  by  Alexander,  and  agree  to 
dismiss  all  the  companions  and  agents  of  his  vices,  and  to 
promise  a  reformation  of  his  life.  He  thus  escaped  the 
present  danger;  but  his  violent  hatred  of  Alexander  soon  in- 
duced him  to  make  a  new  effort  to  destroy  him.  To  ascer- 
tain the  temper  of  the  soldiers,  he  caused  a  report  to  be 
spread  of  the  death  of  that  prince.  A  tumult  instantly  arose, 
which  was  only  appeased  by  his  appearing  in  the  camp  with 
Alexander ;  but  finding  how  quickly  it  then  subsided,  he 
thought  he  might  venture  on  punishing  some  of  the  ring- 
leaders. A  tumult  instantly  broke  out.  Soaemis  and  Ma- 
maea animated  their  respective  partisans ;  but  those  of  the 
latter  proved  victorious,  and  the  wretched  Elagabalus  was 
dragged  from  a  privy,  in  which  he  had  concealed  himself, 
and  slain  in  the  arms  of  his  mother,  who  shared  his  fate.  A 
stone  was  fastened  to  his  body,  which  was  flung  into  the 
Tiber.  Almost  all  his  minions  and  ministers  fell  victims  to 
the  popular  vengeance. 


A.  D.  222-232.J       ALEXANDER    SEVERUS.  217 

M.  Aurelius  Alexander  Scvcrus. 
A.  u.  975—988.     A.  D.  222—235. 

Both  the  senate  and  the  army  joyfully  concurred  in  the 
elevation  of  Alexander  to  the  empire  ;  and  the  former  body, 
lest  any  competitor  should  ni)pcar,  hastened  to  confer  on 
him  all  the  imperial  titles  ami  powers.  On  account  of  his 
youth  and  his  extremely  amiable  disposition,  he  was  entirely 
directed  by  his  grandmother  and  mother;  but,  Maesa  dying 
soon  after  his  accession,  the  sole  direction  of  her  son  fell  to 
Mamaea.  There  is  some  reason  to  suppose  that  this  able 
woman  had  embraced  the  Christian  religion,  now  so  preva- 
lent throughout  the  empire  ;  at  all  events,  in  her  guidance 
of  public  affairs,  she  exhibited  a  spirit  of  wisdom,  justice,  and 
moderation  such  as  had  not  appeared  in  any  preceding  cm- 
press.  Her  enemies  laid  to  her  charge  the  love  of  power 
and  the  love  of  money,  and  blamed  her  son  for  deferring  too 
much  to  her;  but  their  accusations  are  vague,  and  no  act  of 
cruelty,  caused  by  avarice,  stains  the  annals  of  this  reign. 

The  first  care  of  Mamaia  was  to  form  a  wise  and  upright 
council  for  her  son.  Sixteen  of  the  most  respectable  of  the 
senate,  with  the  learned  Ulpian,  the  praetorian  prefect,  at 
their  head,  composed  this  council,  and  nothing  was  ever 
done  without  their  consent  and  approbation,  i^  general 
system  of  reformation  was  commenced  and  steadily  pursued. 
AH  the  absurd  acts  of  the  late  tyrant  were  reversedy^  His 
god  was  sent  back  to  Emesa;  the  statues  of  the  other  o^itigs^ 
were  restored  to  their  temples;  the  ministers  of  his  vices 
and  pleasures  were  sold  or  banished;  some  of  the  worst  were 
drowned;  the  unworthy  persons  whom  he  had  placed  in 
public  situations  were  dismissed,  and  men  of  knowledge  and 
probity  put  in  their  places. 

Mamsea  used  the  utmost  care  to  keep  away  from  her  son 
all  those  persons  by  whom  his  morals  might  be  corrupted ; 
and,  in  order  to  have  his  time  fully  occupied,  she  induced  him 
to  devote  the  greater  part  of  each  day  to  the  administration 
of  justice,  where  none  but  the  wise  and  good  would  be  his 
associates.  The  good  seed  fortunately  fell  into  a  kindly  soil. 
Alexander  was  naturally  disposed  to  every  virtue,  and  all  his 
efforts  were  directed  to  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  the 
empire  over  which  he  ruled. 

The  first  ten  years  of  the  reign  of  this  prince  were  passed 
at  Rome,  and  devoted  to  civil  occupations.     His  daily  course 

CONTIN.  19  B   B 


218  ALEXANDER    SEVERUS.       [a.  d.  222-232. 

of  life  has  been  thus  transmitted  to  us  .  He  usually  rose 
early,  and  entered  his  private  chapel,  {lararlum,)  in  which 
he  had  caused  to  be  placed  the  images  of  those  who  had 
been  teachers  and  benefactors  of  the  human  race,  among 
whom  he  included  the  divine  founder  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion. Having  performed  his  devotions,  he  took  some  kind 
of  exercise,  and  then  applied  himself  for  some  hours  to  pub- 
lic business  with  his  council.  He  then  read  for  some  time, 
his  favorite  works  being  the  Republics  of  Plato  and  Cicero, 
and  the  verses  of  Horace,  and  the  Life  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  whom  he  greatly  admired.  Gymnastic  exercises,  in 
which  he  excelled,  succeeded.  He  then  was  anointed  and 
bathed,  and  took  a  light  breakfast,  usually  of  bread,  milk, 
and  eggs.  In  the  afternoon,  he  was  attended  by  his  secre- 
taries, and  he  heard  his  letters  read,  and  signed  the  answers 
to  them.  The  business  of  the  day  being  concluded,  his 
friends  in  general  were  admitted,  and  a  frugal  and  simple 
dinner  followed,  at  which  the  conversation  was  mostly  of  a 
serious,  instructive  nature,  or  some  literary  work  was  read 
out  to  the  emperor  and  his  guests. 

The  dress  of  Alexander  was  plain  and  simple;  his  man- 
ners were  free  from  all  pride  and  haughtiness ;  he  lived  with 
the  senators  on  a  footing  of  friendly  equality,  like  Augustus, 
Vespasian,  and  the  wiser  and  better  emperors.  He  was 
liberal  and  generous  to  all  orders  of  the  people,  and  he  took 
an  especial  pleasure  in  assisting  those  persons  of  good  family, 
who  had  fallen  into  poverty  without  reproach.  Among  the 
virtues  of  Alexander,  was  the  somewhat  rare  one,  in  that 
age,  of  chastity.  His  mother  early  caused  him  to  espouse  a 
lady  of  noble  birth,  named  Memnia,  whom,  however,  he 
afterwards  divorced,  and  even  banished  to  Africa.  The  ac- 
counts of  this  affair  differ  greatly.  According  to  one,  the 
father  of  the  empress  formed  a  conspiracy  against  his  son-in- 
law,  which  being  discovered,  he  was  put  to  death,  and  his 
daughter  divorced.  Others  say  that,  as  Alexander  showed 
great  respect  for  his  father-in-law,  Mama^a's  jealousy  was  ex- 
cited, and  she  caused  him  to  be  slain,  and  his  daughter  to  be 
divorced  or  banished.  It  appears  that  Alexander  soon  mar- 
ried again. 

We  have  already  observed,  that  a  portion  of  the  civil  juris- 
diction had  fallen  to  the  praetorian  prefects.  This  imposed 
a  necessity  that  one  of  them  should  be  a  civilian ;  and  Ma- 
myca  had,  therefore,  caused  this  dignity  to  be  conferred  on 
Ulpian.     From  the  love  of  law  and  order  which  distinguished 


A.  D.  232.]  PERSIAN    WAR.  219 

this  prefect,  he  naturally  sought  to  bring  back  discipline  in 
the  praetorian  camp  ;  the  consequence  was,  that  repeated  at- 
tempts were  made  on  his  life,  and  the  emperor,  more  than 
once,  found  it  necessary  to  cast  his  purple  over  him,  to  save 
him  from  the  fury  of  the  soldiers.  At  length,  ('i28,)  they 
fell  on  him  in  the  night ;  he  escaped  from  them  to  the  palace, 
but  they  pursued  and  slaughtered  him,  in  the  presence  of  the 
emperor  and  his  mother. 

Some  slight  actions  on  the  German  and  Moorish  fron- 
tiers were  the  only  occupation  given  to  the  Roman  arms 
during  the  early  years  of  the  reign  of  Alexander  ;  but,  in  the 
year  232,  so  powerful  an  enemy  menaced  the  Oriental  prov- 
inces of  the  euipire,  that  the  presence  of  the  emperor  became 
absolutely  requisite  in  the  East. 

The  Parthians,  whom  we  have  had  such  frequent  occasion 
to  mention,  are  said  to  have  been  a  Scythian  (/.  r.  Turkish) 
people,  of  the  north  of  Persia,  who,  taking  advantage  of  the 
declining  power  of  the  Macedonian  kings  of  Syria,  cast  off 
their  yoke,  (B.  C.  250,)  and  then  gradually  made  themselves 
masters  of  the  whole  of  Persia.  Their  dominion  had  now 
lasted  for  five  hundred  years,  and  their  power  had,  from  the 
usual  causes,  such  as  family  dissensions,  contested  suc- 
cessions, and  such  like,  been  long  on  the  decline;  and  in 
the  fourth  year  of  Alexander  Severus,  (226,)  a  native  Per- 
sian, named  Artaxerxes,  [Ardshir,)  who  pretended  to  be  of 
the  ancient  royal  line,  but  who  is  said  to  have  been  of  hum- 
ble birth,  and  a  mere  soldier  of  fortune,  raised  a  rebellion 
aarainst  the  Parthian  king,  Artabanus.  Fortune  favored  the 
rebel,  and  Artabanus  was  defeated  and  slain.  Artaxerxes 
then  assumed  the  tiara,  and  his  line,  which  existed  till  the 
Mohammedan  conquest,  was  named  the  Sassanian,  from  the 
name  of  his  father. 

Affecting  to  be  the  descendant  of  the  ancient  Achceme- 
nians,  Artaxerxes  sought  to  restore  Persia  to  its  condition 
under  those  princes.  The  Magian  or  Light  religion  *  re- 
sumed the  rank  from  which  it  had  fallen  under  the  sway  of 
the  Parthians,  and  flourislied  in  its  pristine  glory.  As  the 
dominions  of  the  house  of  Cyrus  had  extended  to  the  coasts 
of  the  ^gean  sea,  Artaxerxes  ordered  the  Romans  to  quit 
Asia  ;   and,  when  his  mandate  was  unheeded,  he  led  his  troops 

*  [That  is,  the  system  by  which  the  sun,  and  fire  derived  from  it, 
were  considered,  from  their  hriijhttiess  and  purity,  the  only  fit  embleina 
of  God  ;  and,  as  such  emblems,  worship  was  paid  every  morning  at 
the  rising  of  the  sun.  —  J.  T.  S.] 


220  ALEXANDER    SEVERUS.  [a.  D.  232. 

over  the  Tigris.  But  his  ill  fortune  induced  him  to  attack 
the  invincible  Atra,  and  he  was  forced  to  retire  with  loss  and 
disgrace.  He  then  turned  his  arms  against  the  Medes,  and 
some  other  of  the  more  northern  tribes,  and  when  he  had 
reduced  them,  he  again  invaded  Mesopotamia,  (232.)  Alex- 
ander now  resolved  to  take  the  command  of  his  troops  in 
person.  He  left  Rome,  followed  by  the  tears  and  prayers 
of  the  people,  and  proceeded  through  lUyricum  to  the  East. 
On  his  march,  the  strictest  discipline  was  maintained,  while 
every  attention  was  paid  to  the  wants  of  the  soldiers,  and 
care  taken,  that  they  should  be  abundantly  supplied  with 
clothes  and  arms.  The  emperor  himself  used  the  same  fare 
as  the  men  ;  and  he  caused  his  tent  to  be  thrown  open  w lien 
he  was  at  his  meals,  that  they  might  perceive  his  mode 
of  life. 

Alexander  halted  at  Antioch,  to  make  preparations  for 
the  war ;  meantime,  he  sent  an  embassy,  with  proposals  of 
peace,  to  Artaxerxes.  The  Persian,  in  return,  sent  four 
hundred  of  his  most  stately  men,  splendidly  clothed  and 
armed,  to  order  the  Romans  to  quit  Asia;  and,  if  we  can 
believe  Herodian,  (for  the  circumstance  is  almost  incredible,) 
Alexander  was  so  regardless  of  the  laws  of  nations,  as  to 
seize  and  strip  them,  and  send  them  prisoners  to  Phrygia. 
It  is  also  said  that,  while  he  was  at  Antioch,  finding  that 
some  of  the  soldiers  frequented  the  Paphian  grove  of  Daphne, 
he  cast  them  into  prison ;  and  that,  when  a  mutiny  broke 
out  in  the  legion  to  which  they  belonged,  he  ascended  his 
tribunal,  had  the  prisoners  brought  before  him,  and  ad- 
dressed their  comrades,  who  stood  around  in  arms,  dwelling 
on  the  necessity  of  maintaining  discipline.  But,  when  his 
arguments  proved  of  no  effect,  and  they  even  menaced  him 
with  their  arms,  he  cried  out,  in  imitation  of  Cajsar,  "  Q,ui- 
rites,  depart,  and  lay  down  your  arms."  The  legion  obeyed; 
and  the  men,  no  longer  soldiers,  took  up  their  abode  in  the 
houses  of  the  town,  instead  of  the  camp.  After  a  month, 
the  emperor  was  prevailed  on  to  pardon  them,  but  he  pun- 
ished their  tribunes  with  death ;  and  this  legion  was  hence- 
forth equally  distinguished  by  valor  and  fidelity. 

In  imitation  of  Alexander  the  Great,  the  emperor  formed 
six  of  his  legions  into  a  phalanx  of  thirty  thousand  men,  to 
whom  he  gave  higher  pay.  He  also  had,  like  that  conquer- 
or, bodies  of  men  distinguished  by  gold-adorned  and  silver- 
adorned  shields  —  Chrysoaspids  and  Argyroaspids. 

The  details  of  the  war  cannot  be  learned  with  any  cer- 


A.  D.  235.]  PERSIAN    WAR.  221 

tainty.  One  historian  says  that  Alexander  made  three  di- 
visions of  his  army  ;  one  of  which  was  to  enter  Media  tlirough 
Armenia,  another  Persia  at  the  junction  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates,  while  the  emperor  was  in  person  to  lead  the 
third  through  Mesopotamia,  and  all  were  to  join  in  the  en- 
emy's country  ;  but  that,  owing  to  the  timidity  of  Alexander, 
who  loitered  on  the  way,  the  second  division  was  cut  to 
pieces,  and  the  first  nearly  all  perisiied  while  retreating 
throujih  Armenia  in  the  winter.  This  account  labors  under 
many  difficulties ;  for  the  emperor  certainly  triumphed  on 
his  return  to  Rome;  and,  in  his  speech  to  the  senate  on  that 
occasion,  he  asserted  that,  of  700  war  elephants,  which  were 
in  the  enemy's  array,  he  had  killed  "200,  and  taken  300 ;  of 
1,000  scythed  chariots,  he  had  taken  200;  and  of  120,000 
heavy-armed  horsemen,  he  had  slain  10,000,  beside  taking  a 
great  number  of  prisoners.  It  further  appears  that,  though 
Alexander  did  not  remain  in  the  East,  the  Persian  monarch 
made  no  further  attempts  on  Mesopotamia  for  some  years. 

The  Germans  had  taken  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the 
emperor  and  the  greater  part  of  tiie  troops  in  the  East,  to 
pass  the  Rhine  and  ravage  Gaul.  Alexander,  therefore, 
leaving  sufficient  garrisons  in  Syria,  led  home  the  Illyrian 
and  other  legions  ;  and,  having  celebrated  a  triumph  for  the 
Persian  war  at  Rome,  where  he  was  received  vvith  the  most 
abundant  demonstrations  of  joy,  he  departed  with  a  large 
army  for  the  defence  of  Gaul.  The  Germans  retired  at  his 
approach ;  he  advanced  to  the  Rhine,  and  took  up  liTs-^vifl- 
ter  quarters  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mentz,  with  the  in- 
tention of  opening  the  campaign  beyond  the  river  in  the 
spring,  (235.) 

The  narratives  of  the  events  of  this  reign  are  so  very  dis- 
cordant, that  we  cannot  hope  often  to  arrive  at  the  real  truth. 
In  no  part  are  they  more  at  variance  than  in  their  account 
of  the  circumstances  of  the  emperor's  death.  We  can  only 
collect  that,  whether  from  his  effiarts  to  restore  discipline, 
from  the  intrigues  of  Maximitr,  an  ambitious  officer  who  had 
the  charge  of  disciplining  the  young  troops,  or  from  some 
other  cause,  a  general  discontent  prevailed  in  the  army,  and 
that  Alexander  was  assassinated  in  his  tent,  either  by  his 
own  guards  or  by  a  party  sent  for  the  purpose  by  Maximin, 
and  that  his  mother  and  several  of  his  friends  perished  with 
him.  The  troops  forthwith  proclaimed  Maximin  empe- 
ror J  and  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome,  deeply  lamenting 
19* 


222  ALEXANDER    SEVERUS.  [a.  D.  235. 

the  fate  of  the  virtuous  Alexander,  were  forced  to  acquiesce 
in  the  choice  of  the  army. 

Alexander  had  reigned  thirteen  years.  Even  the  histo- 
rian least  partial  to  him,  acknowledges  that  toward  his  sub- 
jects his  conduct  was  blameless,  and  that  no  bloodshed  or 
unjust  condemnations  stain  the  annals  of  his  reign.  His 
fault  seems  to  have  been  a  certain  degree  of  effeminacy 
and  weakness,  the  consequence,  probably,  of  his  Syrian 
origin,  which  led  to  his  extreme  submission  to  his  mother, 
against  whom  the  charges  of  avarice  and  meanness  are  not 
perhaps  wholly  unfounded.* 

Dion  Cassius,  whose  history  ends  with  this  reign,  gives 
the  following  view  of  the  numbers  and  disposition  of  the  le- 
gions at  this  period. t  Of  the  twenty-five  which  were  formed 
by  Augustus, J  only  nineteen  remained,  the  rest  having  been 
broken  or  distributed  through  the  others ;  but  the  emperors, 
from  Nero  to  Severus,  inclusive,  had  formed  thirteen  new 
ones,  and  the  whole  now  amounted  to  thirty-two  legions. 
Of  these,  three  were  in  Britain,  one  in  Upper  and  two  in 
Lower  Germany,  one  in  Italy,  one  in  Spain,  one  in  Numid- 
ia,  one  in  Arabia,  two  in  Palestine,  one  in  Phcenicia,  two  in 
Syria,  two  in  Mesopotamia,  two  in  Cappadocia,  two  in  Low- 
er and  one  in  Upper  Mcesia,  two  in  Dacia,  and  four  in  Pan- 
nonia,  one  in  Noricum,  and  one  in  Ra^tia.  He  does  not 
tell  us  where  the  two  remaining  ones  were  quartered,  neither 
does  he  give  the  number  of  men  in  a  legion  at  this  time ; 
but  it  is  conjectured  to  have  been  five  thousand. 

*  The  Life  of  Alexander,  by  Lampridius,  in  the  Augustan  History, 
is,  as  Gibbon  observes,  "  the  mere  idea  of  a  perfect  prince  an  awkward 
imitation  of  the  CyropiEdia." 

t  Dion,  Iv.  23.  t  See  above,  p.  36. 


A.  D.  235.]  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  223 


CHAPTER  v.* 

MAXIMIN,  PUPIENUS,  BALBINUS,  AND  GORDI- 
AN,  PHILIP,  DECIUS,  GALLUS,  iEMILIAN, 
VALERIAN,    GALLIENUS. 

A.  u.  988—1021.     A.  D.  235—268. 

THE    EMPIRE. MAXIMIN. IIIS    TYRANNY. INSURRECTION 

IN    AFRICA. THE    GORDIANS. PUPIENUS    AND    BALBINUS. 

DEATH     OF     MAXIMIN.  MURDER     OF    THE     EMPERORS. 

GORDIAN. PERSIAN    WAR.  MURDER    OF    GORDIAN.  

PHILIP. SECULAR  GAMES. DECIUS. DEATH   OF  PHILIP. 

THE    GOTHS. GOTHIC    WAR.  DEATH     OF    DECIUS. 

GALLUS. ^MILIAN. VALERIAN. THE    FRANKS. THE 

ALEMANS.  GOTHIC    INVASIONS.  PERSIAN    WAR.  DE- 
FEAT   AND    CAPTIVITY    OF    VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE 

THIRTY    TYRANTS.  DEATH    OF    GALLIENUS. 

C  Julius  Vcrus  Maximinus. 
A.  u.  988—991.     A.  D.  235— 238\ 

As  we  advance  through  the  history  of  the  Roman  empire, 
we  find  it  deteriorating  at  every  step,  the  traces  of-civil 
government  becoming  continually  more  and  more  evanes- 
cent, and  the  power  of  the  sword  the  only  title  under  which 
obedience  could  be  claimed.  The  government  had,  in  fact, 
been  a  military  despotism  from  the  time  of  Augustus ;  but 
that  prudent  prince,  and  the  best  of  his  successors,  had  con- 
cealed the  odious  truth  beneath  the  forms  of  law  and  civil 
regulations ;  and  perhaps  it  may  be  considered  that  his  own 
reign,  and  the  eighty-four  years  from  Domitian  to  Coinmo- 
dus,  are  among  the  periods  of  the  greatest  happiness  which 
mankind  have  enjoyed ;  absolute  power  being  wielded  by 
wisdom  and  goodness.  Human  nature,  however,  does  not 
permit  such  a  state  to  endure ;  and  the  thirteen  years  of 
Alexander  Severus  form  but  a  gleam  of  sunshine  in  the  po- 
litical gloom  of  the  succeeding  century. 

Elective   monarchy  is  an  evil  of  the  greatest  magnitude. 

*  Authorities :  Herodian,  the  Augustan  History,  Zosimus,  and  the 
Epitomators. 


224  MAxiMiN.  [a.  d.  235. 

He  who  cannot  transmit  his  dominion  to  his  son,  will  be  in 
general  little  solicitous  about  its  future  condition.  Nothing 
was  farther  from  the  intention  of  the  founder  of  the  Roman 
empire  than  that  such  should  be  its  condition  ;  yet  Provi- 
dence seems  to  have  designedly  thwarted  all  the  efforts  made 
to  form  an  hereditary  monarchy.  The  Caesarian  family,  and 
the  good  emperors,  as  they  are  called,  were  but  a  series  of 
adoptions :  a  son  sometimes  succeeded  his  father ;  but  from 
Augustus  till  nearly  the  end  of  the  empire,  the  imperial 
power  never  reached  the  third  generation.  The  fiction  of 
the  two  Syrian  youths  having  been  sons  of  Caracalla,  was 
the  last  faint  effort  made  in  favor  of  the  hereditary  princi- 
ple:  with  Maximin  commenced  a  new  order ;  and  every  sol- 
dier might  now  aspire  to  empire. 

Maximin  was  originally  a  Thracian  peasant,  of  enormous 
size  and  strength;  his  stature,  we  are  told,  exceeded  eight 
feet;  his  wife's  bracelet  made  him  a  thumb-ring;  he  could 
draw  a  loaded  wagon,  break  a  horse's  leg  with  a  kick,  and 
crumble  sandstones  in  his  hands ;  he  often,  it  is  added,  ate 
forty  pounds  of  meat  in  the  day,  and  washed  them  down 
with  seven  gallons  of  wine.  Hence  he  was  named  Hercules, 
Antceus,  and  Milo  of  Croton.  He  became  known  to  the 
emperor  Severus  on  the  occasion  of  his  celebrating  the 
birthday  of  his  son  Geta  one  time  in  Thrace.  The  young 
barbarian  approached  him,  and,  in  broken  Latin,  craved 
permission  to  wrestle  with  some  of  the  strongest  of  the 
camp  followers;  he  vanquished  sixteen  of  them,  and  received 
as  many  prizes,  and  was  admitted  into  the  service.  A  cou- 
ple of  days  after,  Severus,  seeing  him  exulting  at  his  good 
fortune,  spoke  to  a  tribune  about  him  ;  and  Maximin,  per- 
ceiving that  he  was  the  object  of  the  emperor's  discourse, 
began  to  run  on  foot  by  his  horse  ;  Severus,  to  try  his 
speed,  put  his  horse  to  the  gallop;  but  the  young  soldier 
kept  up  with  him  till  the  aged  emperor  was  tired.  Severus 
asked  him  if  he  felt  inclined  to  wrestle  after  his  running;  he 
replied  in  the  affirmative,  and  overthrew  seven  of  the  strong- 
est soldiers.  He  rose  rapidly  in  the  service  under  Severus 
and  his  son;  he  retired  to  his  native  village  when  Macrinus 
seized  the  empire;  he  disdained  to  serve  Elagabalus,  but 
the  accession  of  Alexander  induced  him  to  return  to  Rome. 
He  received  the  command  of  a  legion,  was  made  a  senator, 
and  the  emperor  even  had  thoughts  of  giving  his  sister  in 
marriage  to  the  son  of  the  Thracian  peasant. 

The  first  care  of  Ma.\imin,  when  raised  to  the  empire,  was 


A.  D.  225-236.]       TYRANNY    OF   MAXIMIN.  225 

to  dismiss  from  their  employments  all  who  were  in  the  coun- 
cil or  family  of  his  predecessor ;  and  several  were  put  to  death 
as  conspirators,  lie  speedily  displayed  the  native  ferocity 
of  his  temper;  for  when,  having  completed  a  bridge  of  boats 
over  the  Rhine,  commenced  by  Alexander,  he  was  preparing 
to  pass  over  into  Germany,  a  conspiracy,  headed  by  one 
Magnus,  a  consular,  was  discovered,  the  plan  of  which  was 
to  loose  the  farther  end  of  the  bridtre  when  Maxiinin  had 
passed  over,  and  thus  to  leave  him  in  the  hands  of  the  Ger- 
mans; and,  meantime,  Magnus  was  to  be  proclaimed  em- 
peror. On  this  occasion,  he  massacred  upwards  of  four 
thousand  persons,  without  any  form  of  trial  whatever ;  and 
he  was  accused  of  having  invented  the  conspiracy  with  this 
design. 

A  revolt  of  the  Eastern  archers,*  which  occurred  a  few 
days  after,  being  quelled,  Maximin  led  his  army  into  Ger- 
many. As  no  large  force  opposed  him,  he  wasted  and 
burned  the  country  through  an  extent  of  four  hundred  miles. 
Occasional  skirmishes  took  place  in  the  woods  and  marshes, 
which  gave  Maximin  opportunities  of  displaying  his  personal 
prowess;  and  he  caused  pictures  of  his  victories  to  be 
painted,  which  he  sent  to  Rome,  to  be  placed  ^t  the  door  of 
the  senate-house.  \ 

Maximin  employed  the  two  first  years  of  his  reign  in  wars 
against  the  Germans  and  the  Sarmatians.  His  winter  resi- 
dence was  Sirmium  in  Pannonia,  and  he  nevei'^-Aonde- 
scended  to  visit  Italy.  But  his  absence  was  no  benefit;  for 
Italy,  and  all  parts  of  the  empire,  groaned  alike  beneath  his 
merciless  tyranny.  The  vile  race  of  delators  once  more 
came  into  life ;  men  of  all  ranks  were  dragged  from  every 
part  of  the  empire  to  Pannonia,  where  some  were  sewed  up 
in  the  skins  of  animals,  others  were  exposed  to  wild  beasts, 
others  beaten  to  death  with  clubs,  and  the  properties  of  all 
were  confiscated.  This  had  been  the  usual  course  of  the 
preceding  despotism,  and  the  people  in  general,  therefore, 
took  little  heed  of  it;  but  Maximin  stretched  his  rapacious 
hands  to  the  corporate  funds  of  the  cities  of  the  empire, 
which  were  destined  to  the  support  or  the  amusement  of  the 
people;  and  he  seized  on  the  treasures  of  the  temples,  and 
stripped  the  public  edifices  of  their  ornaments.  The  spirit 
of  disaffection,  thus  excited,  was  general,  and  even  his  sol- 
diers were  wearied  of  his  severity  and  cruelty. 

*  It  was  now  the  practice  to  have  bodies  of  archers  from  the  East  in 
the  Roman  service. 

c  c 


226  MAxiMiN.  [a.  d.  236. 

The  whole  empire  was  now,  therefore,  ripe  for  revolt;  the 
rapacity  of  the  procurator  of  Africa  caused  it  to  break  out 
in  that  province,  (237.)  This  officer,  who  was  worthy  of 
his  master,  had  condemned  two  young  men  of  rank  to  pay 
such  sums  as  would  have  quite  ruined  tliem.  In  despair, 
they  assembled  the  peasantry  on  their  estates,  and,  having 
gained  over  part  of  the  soldiers,  they  one  night  surprised 
the  procurator,  and  slew  him  and  those  who  defended  him. 
Knowing  that  they  had  no  safety  but  in  a  general  revolt, 
they  resolved  to  offer  the  empire  to  M.  Antonius  Gordianus, 
the  governor  of  the  province,  an  illustrious  senator,  of  the 
venerable  age  of  eighty  years.  They  came  to  him  as  he 
was  resting,  after  giving  audience  in  the  mornincr,  and,  fling- 
ing  the  purple  of  a  standard  over  him,  saluted  him  Augus- 
tus. Gordian  declined  the  proffered  dignity ;  but,  when  he 
reflected  that  Maximin  would  never  pardon  a  man  who  had 
been  proclaimed  emperor,  he  deemed  it  the  safer  course  to 
run  the  hazard  of  the  contest,  and  he  consented  to  accept 
the  empire,  making  his  son  his  colleague.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Carthage,  whence  he  wrote  to  the  senate  and  peo- 
ple, and  his  friends  at  Rome,  notifying  his  elevation  to  the 
empire. 

The  intelligence  was  received  with  the  greatest  joy  at 
Rome.  The  two  Gordians  were  declared  Augusti,  and 
Maximin,  and  his  son,  whom  he  had  associated  with  him  in 
the  empire,  and  their  friends,  public  enemies,  and  rewards 
were  promised  to  those  who  would  kill  them  ;  but  the  decree 
was  ordered  to  be  kept  secret  till  all  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions should  have  been  made.  Soon  after,  it  was  given  out 
that  Maximin  was  slain.  The  edicts  of  the  Gordians  were 
then  published,  their  images  and  letters  were  carried  into 
the  praetorian  camp,  and  forthwith  the  people  rose  in  fury, 
cast  down  and  broke  the  images  of  Maximin,  fell  on  and 
massacred  his  officers  and  the  informers ;  and  many  seized 
this  pretext  for  getting  rid  of  their  creditors  and  their  private 
enemies.  Murder  and  pillage  prevailed  through  the  city. 
The  senate,  meantime,  having  advanced  too  far  to  recede, 
wrote  a  circular  to  all  the  governors  of  provinces,  and  ap- 
pointed twenty  of  their  body  to  put  Italy  into  a  state  of 
defence. 

Maximin  was  preparing  to  cross  the  Danube  against  the 
Sarmatians  when  he  heard  of  what  had  taken  place  at  Rome. 
His  rage  and  fury  passed  all  bounds.  He  menaced  the 
whole  of  the  senate  with  bonds  or  death,  and  promised  their 


A.  D.  237-238.]         DEATH    OF    MAXlMIN.  227 

properties,  and  those  of  the  Africans,  to  his  soldiers  ;  but, 
finding  that  they  did  not  show  all  the  alacrity  he  had  expect- 
ed, he  began  to  fear  for  his  power.  His  spirits,  however, 
soon  rose,  when  tidings  came  that  his  rivals  were  no  more : 
for  Capellianiis,  governor  of  Mauretania,  being  ordered  by 
the  Gordians  to  quit  that  province,  marched  against  Car- 
thage at  the  head  of  a  body  of  legionaries  and  Moors.  The 
younger  Gordian  gave  him  battle,  and  was  defeated  and 
slain,  and  his  father,  on  hearing  the  melancholy  tidings, 
strangled  himself  Capellianus  pillaged  Carthage  and  the 
other  towns,  and  exercised  all  the  rights  of  a  conqueror, 
(237.) 

When  the  fatal  tidings  reached  Rome,  the  consternation 
was  great ;  but  the  senate,  seeing  they  could  not  now  re- 
cede, chose  as  emperors,  in  the  place  of  the  Gordians,  M. 
Clodius  Pupienus  Maximus  and  D.  Caelius  Balbinus,  the 
former  to  conduct  the  military,  the  latter  the  civil  affairs  of 
the  state.  To  satisfy  the  people,  a  grandson  of  the  elder 
Gordian,  a  boy  of  twelve  years  of  age,  was  associated  with 
them  as  a  Caesar. 

The  new  emperors  were  elected  about  the  beginning  of 
July,  and  Pupienus  forthwith  left  Rome  to  oppose  Maximin. 
The  remainder  of  the  year  was  spent  on  both  side^  in  making 
preparations  for  the  war,  and  in  the  following  spring  (238) 
Maximin  put  his  troops  in  motion  for  Italy.  He  pa^s^dj^he 
Alps  unopposed,  but  found  the  gates  of  Aquileia  closed 
against  him.  His  offers  of  pardon  being  rejected,  he  laid 
siege  to  the  town  :  it  was  defended  with  the  obstinacy  of 
despair.  Ill  success  augmented  the  innate  ferocity  of  Maxi- 
min ;  he  put  to  death  several  of  his  officers;  these  executions 
irritated  the  soldiers,  who  were  besides  sufferincj  all  kinds  of 
privations,  and  discontent  became  general.  As  Maximin 
was  reposing  one  day  at  noon  in  his  tent,  a  party  of  the 
Alban  soldiers*  approached  it  with  the  intention  of  killing 
him.  They  were  joined  by  his  guards,  and,  when  he  awoke 
and  came  forth  with  his  son,  they  would  not  listen  to  him, 
but  killed  them  both  on  the  spot,  and  cut  off  their  heads. 
Maximin's  principal  ministers  shared  his  fate.  His  reign 
had  lasted  only  three  years. 

•  See  above,  p.  208. 


228  PUPIENUS,    BALBINUS,    GORDIAN.         [a.  D.  238. 


M.  Clodius  Pupicnus  Maximus,  D.    Cmlius  Balbinus,  and 
M.  Antonius  Gordianus. 

A.  u.  991—997.     A.  D.  233—244. 

The  joy  at  Rome  was  extreme  when  the  news  of  the  death 
of  Maximin  arrived.  Pupienus,  who  was  at  Ravenna,  has- 
tened to  Aquileia,  and  received  the  submission  of  the  army. 
He  distributed  money  to  the  legions,  and  then,  sending  them 
back  to  their  usual  quarters,  returned  to  Rome  with  the 
praetorians  and  a  part  of  the  army  of  the  Rhine,  in  which  he 
could  confide.  He  and  his  colleagues  entered  the  city  in  a 
kind  of  triumph.' 

The  administration  of  Pupienus  and  Balbinus  was  of  the 
best  kind;  and  the  senate  and  people  congratulated  them- 
selves on  the  choice  they  had  made.  But  the  praetorians 
were  far  from  being  contented  ;  they  felt  as  if  robbed  of 
their  right  of  appointing  an  emperor;  and  tliey  were  an- 
noyed at  the  German  troops  being  retained  in  the  city,  as 
arguing  a  distrust  of  themselves.  Unfortunately,  too,  there 
prevailed  a  secret  jealousy  between  the  two  emperors,  and  it 
is  probable  that  concord  would  not  long  have  subsisted  be- 
tween them  under  any  circumstances. 

The  praetorians,  having  to  no  purpose  sought  a  pretext  for 
getting  rid  of  the  emperors,  at  length  took  advantage  of  the 
celebration  of  the  Capitoline  games,  at  which  almost  every 
one  was  present,  and  the  emperors  remained  nearly  alone  in 
the  palace.  They  proceeded  thither  in  fury.  Pupienus, 
when  aware  of  their  approach,  proposed  to  send  for  the 
Germans  ;  but  Balbinus,  fearing  that  it  was  meant  to  employ 
them  against  himself,  refused  his  consent.  Meantime  the 
prajtorians  arrived,  forced  the  entrance,  seized  the  two  aged 
emperors,  tore  their  garments,  treated  them  with  every  kind 
of  indignity,  and  were  dragging  them  to  their  camp,  till, 
hearing  that  the  Germans  were  coming  to  their  aid,  they 
killed  them,  and  left  their  bodies  lying  in  the  street.  They 
carried  the  young  Gordian  with  them  to  their  camp,  where 
they  proclaimed  him  emperor;  and  the  senate,  the  people, 
and  the  provinces,  readily  acquiesced  in  his  elevation. 

The  youthful  emperor  was  the  object  of  general  affection; 
the  soldiers  called  him  their  child,  the  senate  their  son,  the 
people  their  delight.  He  was  of  a  lively  and  agreeable  tem- 
per; and  he  was  zealous  in  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  in 


A.  D.  238-244.]       MURDER    OF    GORDIAN.  229 

order  that  he  might  not  be  deceived  by  those  about  him.  In 
the  first  years,  however,  of  his  reign,  public  affairs  were  in- 
differenily  managed.  His  mother,  who  was  not  a  Mamsea, 
allowed  her  eunuchs  and  frcedmcn  to  sell  all  the  great  offices 
of  the  state,  (perhaps  she  shared  in  their  gains,)  and  in  con- 
sequence many  improper  appointments  were  made.  But 
the  marriage  of  the  young  emperor  (241)  brought  about  a 
thorough  reformation.  He  espoused  the  daughter  of  Misi- 
theus,  a  man  distinguished  in  the  cultivation  of  letters,  and 
he  made  his  father-in-law  his  pr;ctorian  prefect,  and  guided 
himself  by  his  counsels.  Misilheus,  who  was  a  man  of  virtue 
and  talent  as  well  as  of  learning,  discharged  the  duties  of  his 
office  in  the  ablest  manner. 

A  Persian  war  soon  called  the  emperor  to  the  East,  (242.) 
Sapor,  (Shnhpoor,)  the  son  and  successor  of  Artaxerxes,  had 
invaded  Mesopotamia,  taken  Nisibis,  Carrha?,  and  other 
towns,  and  menaced  Antioch.  But  the  able  conduct  of 
Misitheus,  when  the  emperor  arrived  in  Syria,  speedily  as- 
sured victory  to  the  Roman  arms;  the  towns  were  all  recov- 
ered, and  the  Persian  monarch  was  obliged  to  repass  the 
Tigris.  Unfortunately  for  Gordian  and  the  einpire,  Misi- 
theus  died  in  the  following  year,  (243,)  to  the  great  regret 
of  the  whole  army,  by  whom  he  was  both  beloved  and 
feared.  The  office  of  pr.-Etorian  prefect  was  giv^  to  M. 
Julius  Philippus,  who  is  accused,  though  apparently  wtthout 
reason,  of  having  caused  the  death  of  his  predecessor. 
Now,  however,  having  in  effect  the  command  of  the  army, 
Philip  aspired  to  the  empire.  He  spoke  disparagingly  of 
the  youth  of  Gurdian;  lie  contrived,  by  diverting  the  sup- 
plies, to  cause  the  army  to  be  in  want,  and  then  laid  the 
blame  on  the  emperor.  At  length,  (244,)  after  a  victory 
gained  over  the  Persians  on  the  banks  of  the  Abora,  he  led 
the  troops  into  a  country  where  no  provisions  could  be  pro- 
cured ;  a  mutiny  in  consequence  ensued,  in  which  the  em- 
peror was  slain,  and  Philip  was  proclaimed  in  his  place. 
Gordian  was  only  nineteen  years  of  age  when  he  met  his 
untimely  f  ite ;  he  had  reigned  five  years  and  eight  months. 
The  soldiers  raised  him  a  tomb  on  the  spot,  and  the  senate 
placed  him  among  the  gods. 

CONTIN.  20 


230  PHiLippus.  [a.  d.  244-249. 

M.  Julius  Philippus. 
A.  u.  997—1002.     A.  D.  244—249. 

The  adventurer  who  had  now  attained  the  imperial  purple 
was  an  Arab  by  birth,  and  it  is  even  pretended  a  Christian 
in  religion.  Pie  probably  entered  the  Roman  service  in  his 
youth,  and  gradually  rose  to  rank  in  the  army. 

Being  anxious  to  proceed  to  Rome,  Philip  lost  no  time  in 
concluding  a  treaty  with  Sapor.  He  then,  after  a  short  stay 
at  Antioch,  set  out  for  Italy.  At  Rome,  he  used  every 
means  to  conciliate  the  senators  by  liberality  and  kindness; 
and  he  never  mentioned  the  late  emperor  but  in  terms  of 
respect.  To  gain  the  affections  of  the  people,  he  formed  a 
reservoir  to  supply  with  water  the  part  of  the  city  beyond 
the  Tiber. 

In  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  (248,)  Rome  having  then 
attained  her  one  thousandth  year,  Philip,  in  conjunction 
with  his  son,  now  associated  with  him  in  the  empire,  cele- 
brated with  great  magnificence  the  secular  games.  These 
had  been  already  solemnized  by  Augustus,  by  Claudius, 
by  Domitian,  and  Severus,  and  Rome  now  witnessed  them 
for  the  last  time. 

Philip  would  appear  to  have  acted  unwisely  in  committing 
extensive  commands  to  his  own  relations ;  for,  in  Syria, 
where  his  brother  Priscus,  and  in  Moesia,  where  his  father- 
in-law,  Severianus,  commanded,  rival  emperors  were  pro- 
claimed. The  Syrian  rebel  was  named  Jotapianus ;  the 
Moesian  was  a  centurion,  named  P.  Carvilius  Marinus. 
Philip,  it  is  said,  in  alarm,  called  on  the  senate  to  support 
him,  or  to  accept  his  resignation,  (249  ;)  but  while  the  other 
senators  maintained  silence,  Decius,  a  man  of  rank  and 
talent,  reassured  him,  speaking  slightingly  of  the  rebels,  and 
asserting  that  they  could  not  stand  against  him.  His  pre- 
diction proved  correct ;  for  they  both  were  shortly  after 
slain.  Philip  then  obliged  Decius,  much,  it  is  said,  against 
his  inclination,  to  take  the  command  of  the  Mojsian  and 
Pannonian  legions.  But  when  Decius  reached  the  army, 
the  soldiers  insisted  on  investing  him  with  the  purple.  He 
wrote  to  the  emperor,  assuring  him  of  his  fidelity  ;  but  Philip 
would  not  trust  to  his  declarations,  and,  leaving  his  son  at 
Rome  with  a  part  of  the  praetorians,  he  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  troops  to  chastise  him.     The  armies  met  near 


A.  D.  249-251.]  GOTHIC  WAR.  231 

Verona;  Philip  was  defeated  and  slain,  and  when  the  news 
reached  Rome,  the  prajtorians  slew  his  son  and  proclaimed 
Decius. 


C.  Mcssiiis  Quintus   Trajanus  Decius. 
A.  u.  1003—1004.     A.D.  249—251. 

Decius  was  born  at  Bubalia,  a  town  near  Sirmium,  in 
Pannonia.  He  was  either  forty-eight  or  fifty-eight  years  of 
age,  it  is  uncertain  which,  when  he  was  proclaimed  empe- 
ror;  and,  from  the  imperfect  accounts  which  we  have  of  his 
reign,  he  would  seem  to  have  been  a  man  of  considerable 
ability.  His  reign  was,  however,  brief  and  unquiet.  It  had 
hardly  commenced,  when  he  had  to  go  in  person  to  quell  an 
insurrection  in  Gaul,  and  all  the  rest  of  it  was  occupied  in 
war  with  the  Goths. 

This  people,  whose  original  seats  seem  to  have  been  the 
Scandinavian  peninsula,  had  at  an  early  period  crossed  the 
Baltic,  and  settled  on  its  southern  coast.  They  had  gradu- 
ally advanced  southwards,  and  they  now  had  reached  the 
Euxine.  In  the  time  of  Alexander  Severus,  they  h^  made 
inroads  into  Dacia;  and  in  that  of  Philip,  they  ravaged^^oth 
that  province  and  Moesia.  In  the  first  year  of  Decius,  (250,) 
the  Gothic  king  Cniva  passed  the  Danube  at  the  head  of 
70,000  warriors,  and  laid  siege  to  the  town  of  Eustesium, 
(Novi ;)  being  repelled  by  the  Roman  general  Gallus,  he 
advanced  against  Nicopolis,  whence  he  was  driven  by  the 
emperor  or  his  son,  (it  is  uncertain  which,)  with  a  loss  of 
80,000  men.  Undismayed  by  his  reverses,  he  crossed  Mount 
HcEmus,  in  the  hope  of  surprising  Philippopolis;  Decius  fol- 
lowed him,  but  his  camp  at  Beriea  was  surprised  by  the 
Goths,  and  his  troops  were  cut  to  pieces.  Philippopolis 
stood  a  siege  of  some  duration;  but  it  was  taken,  and  the 
greater  part  of  its  inhabitants  were  massacred.  The  Goths 
now  spread  their  ravages  into  Macedonia,  the  governor  of 
which,  Philip's  brother  Priscus,  assumed  the  purple  under 
their  protection. 

It  seems  most  probable  that  it  was  the  younger  Decius 
who  met  with  these  reverses,  for  the  emperor  must  have 
been  at  Rome,  as  we  find  that,  on  his  leaving  it,  (251,)  to 
direct  the  Gothic  war,  a  person  named  Julius  Valens  was 
declared  emperor,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  people.     He  was, 


232  CALLUS.  [a.  d.  252. 

however,  killed  shortly  after.  Decius,  who  was  worthy  of 
empire,  was,  meantime,  amidst  the  cares  of  war,  engaged  in 
the  visionary  project  of  restoring  the  long-departed  public 
virtue  which  had  once  ennobled  Rome.  With  this  view  he 
proposed  to  revive  the  office  of  censor;  and,  the  choice  of 
the  person  being  left  to  the  senate,  they  unanimously  voted 
it  (Oct.  27)  to  P.  Licinius  Valerianus,  as  being  the  man 
most  worthy  of  it.  The  decree  was  transmitted  to  the  em- 
peror, who  was  in  Thrace;  he  read  it  aloud  in  a  large 
assembly,  and  exhorted  Valerian,  who  was  present,  to  accept 
the  proffered  dignity.  Valerian  would  fain  excuse  himself. 
We  know  not  if  the  emperor  was  satisfied  with  his  excuses, 
but,  from  the  turn  which  public  affairs  took,  the  censorship 
was  never  exercised. 

Decius  was  successful  against  the  Goths,  who  offered  to 
surrender  their  booty  and  prisoners  if  allowed  to  re|)ass  the 
Danube ;  but  the  emperor,  who  was  resolved  to  strike  such 
a  blow  as  would  daunt  the  barbarians,  and  make  them 
henceforth  respect  the  Roman  arms,  refused  all  terms. 
The  Goths,  therefore,  gave  him  battle  in  a  place  where  a 
part  of  their  front  was  covered  by  a  morass.  The  younger 
Decius  was  slain  by  an  arrow  in  the  beginning  of  the  action  ; 
but  the  emperor,  crying  out  that  the  loss  of  one  soldier  did 
not  signify,  led  on  his  troops.  In  the  attempt  to  cross  the 
morass,  they  were  pierced  by  the  arrows  of  the  enemy,  or 
swallowed  up  in  the  mire,  and  the  body  of  the  emperor  was 
never  found. 


C.    Vihius   Trehonianus   Gallus. 

A.  u.  1005— lOOG.     A.D.  252—253. 

The  senate,  it  is  said,  but  more  probably  the  army,  con- 
ferred the  vacant  purple  on  Gallus,  the  governor  of  Moesia. 
He  adopted  Hostiliaiius,  the  remaining  son*  of  Decius,  and 
gave  him  the  title  of  Augustus;  but  this  youth  dying  soon 
after  of  the  plague,  Gallus  associated  his  own  son  Volusia- 
nus  in  the  empire.  Unable,  probably,  to  resist  the  victorious 
Goths,  Gallus  agreed  that  they  should  depart  with  their 
booty  and  prisoners,  and  even  consented  to  pay  them  annu- 
ally a  large  sum  of  gold.  He  then  set  out  for  Rome,  where 
he  remained  for  the  rest  of  his  reign,  ruling  with  great  mild- 
ness and  equity. 


A.D.  253.]  JEMILIAN,  hc.  233 

The  Goths  and  their  allies,  heedless  of  treaties,  again 
(253)  poured  over  the  Danube;  but  iEmilianus,  the  gov- 
ernor of  McEsia,  gave  tlietn  a  signal  defeat,  and  his  victo- 
rious troops  forthwith  proclaimed  him  emperor.  Without  a 
moment's  delay,  he  put  them  in  motion  for  Rome.  Gallus 
advanced  to  engage  him ;  the  troops  came  in  sight  of  each 
other  at  Interamna,  {Terni,)  and  those  of  Gallus,  seeing 
themselves  the  weaker,  and  gained  by  the  promises  of  JEmil- 
ianus,  murdered  the  emperor  and  his  son,  and  passed  over 
to  the  side  of  the  rebel. 


C.  Julius  j^milianus. 


.^milianus  is  said  to  have  been  a  Moor  by  birth.  Of  his 
previous  history  nothing  is  known.  He  wrote  to  the  senate, 
to  say  that  they  should  have  the  whole  civil  administration, 
and  that  he  would  be  no  more  than  their  general;  and  that 
assembly  readily  acquiesced  in  his  elevation.  \ 

But  Valerian  had  been  sent  by  Gallus  to  fetch  tnelegions 
of  Gaul  and  Germany  to  his  aid ;  and  these  troops,  a^~-SQon 
as  they  heard  of  his  death,  proclaimed  their  general  emperor. 
He  led  them  into  Italy;  and  the  troops  of  vEmilianus,  which 
were  encamped  at  Spoleto,  fearing  the  strength  and  number 
of  the  advancing  army,  murdered  their  emperor  to  obviate 
a  conflict.  The  reign  of  ^milianus  had  not  lasted  four 
months. 


P.  Licinius  Valcrianus  and  P.  Licinius  Gallienus. 
A.  u.  1006—1013.     A.  D.  253—260. 

Valerian  is  said  to  have  been  sixty  years  of  age  when  thus 
raised  to  the  empire.  Feeling  the  infirmities  of  age,  or  in 
imitation  of  the  practice  of  so  many  preceding  emperors,  he 
associated  with  him  his  son  Gallienus,  a  young  man  devoid 
neither  of  courage  nor  ability,  but  immoderately  addicted 
to  pleasure. 

Had  the  Roman  empire  been  in  the  condition  in  which  it 
was  left  by  Augustus,  Valerian  might  have  emulated  that 
emperor,  and  have  displayed  his  virtues  and  beneficence  in 
promoting  the  happiness  of  his  subjects.    But  a  great  change 

20*  DD 


234  VALERIAN    AND    GALLIENUS.  [a.  D.   253. 

had  taken  place  in  the  condition  of  Rome ;  her  legions  no 
longer  inspired  tlieir  ancient  terror ;  her  northern  and  east- 
ern provinces  were  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  those  who  had 
formerly  cowered  before  her  eagles.  Valerian  could  there- 
fore only  exhibit  his  wisdom  in  the  selection  of  his  generals ; 
and  it  is  to  be  observed  that  his  choice  never  fell  on  an  un- 
worthy subject. 

The  enemies  by  whom  the  empire  was  assailed  at  this 
period,  were  the  Franks,  the  Alemans,  the  Goths,  and  the 
Persians.  As  the  scanty  notices  o£  these  times  do  not  enable 
us  to  arrange  events  chronologically,  we  will  give  a  separate 
view  of  the  wars,  with  each  of  these  peoples,  during  the 
reigns  of  Valerian  and  his  son. 

We  have  already  observed  the  proneness  of  the  German 
tribes  to  form  confederations.  The  Chaucans,  Cheruscans, 
Chattans,  and  some  adjoining  states,  had  lately,  it  would 
seem,  entered  into  one  of  these  political  unions,  under  the 
name  of  Franks,  /.  c.  Freemen.  Their  strength  and  number 
now  causing  uneasiness  for  Gaul,  the  young  emperor,  Gallie- 
nus,  was  sent  to  that  country;  but  the  chief  military  com- 
mand was  conferred  on  Postumius,  a  man  of  considerable 
ability.  The  arms  of  the  legions  were  successful  in  various 
encounters  ;  but  they  were  finally  unable  to  prevent  the  pas- 
sage of  an  army  of  the  Franks  through  Gaul,  whence,  sur- 
mounting the  barrier  of  the  Pyrenees,  they  poured  down  into 
the  now  unwarlike  Spain.  The  rich  city  of  Tarragona  was 
taken  and  sacked ;  the  whole  country  was  devastated,  and 
the  Franks,  then  seizing  the  vessels  which  they  found  in  the 
ports,  embarked  to  ravage  Africa.  We  know  not  what  was 
their  ultimate  fate ;  they  were  probably,  however,  destroyed 
in  detail  by  the  Roman  troops  and  the  provincials. 

A  portion  of  the  great  Suevian  confederation  had  formed 
a  new  combination,  under  the  name  of  Alemans,  i.  c.  All- 
men,  on  account  of  the  variety  of  tribes  which  composed  it. 
Like  the  Suevians,  their  forces  were  chiefly  composed  of 
cavalry,  with  active  footmen  mingled  with  them  ;  *  and  they 
always  proved  a  formidable  foe.  While  Gallienus  was  in 
Gaul,  a  body  of  them  entered  Italy,  penetrated  as  far  as  Ra- 
venna, and  their  advanced  troops  came  nearly  within  sight 
of  Rome.  The  senate  drew  out  the  praetorian  guards,  and 
added  to  them  a  portion  of  the  populace  to  oppose  them  ; 
and-the  barbarians,  finding  themselves  greatly  outnumbered, 

•  The  Hamippi  of  the  Greeks.     See  Hist,  of  Greece,  p.  219. 


A.  D.  258-262.]         GOTHIC    INVASIONS.  235 

hastened  to  get  beyond  the  Danube  with  their  plunder. 
Gallieiius,  it  is  said,  was  so  much  alarmed  at  the  spirit  and 
energy  shown  by  the  senate  on  this  occasion,  that  he  issued 
an  edict  interdicting  all  military  employments  to  the  sena- 
tors, and  even  prohibiting  their  access  to  the  camps  of  the 
legions.  It  is  added  that  the  luxurious  nobles  viewed  this 
indignity  as  a  favor  rather  than  an  insult. 

Gallienus  is  also  said  to  have  overcome  a  large  army  of 
Alemans  in  the  vicinity  of  Milan.*  He  afterwards  espoused 
Pipa,  daughter  of  the  king  of  the  Marcomans,  (one  of  the 
confederates,)  to  whom  he  gave  a  territory  in  Pannonia,  as  a 
means  of  averting  the  hostilities  of  the  barbarians. 

The  Goths  were  now  masters  of  the  northern  coast  of  the 
Euxine;  and,  finding  their  attacks  on  the  northern  provinces 
generally  repelled  with  vigor,  they  resolved  to  direct  their 
efforts  against  more  unwarlike  districts.  Collecting  a  quan- 
tity of  the  vessels  used  for  navigating  the  Euxine,  they  em- 
barked (253)  and  crossed  that  sea.  They  made  their  first 
attempt  on  the  frontier  town  of  Pityus,  which  was  long  ably 
defended  against  them  ;  but  they  at  length  succeeded  in 
reducing  it.  They  thence  sailed  to  the  wealthy  city  61 
Trebizond,  {Trapczus ;)  and,  though  it  was  defended  by  a 
numerous  garrison,  they  effected  an  entrance  during  the 
night.  The  cowardly  garrison  fled  without  making  any  re- 
sistance ;  the  inhabitants  were  massacred  in  great  numbers; 
the  booty  and  captives  were  immense,  and  the  victors,  having 
ravaged  the  province  of  Pontus,  embarl^ed  there  on  board 
of  the  ships  which  they  found  in  the  harbors,  and  returned 
to  their  settlement  in  the  Tauric  Chersonese. 

The  next  expedition  of  the  Goths  was  directed  to  the 
Bosporus,  (261.)  They  took  and  plundered  Chalcedon  and 
Nicomedia,  Nica^a,  Apamaja,  Prusa,  and  other  cities  of  Bi- 
thynia.  The  accidental  swelling  of  the  little  river  Rhynda- 
cus  saved  the  town  of  Cyzicus  from  pillage. 

The  third  expedition  of  the  Goths  was  on  a  larger  scale, 
(262.)  Their  fleet  consisted  of  five  hundred  vessels  of  all 
sizes.  They  sailed  along  the  Bosporus  and  Propontis;  took 
and  plundered  Cyzicus;  passed  the  Hellespont,  and  entered 
the  .iEgean.  They  directed  their  course  to  the  Piraseus; 
Athens  could  offer  no  resistance;  the  Goths  ravaged  Greece 
with  impunity,  and  advanced  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic. 
Gallienus  roused  himself  from  his  pleasures,  and  appeared  in 

*  Zonaras,  xii.     He  saya  the  Alemans  were  300,000,  the  Romans 
only  10,000  strong. 


236 


VALERIAN    AND    GALLIENUS.        [a.D.  259-260. 


arms.  A  Herulan  chief  with  his  men  was  induced  to  enter 
the  Roman  service  ;  the  Goths,  weakened  by  this  defection, 
broke  up;  a  part  forced  their  way  to  the  Danube  over  land; 
the  rest  embarked,  and,  pillaging  and  burning  the  temple  of 
Diana  at  Ephesus  on  their  way,  returned  to  the  Euxine. 

Sapor,  of  Persia,  had  been  long  engaged  in  war  with 
Chosroes,  king  of  Armenia,  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Arsa- 
ces.  Unable  to  reduce  the  brave  Armenian,  he  caused  him 
to  be  assassinated ;  and  Armenia  then  received  the  Persian 
yoke.  Elated  with  his  success,  Sapor  invaded  the  Roman  ter- 
ritory, took  Nisibis  and  Carrhse,  and  spread  his  ravages  over 
Mesopotamia.  Valerian,  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the  East- 
ern provinces,  proceeded  thither  in  person,  (259.)  The 
events  of  the  war  which  ensued  have  not  reached  us.  All 
that  we  know  with  certainty  is,  that  Valerian  was  finally  de- 
feated and  made  a  captive,  (260.)  The  circumstances  of  his 
capture  were  somewhat  similar  to  those  of  the  taking  of 
Crassus.  His  army,  by  ignorance  or  treachery,  got  into  a 
position  where  neither .  discipline  nor  courage  could  avail, 
being  without  supplies  and  suffering  from  disease.  The  sol- 
diers clamored  for  a  capitulation ;  Sapor  detained  the  depu- 
ties that  were  sent  to  him,  and  led  his  troops  up  to  the  camp ; 
and  Valerian  was  obliged  to  consent  to  a  conference,  at 
which  he  was  made  a  prisoner. 

Valerian  ended  his  days  a  captive  in  Persia.  We  are  told 
that  Sapor  treated  him  with  every  kind  of  indignity ;  that 
he  led  him  about  in  chains  clad  in  his  imperial  purple;  that, 
vyhen  the  haughty  Persian  would  mount  his  horse,  the  cap- 
tive emperor  was  made  to  go  on  his  hands  and  knees  to 
serve  as  his  horse-block;  and  that,  when  death  at  length 
released  him  from  his  sufferings,  his  skin  was  stripped  off, 
tanned,  and  stuffed,  and  placed  in  one  of  the  most  celebrated 
temples  of  Persia.  The  sufferings  of  Valerian  are,  however, 
probably  of  the  same  kind  with  the  tortures  of  Regulus  and 
the  iron  cage  of  Bajazet  —  gross  exaggerations  of  some  degree 
of  ill  treatment  or  of  necessary  precaution. 


P.  Licinius  Gallienus. 

A.  u.  1013—1021.     A.  D.  260—268. 

The  captivity  of  Valerian  was  lamented  by  all  but  his  son, 
who  felt  himself  relieved  by  it  from  the  restraint  imposed  on 


A.D.  260.]  THE    THIRTY    TYRANTS.  237 

him  by  his  father's  virtue.  lie  even  affected  to  act  the  phi- 
losoplier  on  the  occasion,  saying,  in  imitation  of  Xenophon, 
"  I  knew  that  my  father  was  mortal ; "  but  he  never  made 
any  attempt  to  procure  his  liberty,  and  he  abandoned  him- 
self witliout  restraint  to  sensual  indulgence. 

The  reign  of  Gallienus  is  termed  the  Time  of  the  Thirty 
Tyrants.  This  word  seems  to  have  recovered  its  ancient 
Grecian  sense,  and  to  have  merely  signified  prince,  or  rather 
usurper,  that  is,  one  who  claims  the  supreme  power  already 
held  by  another.  The  tyrants  of  this  time  were,  in  general, 
men  of  excellent  character,  who  had  been  placed  in  the  com- 
mand of  armies  by  Valerian,  and  were  invested  with  the  pur- 
ple by  their  soldiers,  often  against  their  will.  The  number 
of  these  usurpers,  who  rose  and  fell  in  succession,  did  not 
exceed  eighteen  or  nineteen;  but  some  very  fanciful  analogy 
led  to  a  comparison  of  them  with  the  Thirty  of  Athens,  and 
in  the  Augustan  History  an  effort  is  made,  by  including 
women  and   children,  to  raise  them  to  that  number. 

The  East,  Illyricum,  Gaul,  Greece,  and  Egypt,  were  the 
places  in  wliich  these  tyrants  appeared.  We  will  notice 
them  in  order. 

After  the  defeat  of  Valerian,  Sapor  conferred  the  title  of 
emperor  on  a  person  named  Cyriades,  the  son  of  a  citizen 
of  Antiocli.  This  vassal  forthwith  conducted  the  Persian 
troops  to  the  pillage  of  his  native  city ;  and  so  rapid  and  so 
secret  was  their  march,  that  they  surprised  the  Antiochenes 
while  engaged  at  the  theatre.  The  massacre  and  devasta- 
tion usual  in  the  East  ensued.  The  Persian  monarch  then 
poured  his  troops  into  Cilicia,  took  and  plundered  Tarsus 
and  other  towns  ;  then,  crossing  Mount  Taurus,  he  laid  siege 
to  Ca3sarea  in  Cappadocia,  a  city  with  400,000  inhabitants. 
It  was  stoutly  defended  for  some  time  ;  but  treachery  at  length 
delivered  it  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  and  massacre  and 
pillage  followed.  Sapor  now  spread  his  ravages  on  all  sides; 
but  the  Roman  troops,  having  rallied  under  the  command 
of  Ser.  Anicius  Ballista,  who  had  been  pra3torian  prefect, 
checked  his  career,  and,  as  he  was  retiring  towards  his  own 
states,  he  found  himself  assailed  by  an  unexpected  enemy. 

Soon  after  the  defeat  and  capture  of  Valerian,  a  train  of 
camels  laden  with  presents  entered  the  camp  of  Sapor. 
They  were  accompanied  by  a  letter  from  Odenatus,  a 
wealthy  citizen  of  Palmyra,  (the  ancient  Tadmor,)  contain- 
ing an  assurance  that  he  had  never  acted  against  the  Per- 
sians.     Sapor,  enraged  at  such  insolence,  (as  he  deemed  it,) 


238  GALLIENUS.  [a.  D.  261-264. 

tore  the  letter,  flung  the  gifts  into  the  river,  and  declared 
that  he  would  exterminate  the  insolent  writer  and  his  family, 
unless  he  came  before  his  throne  with  his  hands  bound  behind 
his  back.  Odenatus  at  once  resolved  to  join  the  Romans; 
he  collected  a  force  chiefly  composed  of  the  Bedoweens,  or 
Arabs  of  the  Desert,  over  whom  he  had  great  influence. 
He  hovered  about  the  Persian  army,  and,  attacking  it  at  the 
passage  of  the  Euphrates,  carried  off  mucii  treasure,  and 
some  of  the  women  of  the  Great  King,  who  was  forced  to 
seek  safety  in  a  precipitate  retreat.  Odenatus  made  himself 
master  of  all  Mesopotamia;  and  he  even  passed  the  Tigris, 
and  made  an  attempt  on  Ctesiplion,  (201.)  Gallienus  gave 
him  the  title  of  his  general  of  the  East,  and  Odenatus  him- 
self took  soon  after  that  of  king  of  Palmyra. 

The  Roman  troops  in  the  East,  meantime,  being  resolved 
not  to  submit  to  Gallienus,  were  deliberating  on  whom  they 
would  bestow  the  purple.  Acting  under  the  advice  of  Bal- 
lista,  they  fixed  on  the  praetorian  prefect,  M.  Fulvius  Macria- 
nus,  a  man  of  great  military  talents,  and,  what  was  perhaps 
of  nriore  importance  in  their  eyes,  extremely  wealthy.  Macria- 
nus  conferred  the  office  of  prstorian  prefect  on  Ballista,  and, 
leaving  with  him  his  younger  son  and  a  part  of  the  army  to 
defend  the  East,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  45,000  men, 
and,  taking  with  him  his  elder  son,  set  out  for  Europe,  (^OS.) 
On  the  borders  of  Illyricum  he  was  encountered  by  M'.  Acil- 
ius  Aureolus,  the  governor  (or,  as  some  say,  the  tyrant)  of 
that  province;  and  in  the  battle  which  ensued,  himself  and 
his  son  were  slain,  and  his  troops  surrendered.  After  the 
death  of  Macrianus,  Ballista  assumed  the  purple;  but  he  was 
slain  by  order  of  Odenatus,  whom  Gallienus,  (2G4,)  with  the 
full  consent  of  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome,  had  made 
his  associate  in  the  empire,  giving  him  the  titles  of  Caesar, 
Augustus,  and  all  the  other  tokens  of  sovereignty. 

Tib.  Cestius  yEmilianus,  who  commanded  in  Egypt,  as- 
sumed the  purple  in  that  province,  (^G'i,)  in  consequence,  it 
is  said,  of  a  sedition  in  the  most  turbulent  city  of  Alexan- 
dria; but  he  was  defeated  the  following  year,  taken  prisoner, 
and  sent  to  Gallienus,  who  caused  him  to  be  strangled. 

It  was  in  Gaul  that  the  usurpers  had  most  success.  As 
soon  as  Gallienus  left  that  country,  (2G0,)  the  general  M. 
Cassius  Latienus  Postumus  was  proclaimed  emperor;  and  his 
authority  appears  to  have  been  acknowledged  in  both  Spain 
and  Britain.  He  is  described  as  a  man  of  most  noble  and 
upright  character;  he  administered  justice  impartially,  and 


A.  D.  267.]  THE    THIRTY    TYRANTS.  239 

he  defended  the  frontier  acjainst  the  Germans  with  valor  and 
success.  Possessed  of  the  affections  of  the  people,  he  easily 
maintained  himself  against  all  the  efforts  of  Gallienus;  but 
he  was  slain  at  last,  (2G7,)  in  a  mutiny  of  his  own  soldiers, 
to  wlioni  he  had  refused  the  plunder  of  the  city  of  Mentz,  in 
which  a  rival  emperor  had  appeared.  Postunius  had  associ- 
ated with  himself  in  the  empire  Victorinus,  the  son  of  a 
lady  named  Aurelia  Victoria,  who  was  called  the  Mother  of 
the  Camp,  and  who  had  such  influence  with  the  troops,  (we 
know  not  how  acquired,  but  probably  by  her  wealth,)  as  to  be 
able  to  give  the  purple  to  whom  she  pleased.  Victorinus 
being  slain  by  a  man  whose  wife  he  had  violated,  a  simple 
armorer,  named  Marius,  wore  the  purple  for  two  days,  at 
the  end  of  which  he  was  murdered  ;  and  Victoria  then  caused 
a  senator  named  P.  Pivesus  Tetricus  to  be  proclaimed  em- 
peror, who  maintained  his  power  for  some  years. 

At  the  time  when  Macrianus  claimed  the  empire,  P.  Vale- 
rius Valens,  the  governor  of  Greece,  finding  that  that  usurper, 
who  was  resolved  on  his  destruction,  had  sent  L.  Calpurnius 
Piso  against  him,  assumed  the  purple  in  his  own  defence. 
Piso,  being  forced  to  retire  into  Thessaly,  caused  himself  to 
be  proclaimed  emperor  there  ;  but  few  joined  him,  and  he 
was  slain  by  a  party  of  soldiers  sent  against  him  by  Valens, 
who  was  himself  shortly  after  put  to  death  by  his  own 
troops.  Both  Valens  and  Piso  were  men  of  high  character ; 
especially  the  latter,  to  whom  the  senate  decreed  divine 
honors,  and  respecting  whom  Valens  himself  said  that  "  he 
would  not  be  able  to  account  to  the  gods  below,  for  having 
ordered  Piso,  though  his  enemy,  to  be  slain ;  a  man  whose 
like  the  Roman  republic  did  not  then  possess." 

C.  Annius  Trebellianus  declared  himself  independent  in 
Isauria,  and  T.  Cornelius  Celsus  was  proclaimed  emperor  in 
Africa;  but  both  speedily  perished,  (265.)  Among  the  ca- 
lamities of  this  reiirn  was  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves  in 
Sicily,  similar  to  those  in  the  time  of  the  republic. 

While  his  empire  was  thus  torn  asunder,  Gallienus  thought 
only  of  indulgence,  and  the  loss  of  a  province  only  gave  him 
occasion  for  a  joke.  When  Egypt  revolted,  "  Well,"  said 
he,  "cannot  we  do  without  Egyptian  linen?"  So,  when 
Gaul  was  lost,  he  asked  if  the  republic  could  not  be  secure 
without  cloaks  from  Arras.  He  was  content  to  retain  Italy, 
satisfied  with  a  nominal  sovereignty  over  the  rest  of  the  em- 
pire ;  and,  whenever  this  seat  of  dominion  was  menaced,  he 
exhibited  in  its  defence  the  vigor  and  personal  courage 
which  he  really  possessed. 


240  GALLIENUS.  [a.  d.  268. 

Gaul  and  Illyricum  were  the  quarters  from  which  Italy  had 
most  to  apprehend :  Gallienus  therefore  headed  his  troops 
against  Postumus;  and,  when  D.  LiEJius  Ingenuus  revolted, 
in  Pannonia,  he  marched  against  him,  defeated  and  slew  him, 
and  made  the  most  cruel  use  of  his  victory,  to  deter  others, 
(260.)  Q..  Nonius  Regillianus,  who  afterwards  revolted  in 
the  same  country,  was  slain  by  his  own  soldiers,  (203;)  but, 
when  Aureolus  was  induced  to  assume  the  purple,  (205^,)  the 
Illyrian  legions  advanced,  and  made  themselves  masters  of 
Milan.  Gallienus,  shaking  off  sloth,  quickly  appeared  at  the 
head  of  his  troops.  The  hostile  armies  encountered  on  the 
banks  of  the  Adda,  and  Aureolus  was  defeated,  wounded,  and 
forced  to  shut  himself  up  in  Milan.  During  the  siege,  a  con- 
spiracy was  formed  against  the  emperor,  by  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal officers  of  his  army  ;  and  one  night,  as  he  was  sitting  at 
table,  a  report  was  spread  that  Aureolus  had  made  a  sally. 
Gallienus  instantly  threw  himself  on  horseback,  to  hasten  to 
the  point  of  danger,  and,  in  the  dark,  he  received  a  mortal 
wound  from  an  unknown  hand. 


CHAPTER  VL* 


CLAUDIUS,   AURELIAN,   TACITUS,   PROBUS, 
CARUS,  CARINUS,   AND   NUMERIAN. 

A.  u.  1021—1038.     A.  D.  2GS— 285. 

CLAUDIUS. INVASIONS  OF   THE    GOTHS. AURELIAN. ALE- 
MANIC     WAR. WAR      AGAINST     ZENOBIA. TETRICUS. 

DEATH     OF     AURELIAN. TACITUS. HIS     DEATH. PRO- 
BUS.  Ills  MILITARY    SUCCESSES. HIS    DEATH. CARUS. 

PERSIAN  WAR. HIS  DEATH. DEATH  OF  NUMERIAN. 

ELECTION    OP   DIOCLETIAN. BATTLE  OF  MARCUS. 

We  now  enter  on  a  series  of  emperors  of  a  new  order. 
Born  nearly  all  in  humble  stations,  and  natives  of  the  province 
of  Illyricum,  they  rose,  by  merit,  through  the  gradations  of 
military  service,  attained  the  empire,  in  general,  without  crime, 
maintained  its  dignity,  and  checked  or  punished  the  inroads 

*  Authorities :  Zosimus,  the  Augustan  History,  and  Epitomators. 


A.  D.  268.]  CHARACTER    OF    CLAUDIUS.  241 

of  the  barbarians.  This  series  commences  with  the  death 
of  Gallienus,  and  terminates  with  that  of  Licinius,  embra- 
cing a  period  of  somewhat  more  than  half  a  century,  and 
marked,  as  we  shall  find,  by  most  important  changes  in  the 
Roman  empire. 


M.   Aurelius   Claudius. 
A.  u.  1021—1023.     A.  D.  208—270. 

The  murmurs  of  the  soldiers,  on  the  death  of  Gallienus, 
were  easily  stilled  by  the  promise  of  a  donative  of  twenty 
pieces  of  gold  a  man.  To  justify  themselves  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  the  conspirators  resolved  to  bestow  the  empire  on 
one  who  should  form  an  advantageous  contrast  to  its  late 
unworthy  possessor;  and  they  fixed  on  M.  Aurelius  Claudius, 
who  commanded  a  division  of  the  army  at  Pavia.  The  sol- 
diers, the  senate,  and  the  people,  alike  approved  their  choice; 
and  Claudius  assumed  the  purple  with  universal  approbation. 

This  excellent  man,  in  whose  praise  writers  of  all  parties 
are  agreed,  was  a  native  of  Illyricum,  born,  apparently,  in 
humble  circumstances.  His  merit  raised  him  through  the 
inferior  gradations  of  tlie  army;  he  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  emperor  Decius,  and  the  discerning  Valerian  made  him 
general  *  of  the  Illyrian  frontier,  with  an  'assurance  of  the 
consulate. 

Aureolus  was  soon  obliged  to  surrender,  and  he  was  put 
to  death  by  the  soldiers.  An  army  of  Alemans,  coming  per- 
haps to  his  aid,  was  then,  it  is  said,  defeated  by  Claudius, 
near  Verona.  After  his  victory,  the  emperor  proceeded  to 
Rome,  where,  during  the  remainder  of  the  year,  he  devoted 
his  time  and  thoughts  to  the  reformation  of  abuses  in  the 
state.  Among  other  just  and  prudent  regulations,  he  directed 
that  the  properties  confiscated  by  Gallienus  should  be  restored 
to  their  original  owners  A  woman,  it  is  said,  came,  on  this 
occasion,  to  the  emperor,  and  claimed  her  land,  which,  she 
said,  had  been  given  to  Claudius,  the  commander  of  the  cav- 
alry. This  ofiicer  was  the  emperor  himself;  and  he  replied, 
that  the  emperor  Claudius  must  restore  what  he  took  when 
he  was  a  private  man,  and  less  bound  to  obey  the  laws.t 

The  following  year,  (269,)  the  Goths  and  their  allies  em- 

*  The  term  now  in  use  for  general  was  dux,  whence  our  duke. 
\  Zonaras,  p.  239. 

CONTIN.  21  E  E 


242  CLAUDIUS.  [a.  d.  269-270 

barked,  we  are  told,  to  the  number  of  320,000  warriors,  with 
their  wives,  children,  and  slaves,  in  two,  or,  as  some  say,  six 
thousand  vessels,  and  directed  their  course  to  the  Bosporus. 
In  passing  that  narrow  channel,  the  number  of  their  vessels 
and  the  rapidity  of  the  current  caused  them  to  suffer  consider- 
able loss.  Their  attempts  on  Byzantium  and  Cyzicus  having 
failed,  they  proceeded  along  the  northern  coast  of  the  ^gean, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  cities  of  Cassandria  and  Thessalonica. 
While  thus  engaged,  they  learned  that  the  emperor  was  on 
his  march  to  oppose  them  ;  and,  breaking  up,  they  advanced 
into  the  interior,  wasting  and  plundering  the  country  on  their 
way.  Near  the  town  of  Naissus,  in  Dardania,  they  encoun- 
tered the  Roman  legions.  The  battle  was  long  and  bloody, 
and  the  Romans  were,  at  one  time,  on  the  verge  of  defeat; 
but  the  skill  of  Claudius  turned  the  beam,  and  the  Goths 
were  finally  routed,  with  a  loss  of  50,000  men.  During  the 
remainder  of  the  year,  numerous  desultory  actions  occurred, 
in  which  the  Goths  sustained  great  losses;  and,  being  finally 
hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  the  Roman  troops,  they  were  forced 
to  seek  refuge  in  Mount  Hcemus,  and  pass  the  winter  amidst 
its  snows.  Famine  and  pestilence  alike  preyed  on  them  ;  and 
when,  on  the  return  of  spring,  (270,)  tlie  emperor  took  the 
field  against  them,  they  were  obliged  to  surrender  at  discre- 
tion. A  portion  of  their  youth  were  enrolled  in  the  imperial 
troops  ;  vast  numbers  both  of  men  and  women  were  reduced 
to  slavery;  on  some,  lands  were  bestowed  in  the  provinces; 
few  returned  to  their  seats  on  the  Euxine. 

The  pestilence  which  had  afflicted  the  Goths  proved  also 
fatal  to  the  emperor.  lie  was  attacked  and  carried  off  by  it 
at  Sirmium,  in  the  57th  year  of  his  age.  In  the  presence  of 
his  principal  officers,  he  named,  it  is  said,  Aurclian,  one  of 
his  generals,  as  the  fittest  person  to  succeed  him  ;  but  his 
brother  Quintilius,  when  he  heard  of  his  death,  assumed  the 
purple  at  Aquileia,  and  was  acknowledged  by  the  senate. 
Hearing,  however,  that  Aurelian  was  on  his  march  against 
him,  he  gave  up  all  hopes  of  success,  and,  opening  his  veins, 
died,  after  a  reign  of  seventeen  days. 


L.  Domitius  Aurelianus. 

A.  u.  1023—1028.     A.  D.  270—275. 

Aurelian,  like  his  able  predecessor,  was  a  man  of  humble 
birth.     His  father  is  said  to  have  been   a  small  farmer,  and 


A.  D.  270.]  AUREHAN.  243 

his  mother  a  priestess  of  the  Sun,  in  a  village  near  Sirmium. 
lie  entered  the  army  as  a  common  soldier,  and  rose  through 
the  successive  gradations  of  the  service  to  the  rank  of  gen- 
eral of  a  frontier.  He  was  adopted  in  the  presence  of  Va- 
lerian, (some  said  at  his  request,)  by  Ulpius  Crinitus,  a  sena- 
tor of  the  same  family  with  the  emperor  Trajan,  who  gave 
him  his  daughter  in  marriaoe,  and  Valerian  bestowed  on 
him  the  office  of  consul.  In  the  Gothic  war,  Claudius  had 
committed  to  him  the  command  of  the  cavalry. 

Immediately  on  his  election,  Aurelian  hastened  to  Rome, 
whence  he  was  speedily  recalled  to  Pannonia  by  the  intelli- 
gence of  an  irruption  of  the  Goths.  A  great  battle  was 
fought,  which  was  terminated  by  night  without  any  decisive 
advantage  on  either  side.  Next  day  the  Goths  retired  over 
the  river,  and  sent  proposals  of  peace,  which  was  cheerfully 
accorded ;  and  for  many  years  no  hostilities  of  any  account 
occurred  between  the  Goths  and  Romans.  But  while  Aure- 
lian was  thus  occupied  in  Pannonia,  the  Alemans,  with  a 
force  of  40,000  horse  and  80,000  foot,  had  passed  the  Alps 
and  spread  their  ravages  to  the  Po.  Instead  of  following 
them  into  Italy,  Aurelian,  learning  that  they  were  on  their 
return  home  with  their  booty,  marched  along  the  Danube 
to  intercept  their  retreat,  and,  attacking  them  unawares,  he 
reduced  them  to  such  straits  that  they  sent  to  sue  for  peace. 
The  emperor  received  the  envoys  at  the  head  of  his  legions, 
surrounded  by  his  principal  officers.  After  a  silence  of  some 
moments,  they  spoke  by  their  interpreter,  saying  that  it  was 
the  desire  of  peace,  and  not  the  fear  of  war,  that  had  brought 
them  thither.  They  spoke  of  the  uncertainty  of  war,  and 
enlarged  on  the  number  of  their  forces.  As  a  condition  of 
peace,  they  required  the  usual  presents,  and  the  same  annual 
payments  in  silver  and  gold  that  they  had  had  before  the  war. 
Aurelian  replied  in  a  long  speech,  the  sum  of  which  was  that 
nothing  short  of  unconditional  surrender  would  be  accepted. 
The  envoys,  returning  to  their  countrymen,  reported  the  ill 
success  of  their  embassy;  and  forthwith  the  army  turned 
back  and  reentered  Italy.  Aurelian  followed,  and  came  up 
with  them  at  Placentia.  The  Alemans,  who  had  stationed 
themselves  in  the  woods,  fell  suddenly  on  the  legions  in  the 
dusk  of  the  evening;  and  nothing  but  the  firmness  and  skill 
of  the  emperor  saved  the  Romans  from  a  total  overthrow. 
A  second  battle  was  fought  near  Fano  in  Umbria,  on  the 
spot  where  Hannibal's  brother  Hasdrubal  was  defeated  and 
slain,  five  hundred  years  before.     The  Alemans  were  totally 


244  AURELIAN.  [a.  D.  271. 

routed,  and  a  concluding  victory  at  Pavia  delivered  Italy 
from  tiieir  ravages.  Aurelian  pursued  the  barbarians  beyond 
the  Alps,  and  then  turned  to  Pannonia,  which  the  Vandals 
had  invaded.  He  engaged  and  defeated  them,  (271.)  They 
sent  to  sue  for  peace,  and  he  referred  the  matter  to  his 
soldiers,  who  loudly  expressed  their  desire  for  an  accommo- 
dation. The  Vandals  gave  the  cliildren  of  their  two  kings 
and  of  their  principal  nobles  for  hostages,  and  Aurelian  took 
two  thousand  of  them  into  his  service. 

There  had  been  some  seditions  at  Rome  during  the  time 
of  the  Alemanic  war,  and  Aurelian,  on  his  return  to  the 
capital,  acted  witli  great  severity,  and  even  cruelty,  in  pun- 
ishing those  engaged  in  them.  He  is  accused  of  having  put 
to  death  senators  of  high  rank,  on  the  slightest  evidence,  and 
for  the  most  trifling  offences.  Aware,  too,  that  neither  Alps 
nor  Apennines  could  now  check  the  barbarians,  he  resolved 
to  put  Rome  into  a  posture  to  stand  a  siege ;  and  he  com- 
menced the  erection  of  massive  walls  around  it,  which, 
when  completed  by  his  successors,  formed  a  circuit  of  twen- 
ty-one miles,  and  yielded  a  striking  proof  of  the  declining 
strength  of  the  empire. 

Aurelian,  victorious  against  the  barbarians,  had  still  two 
rivals  to  subdue  before  he  could  be  regarded  as  perfect  mas- 
ter of  the  empire.  Tetricus  was  acknowledged  in  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Britain;  Zenobia,  the  widow  of  Odenatus,  ruled 
the  East.  It  is  uncertain  against  which  he  first  turned  his 
arms  ;  but,  as  the  greater  number  of  writers  give  the  priority 
to  the  Syrian  war,  we  will  here  follow  their  example. 

Odenatus  and  his  eldest  son,  Herod,  were  treacherously 
slain  by  his  nephew  Majonius;  but  Zenobia,  the  widow  of 
the  murdered  prince,  speedily  punished  the  traitor,  and  then 
held  the  government  in  the  name  of  her  remaining  sons. 
This  extraordinary  woman  claimed  a  descent  from  the  Ptole- 
mies of  Egypt.  In  her  person  she  displayed  the  beauty  of 
the  East,  being  of  a  clear  dark  complexion,  with  pearly  white 
teeth  and  brilliant  black  eyes.  Her  voice  was  strong  and 
harmonious;  she  spoke  the  Greek,  Syrian,  and  Egyptian 
languages,  and  understood  the  Latin.  She  was  fond  of 
study,  but  at  the  same  lime  she  loved  vigorous  exercises ; 
and  she  accompanied  her  husband  to  the  chase  of  the  lion, 
the  panther,  and  the  other  wild  beasts  of  the  wood  and 
desert,  and  by  her  counsels  and  her  vigor  of  mind,  she  greatly 
contributed  to  his  success  in  war.  To  these  manly  qualities 
was  united  a  chastity  rarely  to  be  found  in  the  East.     View- 


A.  D.  271.]  ZENOBIA.  245 

ing  the  union  of  the  sexes  as  the  appointed  means  of  con- 
tinuing the  species,  Zenobia  would  adtnit  the  embraces  of 
her  husband  only  in  order  to  have  offspring.  She  was  tem- 
perate and  sober,  yet,  when  needful,  she  could  quaff  wine 
with  her  generals,  and  even  vanquish  in  the  cotnbats  of  the 
table  the  wine-lovinjj  Persians  and  Armenians.  As  a  sove- 
reign,  Zenobia  was  severe  or  clement,  as  the  occasion  re- 
quired ;  she  was  frugal  of  her  treasure  beyond  what  was 
ordinary  with  a  woman,  but  when  her  affairs  called  for  lib- 
erality, no  one  dispensed  them  more  freely. 

After  the  death  of  Odenatus,  Zenobia  styled  her  three  sons 
Augusti ;  but  she  held  the  government  in  her  own  hands : 
she  bore  the  title  of  Queen  of  the  East,  wore  royal  robes 
and  the  diadem,  caused  herself  to  be  adored  in  the  Oriental 
fashion,  and  put  the  years  of  her  reign  on  her  coins.  She 
defeated  an  army  sent  against  her  by  Gallienus;  she  made 
herself  mistress  of  Egypt,  and  her  rule  extended  northwards 
as  far  as  the  confines  of  Bithynia. 

Aurelian,  on  passing  over  to  Asia,  reduced  to  order  the 
province  of  Bithynia.  The  city  of  Tyana  in  Cappadocia 
resisted  him  ;  but  the  treachery  of  one  of  its  inhabitants  put 
it  into  his  hands.  lie  pardoned  the  people,  and  he  aban- 
doned the  traitor  to  the  just  indignation  of  the  soldiers.  On 
the  banks  of  the  Orontes,  he  encountered  the  troops  of  the 
Q.ueen  of  the  East.  A  cavalry  action  ensued,  and,  the  Pal- 
myrenians  being  greatly  superior  in  that  arm,  Aurelian  em- 
ployed the  stratagem  of  making  his  cavalry  feign  a  flight, 
and  then  turn  and  attack  the  pursuing  enemies,  when  wea- 
ried and  exhausted  with  the  weight  of  their  heavy  armor. 
The  defeated  Palmyrenians  retired  to  Antioch,  which  they 
quitted  in  the  night,  and  next  day  it  opened  its  gates  to  Au- 
relian. He  advanced  then,  with  little  opposition,  to  Emesa, 
where  he  found  the  Palmyrenian  army,  70,000  strong,  en- 
camped in  the  plain  before  the  city.  Zenobia  herself  was 
present,  but  the  command  was  intrusted  to  her  general, 
Zabdas.  In  the  engagement,  the  Roman  horse,  unable  to 
withstand  the  ponderous  charge  of  the  steel-clad  Palmyre- 
nians, turned  and  fled.  While  the  Palmyrenian  cavalry  was 
engaged  in  the  pursuit,  their  light  infantry,  being  left  un- 
protected, offered  little  resistance  to  the  legions,  and  a  total 
rout  ensued.  Zenobia,  seeinor  the  battle  lost,  and  knowing 
that  the  people  of  Emesa  favored  the  Romans,  abandoned 
that  city,  and  retired  and  shut  herself  up  in  Palmyra,  her 
capital. 

21  • 


246  AURELIAN.  [a.d.  272. 

The  city  of  Tadmor,  or  Palmyra,  as  it  was  named  by  the 
Greeks,  seems  to  have  been,  from  the  earliest  times,  a  place 
of  importance  in  the  trade  between  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  being  situated  in  an  oasis  of  the  desert, 
abounding  in  herbage,  trees,  and  springs,  and  lying  within 
sixty  miles  of  the  Euphrates,  and  somewhat  more  than  three 
times  that  distance  of  the  coast  of  Syria.  Solomon,  king  of 
Israel,  had  made  himself  master  of  this  important  post,  and 
fortified  it.  Its  advantages  being  the  gift  of  nature,  and  not 
of  man,  it  continued  to  flourish  under  all  the  surrounding 
vicissitudes  of  empire.  In  the  time  of  Trajan,  it  became  a 
Roman  colony,  and  it  was  adorned  with  those  stately  pub- 
lic edifices  whose  ruins  command  the  admiration  of  i^odern 
Europe. 

In  their  march  over  the  desert,  the  Roman  troops  were 
harassed  by  the  attacks  of  the  Bedovveen  Arabs.  They 
found  the  city  of  Palmyra  strongly  fortified,  and  abundantly 
supplied  with  the  rneans  of  defence.  When  the  siege  had 
lasted  for  some  time,  Aurelian  wrote,  offering  advantageous 
terms  to  the  queen  and  the  people  ;  but,  fully  convinced  that 
famine  would  soon  prey  on  the  Roman  army,  and  that 
the  Persians  and  Arabs  would  hasten  to  her  relief,  Zenobia 
returned  a  haughty  and  insulting  reply.  The  expected  suc- 
cors, however,  did  not  arrive  ;  convoys  of  provisions  entered 
the  Roman  camp  ;  and  Probus,  whom  Aurelian  had  de- 
tached for  the  reduction  of  Egypt,  having  accomplished  his 
commission,  brought  his  troops  to  join  the  main  army. 
Want  began  to  be  felt  within  the  walls  of  Palmyra;  and  Ze- 
nobia, finding  that  the  city  must  surrender,  resolved  to  fly  to 
the  Persians,  and  seek  by  their  aid  to  continue  the  war. 
Mounting  one  of  her  fleetest  dromedaries,  she  left  the  city, 
and  had  reached  the  Euphrates,  and  even  entered  the  boat 
which  was  to  convey  her  across,  when  the  party  of  light 
horse  sent  in  pursuit,  came  up  and  seized  her.  When 
brought  before  the  emperor,  and  demanded  why  she  had 
dared  to  insult  the  etnperors  of  Rome,  she  replied,  that  she 
regarded  him  as  such,  as  he  had  conquered  ;  but  that  sluj 
never  could  esteem  Gallienus,  Aureolus,  and  such  persons, 
to  be  emperors.  This  prudent  answer  won  her  favor,  and 
Aurelian  treated  her  with  respect.  The  city  soon  surren- 
dered, and  the  emperor  led  his  army  back  to  Emesa,  where 
he  set  up  his  tribunal,  and  had  Zenobia  and  her  ministers 
and  friends  brought  to  trial.  The  soldiers  were  clamorous 
for  the  death  of  the  queen,  but  the  emperor  was  resolved  to 


A.  D.  272.]  TETRICUS.  247 

reserve  her  to  rrrnce  his  triumph;  and  it  is  added,  tliat  she 
belied  the  gre:itncss  of  her  cli;iracter  by  weakly  throwiiicr  all 
the  blame  on  her  ministers.  Of  these,  several  were  executed, 
among  whom  was  the  celebrated  Longinus,  the  queen's 
secretary.  He  died  willi  the  etjuanimity  of  a  philosopher, 
comforting  his  companions  in  misfortune. 

Aurelian  had  passed  the  Bosporus  on  his  return  to  Rome, 
when  intelligence  reached  him  that  the  Palmyrenians  had 
risen  on  and  massacred  the  small  garrison  he  had  left  in 
their  city.  He  instantly  retraced  his  steps,  arrived  at  Anti- 
och  before  it  was  known  that  he  had  set  out,  hastened  to 
Palmyra,  took  the  city,  and  massacred  men,  women,  and 
children,  citizens  and  peasants,  without  distinction.  As  he 
was  on  his  way  back  to  Europe,  news  came  that  Egypt  had 
revolted,  and  made  a  wealthy  merchant,  named  Firmus,  em- 
peror, and  th;it  the  export  of  corn  to  Rome  had  been  stopped. 
Tlie  indefatigable  Aurelian  soon  appeared  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nile,  defeated  the  usurper,  and  took  and  put  him  to 
death. 

The  overthrow  of  Tetricus  (whether  it  preceded  or  fol- 
lowed these  events)  left  Aurelian  without  a  rival.  Tetricus, 
it  is  said,  was  so  wearied  with  the  state  of  thraldom  in  which 
he  was  held  by  his  mutinous  troops,  that  he  secretly  wrote 
to  Aurelian  to  come  to  his  deliverance.  When  the  emperor 
entered  Gaul,  Tetricus  found  it  necessary  to  affect  the  alac- 
rity of  one  determined  to  conquer  or  die;  but,  when  the  ar- 
mies encountered  on  the  plains  of  Chalons,  he  betrayed  his 
troops,  and  deserted  in  the  very  commencement  of  the  bat- 
tle. His  legions  fought,  notwithstanding,  with  desperation, 
and  perished  nearly  to  a  man. 

Victorious  over  all  his  rivals,  and  all  the  enemies  of 
Rome,  Aurelian  celebrated  a  triumph  with  unusual  magnifi- 
cence. Wild  beasts  of  various  kinds,  troops  of  gladiators, 
and  bauds  of  captives  of  many  nations,  opened  the  proces- 
sion. Tetricus  and  his  son  walked,  clad  in  the  Gallic  habit; 
Zenobia  also  moved  on  foot,  covered  with  jewels  and  bound 
with  golden  chains,  which  were  borne  up  by  slaves.  The 
splendid  cars  of  Odenatus  and  Zenobia,  and  one  the  gift  of 
the  Persian  king  to  the  emperor,  preceded  the  chariot  drawn 
by  four  stags,  once  the  car  of  a  Gothic  king,  in  which  Au- 
relian himself  rode.  The  senate,  the  people,  the  army, 
horse  and  foot,  succeeded ;  and  it  was  late  in  the  day  when 
the  monarch  reached  the  Capitol. 

The  view  of  a  Roman  senator  led  in  triumph,  in  the  per- 


248  AURELIAN.  [a.  d.  275. 

son  of  Tetricus,  (an  act  of  which  there  was  no  example,) 
cast  a  gloom  over  the  minds  of  the  senators.  The  insult, 
if  intended  for  such,  ended,  however,  with  the  procession. 
Aurelian  made  him  governor  of  the  southern  part  of  Italy, 
and  honored  him  with  his  friendship.  He  also  bestowed  on 
the  Palmyrenian  queen  an  estate  at  Tibur,  where  she  lived 
many  years,  and  her  daughters  matched  into  some  of  the 
noblest  Roman  families. 

The  improvement  of  the  city  by  useful  public  works,  the 
establishment  of  daily  distributions  of  bread  and  pork  to  the 
people,  and  the  burning  of  all  accounts  of  moneys  due  to 
the  treasury,  were  measures  calculated  to  gain  Aurelian  the 
popular  favor.  But  a  reformation  of  the  coinage  became  the 
cause  or  pretext  of  an  insurrection,  the  quelling  of  which 
cost  him  the  lives  of  seven  thousand  of  his  veteran  soldiers. 
Enveloped  as  the  whole  affair  is  in  obscurity,  the  senators 
must  have  been  implicated  in  it;  for  Aurelian's  vengeance 
fell  heavily  on  the  whole  body  of  the  nobility.  Numbers  of 
them  were  cast  into  prison,  and  several  were  executed. 

Aurelian  quitted  Rome  once  more  for  the  East,  in  order 
to  carry  on  war  against  the  Persians.  On  the  road  in 
Thrace,  having  detected  his  private  secretary,  Mnestheus, 
in  some  act  of  extortion,  he  menaced  him  with  his  anger. 
Aware  that  he  never  threatened  in  vain,  Mnestheus  saw  that 
himself  or  the  emperor  must  die :  he,  therefore,  imitating 
Aurelian's  writing,  drew  up  a  list  containing  his  own  name 
and  those  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  army  as  marked  out 
for  death.  He  showed  this  bloody  list  to  those  who  were 
named  in  it,  advising  them  to  anticipate  the  emperor's  cru- 
elty. Without  further  inquiry,  they  resolved  on  his  murder, 
and,  falling  on  him  between  Byzantium  and  Heraclea,  they 
despatched  him  with  their  swords. 


M.  Claudius  Tacitus. 

A.  u.  1028—1029.     A.  D.  275—276. 

After  the  death  of  the  emperor  Aurelian,  a  scene  without 
example  presented  itself — an  amicable  strife  between  the 
senate  and  the  army,  each  wishing  the  other  to  appoint  an 
emperor,  and  the  empire  without  a  head  and  witliout  a  tu- 
nmlt  for  the  greater  part  of  a  year.  It  originated  in  the 
following  manner : 


A.  D.  275.]  TACITUS.  249 

The  assassins  of  Aurelian  speedily  discovered  their  error, 
and  Mnestheus  expiated  his  treason  with  iiis  life.  The  sol- 
diers, who  lamented  the  emperor,  would  not  raise  to  his 
place  any  of  those  concerned  in  his  death,  however  inno- 
cently ;  and  they  wrote  to  the  senate,  requesting  them  to 
appoint  his  successor.  The  senate,  though  gratified  by  the 
deference  shown  to  them  by  the  army,  deemed  it  prudent  to 
decline  the  invidious  honor.  The  legions  again  pressed 
them,  and  eight  months  passed  away  in  the  friendly  contest. 
At  length,  (Sept.  2S,)  the  consul  assembled  the  senate,  and, 
laying  before  them  tlie  perilous  condition  of  the  empire, 
called  on  Tacitus,  the  First  of  the  Senate,  to  give  his  opin- 
ion. But  ere  he  could  speak,  he  was  saluted  emperor  and 
Augustus  from  all  parts  of  the  house;  and,  after  having  in 
vain  represented  his  unfitness  for  the  office  on  account  of  his 
advanced  age,  he  was  obliged  to  yield  to  their  wishes,  and 
accept  the  purple.  The  praetorian  guards  willingly  acqui- 
esced in  the  choice  of  the  senate;  and,  when  Tacitus  pro- 
ceeded to  the  camp  in  Thrace,  the  soldieis,  true  to  their 
engagement,  submitted  willingly  to  his  authority. 

Tacitus  was  now  seventy-five  years  old.  He  was  one  of 
those  men  who  were,  perhaps,  less  rare  at  Rome  than  we 
generally  imagine ;  who,  in  the  possession  of  a  splendid  for- 
tune, spent  a  life,  dignified  by  the  honors  of  the  state,  in  the 
cultivation  of  philosophy  and  elegant  literature.  He  claimed 
a  descent  from  the  historian  of  his  name,  whose  works  formed 
his  constant  study ;  and  after  his  accession  to  the  empire,  he 
directed  that  ten  copies  of  them  sliould  be  annually  made 
and  placed  in  the  public  libraries. 

Viewinor  himself  only  as  the  minister  of  the  laws  and  the 
senate,  Tacitus  sought  to  raise  that  body  to  its  former  con- 
sideration, by  restoring  the  privileges  of  which  it  had  been 
deprived.  Once  more  it  began  to  appoint  magistrates,  to 
he  ir  appeals,  and  to  give  validity  to  the  imperial  edicts. 
But  this  was  merely  a  glimpse  of  sunshine  irradiating  the 
decline  of  its  greatness.  In  history,  there  is  no  return  ;  and 
the  real  power  of  the  once  mighty  Roman  senate  had  de- 
parted forever. 

Aurelian  had  engaged  a  body  of  the  Alans,  a  Sarmatian 
tribe  who  dwelt  about  Lake  Mseotis,  for  the  war  against  Per- 
sia. On  the  death  of  that  emperor,  and  the  suspension  of 
the  war,  they  ravaged  the  provinces  south  of  the  Euxine,  to 
indemnify  themselves  for  their  disappointment.  Tacitus,  on 
taking  the  command  of  the  army,  offered  to  make  good  to 

F  p 


250  PROBus.  [a.  d.  276. 

them  the  engagements  contracted  by  his  predecessor.  A 
good  number  of  them  accepted  the  terms  and  retired,  and  he 
led  the  legions  against  the  remainder,  and  speedily  reduced 
them.  As  these  military  operations  fell  in  the  winter,  the 
emperor's  constitution,  enervated  by  age  and  the  relaxing 
clime  of  southern  Italy,  proved  unequal  to  tliem.  His  mind 
was  also  harassed  by  the  factions  which  broke  out  in  the 
camp,  and' even  reached  his  tent;  and  he  sank  under  men- 
tal and  corporeal  suffering,  at  Tyana,  on  the  22d  of  April, 
276,  after  a  brief  reign  of  six  months  and  twenty  days. 


M.  Aurelius  Probus. 
A.  u.  1029—1025.     A.  D.  276—282. 

On  the  death  of  Tacitus,  his  brother  Florianus  claimed 
the  empire  as  if  fallen  to  him  by  inheritance,  and  the  legions 
yielded  him  their  obedience;  but  the  army  of  the  East 
obliged  their  general,  Probus,  to  assume  the  purple,  and  a 
civil  war  commenced.  The  constitution  of  the  European 
troops  soon,  however,  began  to  give  way  under  the  heat  of 
the  sun  of  Asia;  sickness  spread  among  them  ;  desertions  be- 
came numerous;  and  when,  at  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  the  army 
of  Probus  came  to  give  them  battle,  they  averted  the  contest 
by  proclaiming  Probus,  and  putting  their  emperor  to  death, 
after  a  reign  of  less  than  three  months. 

Probus  was  another  of  those  Illyrians,  who,  born  in  an 
humble  station,  attained  the  empire  by  their  merit,  and  hon- 
ored it  by  their  virtues.  lie  entered  the  army  young,  and 
speedily  became  distinguished  for  his  courage  and  his  prob- 
ity. His  merit  did  not  escape  the  discerning  eye  of  Vale- 
rian, who  made  him  a  tribune,  though  under  the  usual  age; 
gave  him  the  command  of  a  body  of  auxiliary  troops,  and 
recommended  him  strongly  to  Gallienus,  by  whom,  and  by 
the  succeeding  emperors,  he  was  greatly  esteemed,  and 
trusted  with  important  commands.  Aurelian  rated  him  very 
highly,  and  is  even  thought  to  have  destined  him  for  his 
successor. 

After  the  death  of  Florianus,  Probus  wrote  to  the  senate, 
apologizing  for  having  accepted  the  empire  from  the  iiands 
of  the  soldiery,  but  assuring  them  that  he  would  submit 
himself  to  their  pleasure.  A  decree  was  unanimously  passed, 
investing  him  with   all   the   imperial   titles  and  powers.     In 


A.  D.  277-279.]  GERMAN    WAR.  251 

return,  Probus  continued  to  the  senate  the  right  of  hearing 
appeals,  appointing  magistrates,  and  of  giving  force  to  his 
edicts  by  their  decrees. 

Tacitus  had  punished  severely  some  of  those  concerned  in 
the  murder  of  Aurelian ;  Probus  sought  out  and  punished 
the  remainder,  but  with  less  rigor.  He  exhibited  no  enmity 
toward  those  who  had  supported  Florianus. 

The  Germans  had  taken  advantage  of  the  interregnum 
which  succeeded  the  death  of  Aurelian,  to  make  a  formidable 
irruption  into  Gaul,  where  they  made  themselves  masters  of 
not  less  than  seventy  cities,  and  were  in  possession  of  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  country.  Probus,  however,  as  soon  as  his 
affairs  permitted,  (277,)  entered  Gaul  at  the  head  of  a  numer- 
ous and  well-appointed  army.  lie  gave  the  Germans  several 
defeats,  and  forced  them  to  repass  the  Rhine,  with  a  loss,  it  is 
said,  of  400,000  men.  lie  pursued  them  over  that  river; 
and  nine  of  their  kings  were  obliged  to  come  in  person  to 
sue  for  peace.  Tiie  terms  which  the  emperor  imposed  were, 
the  restoration  of  all  their  booty,  the  annual  delivery  of  a 
large  quantity  of  corn  and  cattle,  and  10,000  men  to  recruit 
the  Roman  armies.  These  Probus  distributed  in  parties  of 
fifty  and  sixty  throughout  the  legions ;  for  it  was  his  wise 
maxim,  that  the  aid  derived  from  the  barbarians  should  be 
felt,  not  seen.  He  also  placed  colonies  of  the  Germans,  and 
other  tribes,  in  Britain,  and  some  of  the  other  provinces. 
He  had,  further,  it  is  said,  conceived  the  idea  of  making  the 
conquered  Germans  renounce  the  use  of  arms,  and  trust  for 
their  defence  to  tiiose  of  the  Romans ;  but,  on  considering 
the  number  of  troops  it  would  require,  he  gave  it  up,  con- 
tenting himself  with  making  them  retire  behind  the  Necker 
and  Elbe,  with  building  forts  and  towns  in  the  country,  be- 
tween these  rivers  and  the  Rhine,  and  running  a  wall,  two 
hundred  miles  in  length,  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Danube,  as 
a  defence  to  Italy  and  the  provinces  against  the  Aiemans. 

After  the  conquest  of  the  Germans,  the  emperor  led  his 
troops  into  Rjctia  and  Illyria,  where  the  terror  of  his  name 
and  his  arms  daunted  the  Goths  and  Sarmatians,  and  gave 
security  to  the  provinces.  He  then  (279)  passed  over  to 
Asia,  subdued  the  brigands  of  Isauria,  expelled  them  from 
their  fastnesses  in  the  mountains,  in  which  he  settled  some 
of  his  veterans,  under  the  condition  that  they  should  send 
their  sons,  when  eighteen  years  of  age,  to  the  army,  in  order 
that  they  might  not  be  induced,  by  the  natural  advantages 
of  the  country,  to  take  to  a  life  of  freebooting,  and  prove  as 
dangerous  as  their  predecessors.     Proceeding  through  Syria, 


252  PROBus.  [a.  D.  279. 

he  entered  Egypt,  and  reduced  the  people  named  Blemmy- 
ans,*  who  had  taken  the  cities  of  Coptos  and  Ptoiemai's.  He 
conchided  a  peace  with  the  king  of  Persia,  and,  on  his 
return  throuo-h  Thrace,  he  bestowed  lands  on  a  body  of 
200,000  Bustarnians,  and  on  some  of  theGepidans,  Vandals, 
and  other  tribes.  He  triumphed  for  the  Germans  and  Blem- 
myans  on  his  return  to  Rome. 

A  prince  so  just  and  upright,  and,  at  the  same  time,  so 
warlike  as  Probus,  might  have  been  expected  to  have  no 
competitors  for  empire ;  yet  even  In:  had  to  take  the  field 
against  rival  emperors.  The  first  of  these  was  Saturninus, 
whom  he  himself  had  made  general  of  the  East,  a  man  of 
both  talent  and  virtue,  and  for  whom  he  had  a  most  cordial 
esteem.  But  the  light-minded  and  turbulent  people  of 
Alexandria,  on  occasion  of  his  entry  into  their  city,  saluted 
hirn  Augustus ;  and,  though  he  rejected  the  title  and  retired 
to  Palestine,  he  yet,  not  reflecting  on  the  generous  nature  of 
Probus,  deemed  that  he  could  no  longer  live  in  a  private 
station.  He  therefore  assumed  the  purple,  saying,  with 
tears,  to  his  friends,  that  the  republic  had  lost  a  useful  man, 
and  that  his  own  luin,  and  that  of  many  others,  was  inevi- 
table. Probus  tried  in  vain  to  induce  him  to  trust  to  his 
clemency.  A  part  of  his  troops  joined  those  sent  against 
him  by  the  emperor;  he  was  besieged  in  the  castle  of  Apa- 
mtea,  and  taken,  and  slain. 

After  the  defeat  of  Saturninus,  two  officers,  named  Proc- 
ulus  and  Bonosus,  assumed  the  purple  in  Germany.  They 
were  both  men  of  ability,  and  the  emperor  found  it  necessary 
to  take  the  field  against  them  in  person.  Proculus,  being 
defeated,  fled  for  succor  to  the  Franks,  by  whom  he  was  be- 
trayed; and  he  fell  in  battle  against  the  imperial  troops. 
Bonosus  held  out  for  some  time;  but,  having  received  a  de- 
cisive overthrow,  he  hanrred  himself.  As  he  had  been  re- 
markable  for  his  drinking  powers,  one  who  saw  him  hanwincr 
cried,  "  There  hangs  a  jar,  not  a  man."  Probus  treated  the 
families  of  both  with  great  humanity. 

Probus,  though  far  less  cruel,  was  as  rigid  a  maintainer 
of  discipline  in  the  army  as  Aurelian  had  been.  His  mode 
was  to  keep  the  legions  constantly  employed,  and  thus  to 
obviate  the  ill  effects  of  idleness.  When  he  commanded  in 
Egypt,  he  employed  his  troops  in  draining  marshes,  improv- 
ing the  course  of  the  Nile,  and  raising  public  edifices.     In 

•  This  people  inhabited  the  mountains  between  Upper  Egypt  and 
the  Red  Sea. 


A.  D.  282.]  CAUus.  253 

Gaul  and  Panrionia,  he  occupied  them  in  forming  vine- 
yards. Ilis  maxim  was,  that  a  soldier  should  not  eat  his 
food  idly  ;  and  he  even  used  to  express  his  hopes  that  the 
time  would  come  when  the  republic  would  have  no  further 
need  of  soldiers.  This  languajre  naturally  jjroduced  a  good 
deal  of  discontent;  and  when,  on  his  n)nrch  against  the  Per- 
sians, who  had  broken  the  peace,  (282,)  he  halted  at  his 
native  town  of  Sirmium,  and  set  the  soldiers  at  work  to  cut 
a  canal,  to  drain  the  marshes  which  incommoded  it,  they 
broke  out  into  an  open  mutiny.  Probus  fled  for  safety  to  an 
iron  tower,  whence  he  was  in  the  habit  of  surveying  the  prog- 
ress of  the  works;  but  the  furious  soldiers  forced  the  tower, 
and  seized  and  murdered  him.  They  then  lamented  him, 
and  gave  his  remains  an  honorable  sepulture. 


M.  Aurclius  Cams. 
A.  V.  1035— 103G.     A.  D.  282—233. 

Notwithstanding  their  grief  and  repentance  for  the  mur- 
der of  Probus,  the  soldiers  did  not  part  with  their  power  of 
choosing  an  emperor.  They  conferred  the  purple  on  Carus, 
the  prcetorian  prefect;  and  the  senate  was,  as  usual,  obliged 
to  acquiesce  in  their  decision. 

Carus  was  about  sixty  years  of  age.  The  place  of  his 
birth  is  uncertain,  but  probability  is  in  favor  of  Illyricum. 
He  stood  high  in  the  estimation  of  the  late  discerning  em- 
peror,  and  he  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  considerable  ability. 

The  first  care  of  the  new  emperor  was  to  punish  the  au- 
thors of  the  death  of  his  predecessor.  He  then  raised  his 
two  sons,  Carinus  and  Numerian,  (who  were  both  grown 
up,)  to  the  dignity  of  Cnesars;  and,  as  the  barbarians,  after 
the  death  of  Probus,  had  passed  the  Rhine  and  the  Lower 
Danube,  he  sent  Carinus  into  Gaul,  directing  him,  when  he 
had  repelled  the  invaders,  to  fix  his  residence  at  Rome,  and 
govern  there  during  his  absence.  He  himself,  taking  Nume- 
rian with  him,  marched  against  the  Sarmatians,  (283,) 
whom  he  defeated  with  a  loss  of  16,000  slain  and  20,000 
prisoners;  and,  having  thus  secured  the  Illyrian  frontier,  he 
led  his  army  over  to  Asia  for  the  Persian  war. 

When  Carus  passed  the  Euphrates,  the  Persian  monarch, 
Varanes  [Bahram)  II.,  though  an  able  and  a  valiant  prince, 
being  engaged  in  a  civil  war,  could  not  collect  a  force  suffi- 

CONTIN.  22 


254  CARINUS    AND    NUMERIAN.  [a.  D.  283. 

cient  to  oppose  to  the  Romans :  he  therefore  sent  to  propose 
terms  of  peace.  It  was  evening  when  the  ambassadors  ar- 
rived at  the  Roman  camp.  Cams  was  at  the  time  seated  on 
the  grass  eating  his  supper,  which  consisted  of  a  bowl  of  cold 
boiled  peas  and  some  pieces  of  salt  pork,  with  a  purple  woollen 
robe  thrown  over  his  shoulders.  He  desired  them  to  be  brought 
to  him,  and  when  they  came  he  told  them  that,  if  their  master 
did  not  submit,  he  would  in  a  month's  time  make  Persia  as 
bare  of  trees  and  standing  corn  as  his  own  head  was  of  hair; 
and,  suiting  the  action  to  the  word,  he  pulled  off  the  cap 
which  he  wore,  and  displayed  his  head  totally  devoid  of  hair. 
He  invited  them,  if  hungry,  to  share  his  meal ;  if  not,  he 
bade  them  depart.  They  withdrew  in  terror;  and  Carus 
forthwith  took  the  field,  and  recovered  the  whole  of  Mesopo- 
tamia; he  defeated  the  troops  sent  against  him,  and  took  the 
cities  of  Seleucia  and  Ctesiphon.  He  was  advancing  into 
the  interior  of  Persia,  when,  one  day  as  the  army  was  en- 
camped near  the  Tigris,  there  came  on  a  most  furious  thun- 
der-storm ;  and,  immediately  after  a  most  awful  clap,  a  cry 
was  raised  that  the  emperor  was  dead.  His  tent  was  found 
to  be  in  flames;  but  whether  his  death  was  caused  by  light- 
ning or  by  treachery,  remained  uncertain. 


M.  Aurelius  Carimis  and  M.  Aurclius  Numcrianus. 
A.  u.  1036—1038.     A.  D.  283—285. 

The  death  of  Carus  appears  to  have  occurred  about  the 
end  of  the  year  283.  The  authority  of  his  sons  was  readily 
acknowledged;  and  Numcrian,  apprehensive,  as  it  might 
seem,  of  the  designs  of  his  brother,  gave  up  the  Persian  war 
and  set  out  on  his  return  to  Europe. 

Numerian  was  a  prince  of  an  amiable  disposition,  a  lover 
and  cultivator  of  literature,  a  poet,  it  is  said,  of  no  mean 
order,  and  an  eloquent  declaimer.  He  was  married  to  the 
daughter  of  Arrius  Aper,  to  whom  Carus  had  given  the  im- 
portant post  of  praetorian  prefect ;  and  as,  on  account  of  a 
weakness  in  his  eyes,  Numerian  was  obliged  to  remain  shut 
up  in  his  tent,  or  to  travel  in  a  close  litter,  all  public  business 
was  transacted  in  his  name  by  his  father-in-law.  The  army 
had  reached  the  shores  of  the  Bosporus  when  a  report  was 
spread  that  the  emperor,  whom  they  had  not  seen  for  some 
time,  had  ceased  to  exist.     The  soldiers  broke  into  the  im- 


A.  D.  285.]  CAuiNus.  255 

perial  tent,  and  there  found  only  the  corpse  of  Numerian. 
The  conceulnient  of  his  death  and  other  circumstances 
caused  suspicion  to  fall  on  Aper.  He  was  seized  and  laid 
in  chains;  a  general  assembly  of  the  army  was  held  while 
the  generals  and  tribunes  sat  in  council  to  select  a  successor 
to  Numerian.  'J'heir  choice  fell  on  Diocletian,  the  com- 
mander of  the  body-guard.  The  soldiers  testified  their  ap- 
probation. Diocletian,  having  ascended  the  tribunal,  made 
a  solemn  protestation  of  his  own  innocence,  and  then  caused 
Aper  to  be  led  before  him.  "  This  man,"  said  he,  when  he 
appeared,  "  is  the  murderer  of  Numerian  ;  "  and,  without  giv- 
ing him  a  moment's  time  for  defence,  he  plunged  his  sword 
into  his  bosom. 

It  may  cause  some  surprise  that  the  army  should  have 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  an  emperor  while  Carinus  was 
yet  living.  We  know  not  what  intrigues  there  may  have 
been  on  the  part  of  Diocletian;  but  the  vices  of  that  prince 
are  said  to  have  been  such  as  would  fully  justify  his  exclusion. 
His  conduct  at  Rome  had  been  so  vicious,  and  he  put  such 
unworthy  persons  into  office  even  during  his  father's  life- 
time, that  Cams  cried  he  was  no  son  of  his,  and  proposed  to 
substitute  for  him  in  the  empire  Constantius,  the  governor 
of  Dalmatia.  When  the  death  of  his  father  had  removed  all 
restraint,  he  gave  free  course  to  his  vicious  inclinations,  dis- 
playing the  luxury  of  an  Elagabalus  and  the  cruelty  of  a 
Domitian.  The  news,  however,  of  the  death  of  his  brother, 
and  the  elevation  of  Diocletian,  roused  him  to  energy,  and  he 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops.  After  a  succession 
of  engagements,  the  decisive  conflict  took  place  (May,  285) 
on  the  plain  of  Margus,  near  the  Danube  in  Moesia.  Carinus 
was  betrayed  or  deserted  by  his  own  troops,  and  he  was  slain 
by  a  tribune  whose  wife  he  had  seduced. 


During  the  long  period  now  elapsed,  the  aspect  of  the  Ro- 
man world  remained  nearly  as  we  have  already  described  it. 
The  absence  of  a  respectable  middle  class  of  society,  abject 
poverty  and  enormous  wealth  standing  in  striking  contrast 
in  the  provinces  as  well  as  in  Italy,  unbridled  luxury,  and 
the  want  of  all  noble  and  generous  feeling,  every  where 
met  the  view.  At  the  same  time,  foreign  trade,  of  which 
luxury  is  the  great  promoter,  was  in  a  most  flourishing  state, 
and  immense  fortunes  were  acquired  by  trafiic.  The  silks, 
the,  pnjr-!^  and  the  precious  stones  and  pearls  of  India,  and 


256  LITERATURE. 

the  amber  of  the  Baltic,  reached  Rome  in  abundance,  and 
were  purchased  by  its  luxurious  nobles  and  their  ladies  at 
enormous  prices. 

The  history  of  this  period  has  noticed  two  instances 
which  may  give  us  some  idea  of  the  wealth  of  individuals 
in  those  days  :  the  one  is  that  of  a  Roman  nobleman,  the 
emperor  Tacitus  ;  the  other  that  of  an  Alexandrian  mer- 
chant. The  landed  and  other  property  of  the  former  pro- 
duced him  an  income  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  millions 
of  sesterces,  and  his  ready  money  at  the  time  of  his  acce.s- 
sion  sufficed  for  the  pay  of  the  army.  The  merchant  was 
Firmus,  who  assumed  the  purple  in  the  time  of  Aurelian. 
This  man  had  a  great  number  of  merchantmen  on  the  Red 
Sea  for  his  trade  with  India;  he  carried  on  a  commerce 
with  the  interior  of  Africa ;  he  contracted  with  the  Blem- 
myans  for  the  produce  of  their  mines,  and  he  had  also  com- 
mercial relations  with  the  Saracens  or  Bedoween  Arabs. 
He  possessed,  moreover,  extensive  manufactories,  and  it  is 
said  that  he  used  to  boast  that  the  paper  manufactured  by 
him  would   suffice  to   maintain   an   array. 

The  Roman  army  at  this  period  was  evidently  on  the  de- 
cline in  respect  to  discipline  and  moral  force.  The  soldiers 
were  now  accustomed  to  luxuries  and  indulgences  unknown 
to  the  troops  of  the  republic  or  of  the  early  days  of  the  em- 
pire. Barbarians  entered  the  Roman  service  in  ffreat  num- 
bers ;  and  we  shall  ere  long  find  officers  of  the  very  highest 
rank  and  power  bearing  German  names. 

The  maintenance  of  good  military  roads  had  always  been 
an  object  of  solicitude  with  the  Roman  government.  We 
have  seen  the  care  of  Augustus  on  this  head  ;  and  that  wise 
emperor  had  also  instituted  a  system  of  posts  for  the  despatch 
of  letters  on  public  business,  and  the  conveyance  of  persons 
employed  by  the  government.  This  system  was  now  great- 
ly extended,  and  post-houses  were  established  at  regular  dis- 
tances along  all  the  great  roads,  furnished  with  horses,  mules, 
and  carriages,  for  the  conveyance  of  goods  as  well  as  persons. 
These  beasts  and  carriages  were  provided  gratis  by  the  in- 
habitants of  the  district  in  which  the  post-house  stood,  and 
the  supplying  of  them  was  a  most  onerous  burthen.  Any 
one  bearing  an  imperial  diploma  could  demand  horses  and 
carriages,  and  food  for  himself  and  attendants  without  pay- 
ment. The  system  was  in  effect  the  same  as  that  which 
prevails  at  the  present  day  in  Turkey,  where  the  sultan's 
firman  corresponds  exactly  with  the  imperial  diploma. 
When  the  emperor  was  on  his   way  to  any  p'lrt  of  h-s  do- 


PHILOSOPHY.  257 

minions,  his  whole  court  and  retinue  were  maintained  at  the 
charije  of  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  towns  where  he  halted:  and 
at  each  he  expected  to  find  a  pahice  ready  furnished.  In 
like  manner,  tlie  wants  of  the  troops  when  on  their  march 
were  to  be  supplied ;  and  when  we  reflect  how  frequently 
they  were  removed  from  one  frontier  to  another,  and  how 
incessant  most  of  the  emperors  were  in  their  movements, 
we  may  form  some  conception  of  the  oppression  endured  by 
the  subjects. 

Literature  partook  of  the  general  decline.  After  the 
reign  of  Trajan,  we  do  not  meet  with  a  single  Latin  poet 
or  historian  possessing  any  merit.  The  Greek  language 
was  not,  however,  equ  illy  barren.  Plutarch,  who  wrote  on 
such  a  variety  of  subjects  in  so  agreeable  a  manner,  flour- 
ished under  the  Antonines.  The  witty  Lucian  was  his 
contemporary.  History  was  written  by  Arrian,  Dion  Cas- 
sius,  and  Herodian,  with  more  or  less  success.  The  travels 
of  Pausanias  in  Greece  are  of  great  value  to  the  modern 
scholar;  and  the  medical  writings  of  Galen,  and  the  works 
of  Ptolemy  on  astronomy  and  geography,  long  exercised  a 
most  powerful  influence  over  the  human  mind  in  both 
Europe  and  Asia.  In  poetry  the  Grecian  muse  of  this 
period  aimed  at  no  higher  flight  than  her  Latin  sister. 

The  branch  of  literature  (if  we  may  so  term  it)  most  culti- 
vated at  this  time  was  philosophy.  The  Stoic  system  found 
many  followers;  it  numbered  among  its  professors  the  em- 
peror Marcus  Aurelius,  who  bequeathed  to  posterity  his 
Meditations,  in  ten  books;  and  Arrian,  the  historian  and 
statesman,  published  the  lessons  of  his  master,  Epictetus. 
But  the  philosophy  which  far  eclipsed  all  the  others,  was  the 
New  Platonism  of  Alexandria,  of  which  it  is  necessary  to 
speak  somewhat  in  detail. 

In  the  writings  of  Plato  there  is  much  that  has  a  mystic 
tone,  borrowed  perhaps  from  the  Pythagoreans,  or  derived 
immediately  from  the  East.  In  such  parts  the  usual  charac- 
teristics of  mysticism  appear;  simple  truths  are  enveloped  in 
figurative  language,  and  vain  attempts  are  made  at  e.xplain- 
ing  things  beyond  the  reach  of  human  knowledge.  As  such 
we  may  mention  the  Timaeus  and  similar  pieces,  which  are 
certainly  the  least  valuable  portion  of  the  philosopher's 
writings.  But  owing  to  their  obscurity,  which  gives  them  a 
vague  air  of  magnificent  profundity,  these  were  the  very 
pieces  that  some  most  admired ;  and  their  resemblance  to 

22*  GQ 


258  PHILOSOPHY. 

the  dreamy  speculations  of  the  East  strongly  recommended 
them  to  those  whose  turn  of  mind  led  them  to  mysticism 
and  to  the  cultivation  of  occult  pliilosophy.  Alexandria  was 
the  chief  seat  of  this  Platonism,  and  its  professors  there  ob- 
tained the  name  of  Eclectics ;  for,  taking  their  leading 
principles  from  the  works  of  Plato,  they  added  such  of 
those  of  the  Stoics,  the  Peripatetics,  and  of  the  Oriental 
philosophy,  as  were  capable  of  being  brought  into  harmony 
with  those  of  their  master.  The  writings  of  Phiio  the  Jew 
will  show  how  Platonism  and  the  Law  of  Moses  were  made 
to  accord. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  second  century,  this  philosophy 
received  a  more  extended  form  from  a  teacher  named  Am- 
monius  Saccas,  a  man  of  great  ingenuity  and  of  a  lively 
imagination.  His  object  was  to  bring  all  sects  of  philoso- 
phy, and  all  forms  of  religion,  Christianity  included,  into 
one  harmonious  whole.  His  system  differed  from  that  of 
the  Eclectics  in  this,  that,  while  they  viewed  the  different 
systems  as  composed  of  truth  and  error,  he  regarded  them 
as  all  flowing  from  the  one  source  of  truth,  and  therefore 
capable  of  being  reduced  to  their  original  unity.  He  held 
the  world  to  be  an  eternal  emanation  of  the  Deity;  and  he 
adopted  and  extended  the  Egyptian  and  Platonic  notion  of 
Daemons  of  different  ranks  and  degrees.  The  human  soul, 
he  asserted,  might,  by  means  of  certain  secret  rites,  become 
capable  of  perceiving  and  conversing  with  these  intelligences. 
This  art,  which  he  termed  Theurgia,  was  a  kind  of  magic, 
the  exercise  of  which  was  confined  to  those  of  highest  order 
in  the  sect.  With  this  was  combined  a  system  of  rigid  ascet- 
icism, enjoined  on  all  who  aimed  at  freeing  the  soul  from  the 
bonds  of  the  body.  Ammonius,  who  was  born  a  Christian, 
represented  Christ  as  having  been  an  admirable  Theurgist; 
and  he  labored  to  bring  the  Christian  doctrine  into  accord- 
ance with  his  own  peculiar  views,  by  representing  such  parts 
of  it  as  resisted  his  efforts  as  interpolations  made  by  ignorant 
disciples.  As  many  of  the  Christians  studied  in  his  school, 
the  effect  of  the  New  Platonism,  as  it  was  named,  or  their 
speculations,  proved  extremely  injurious,  and  many  of  the 
subsequent  errors  and  superstitions  into  which  they  fell,  may 
be  traced  to  that  source.  The  most  distinguished  of  the 
New  Platonists  were  Porphyry,  Plotinus,  Proclus,  Simplicius, 
and  Jamblichus.  The  sect  flourished  till  the  time  of  the 
final  triumph  of  Christianity. 


THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH.  259 

CHAPTER    VII. 
THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

PERSECUTIONS     OF     THE      CHURCH.  CORRUPTION     OF      RELI- 
GION.  THE    EBIONITES.  GNOSTIC    HERESIES. MONTA- 

NUS. THE    PASCHAL    QUESTION.  COUNCILS. THE    HIE- 
RARCHY.  PLATONIC    PHILOSOPHV,    ITS    EFFECTS. RITES 

AND    CEREMONIES. CHRISTIAN    WRITERS. 

The  Christian  religion,  during  the  last  two  centuries,  had 
made  rapid  progress,  and  extended  itself  to  Spain,  Gaul, 
Britain,  and  the  most  remote  parts  of  the  Roman  empire; 
but  it  at  the  same  time  had  to  endure  external  persecution 
and  internal  corruption.  It  also  underwent  a  change  in  its 
discipline  and  government,  and  thereby  lost  a  portion  of  its 
original  simplicity.     Of  these  subjects  we  will  now  treat. 

Nothing  can  be  more  erroneous  than  tha  idea  given  by 
Gibbon  and  other  skeptical  writers  of  the  tolerant  spirit  of 
the  ancient  world.  This  boasted  tolerance  merely  extended 
to  allowing  each  people  to  follow  its  own  national  system 
of  religion,  and  worship  its  own  traditional  deities,  provided 
they  did  not  attempt  to  make  proselytes.  It  was  in  effect  the 
toleration  still  to  be  found  in  Mohammedan  countries;  but, 
with  respect  to  the  worship  of  new  or  foreign  deities  by  their 
own  citizens,  the  laws  both  of  Greece  and  Rome  were  strict 
and  severe.  One  of  the  charges  on  which  the  excellent  Soc- 
rates was  condemned  to  death,  was  that  of  introducing  new 
deities ;  and  the  language  of  the  Roman  law  was,  "  Let  no 
one  have  any  separate  worship  or  hold  any  new  gods ;  nor 
let  any  private  worship  be  offered  to  any  strange  gods,  unless 
they  have  been  publicly  adopted."*  We  find  that  this  law 
was  acted  on  in  all  times  of  the  republic,  and  that  the  magis- 
trates had  the  power  to  prevent  any  foreign  mode  of  worship, 
drive  from  the  city  or  otherwise  punish  its  professors  and 
ministers,  and  seize  and  destroy  their  religious  books. t  -The 
reason  of  these  laws  was  probably  political  rather  than  re- 
ligious; for  all  governments  have  a  natural  and  a  just  aversion 
to  secret  societies,  which  are  so  easily  and  so  frequently  con- 

*  Cicero,  Laws,  ii.  8. 

t  Livy,  iv.  30  ;  xxxix.  16.    Vol.  Max.  i.  3.    Dion,  lii.  36. 


260  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

verted  to  political  purposes,  and  the  professors  of  a  religion 
different  from  that  of  the  state  will  always  form  a  distinct  so- 
ciety, and,  as  they  increase  in  numbers,  may  prove  dangerous 
to  the  political  constitution. 

The  early  Christians  were  unfortunate  in  many  circum- 
stances. The  Jews,  who  were  their  most  implacable  ene- 
mies, were  established  in  all  parts  of  the  empire ;  and  they 
were  not  only  exposed  to  their  calumnies  and  persecutions, 
but,  as  they  were  regarded  as  merely  a  sect  of  that  people, 
they  came  in  for  their  share  of  the  odium  under  which  they 
lay.  Again,  proselytism  was  of  the  very  essence  of  the  new 
faith ;  and  this  was  a  point  on  which  the  Roman  government 
was  most  jealous  and  apprehensive.  Further,  the  Christiana 
were  taught  to  hold  all  idolatrous  rites  in  the  utmost  abhor- 
rence; and,  as  these  were  woven  into  the  whole  texture  of 
public  and  private  life,  they  found  it  necessary  to  abstain 
from  the  theatres,  and  from  all  public  shows  and  solemnities ; 
and  they  were  obliged  to  be  equally  on  their  guard  in  the  re- 
lations of  private  life,  and  hence  they  were  regarded  as  mo- 
rose and  unsociable.  The  spiritual  monotheism  of  the  Chris- 
tians was,  moreover,  considered  as  atheism  *  by  those  who 
had  no  conception  of  religion  disjoined  from  temples,  images, 
and  a  plurality  of  objects  of  worship.  The  simple  rites  and 
practices  of  their  religion  also  furnished  materials  of  calumny 
to  their  enemies.  The  symbolical  eating  and  drinking  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist,  for  example,  was 
converted  into  Thyestian  banquets,  and  their  Agapa?  or  love- 
feasts  were  represented  as  scenes  of  riot  and  pollution.  The 
Christians  themselves,  too,  were  not  always  prudent;  they 
gave  at  times  needless  offence,  and  many  exhibited  what  we 
may  term  a  selfish  eagerness  to  obtain  the  crown  of  martyr- 
dom. 

We  thus  see  that  the  Christians  were  amenable  to  the 
ancient  law  of  Rome  for  introducing  a  new  religion  and 
neglecting  to  comply  with  that  of  the  state,  and  for  their  zeal 
in  making  proselytes  to  their  opinions.  They  were  at  the 
same  time  odious  to  the  vulgar,  for  their  abstinence  from  the 
temples  and  the  public  shows.  All  kinds  of  calumnies  were 
therefore  spread  abroad  respecting  them ;  and  we  need  not 
wonder  at  these  finding  ready  acceptance  with  the  vulgar, 
when  we  recollect  how  they  operated  on  the  minds  of  such 

*  [Much  the  same  as,  at  the  present  day,  deism  and  atheism  are 
often  confounded  by  the  ignorant  and  bigoted.  — J.  T.  S.] 


PERSECUTIONS.  261 

men  as  Tacitus  and  Suetonius.  To  such  a  pitch  did  the 
popular  dislike  of  the  Cliristiaus  at  length  rise,  that  the  guilt  of 
all  public  calamities  was  laid  ou  tlieni.  "  If  the  Tiber,"  says 
Tertullian,*  "has  overflowed  its  banks;  or  the  Nile  has  not 
overllowed ;  if  Heaven  h:is  refused  its  rain;  if  the  earth  lias 
been  shaken;  if  famine  or  plague  has  spread  its  ravages, 
the  cry  is  immediately  raised,  '  To  the  lions  with  the  Cliris- 
tians!'" 

When  Christianity  had  triumphed  over  its  foes,  and  was 
become  the  religion  of  the  state,  men  began,  like  voyagers 
escaped  from  shipwreck,  to  looic  back  with  an  eye  of  compla- 
cency on  the  perils  through  which  it  had  passed,  and  felt  a 
pleasure  in  magnifying  its  calamities  and  sufferings.  The 
number  of  persecutions  was  gradually  raised  to  the  mystic 
number  of  ten,  the  number  of  the  victims  was  prodigiously 
magnified,  and  imagination  anmsed  itself  in  varying  the 
modes  of  their  torture.  The  apostle  John,  for  example,  was 
[pretended  to  have  been]  thrown,  at  Rome,  by  order  of 
Domitian,  into  a  caldron  of  boiling  oil,  from  which  he  came 
forth  unscathed;  and  St.  Baby  las  was,  at  Pergamus,  put  in- 
to a  brazen  bull,  heated  red-hot;  though  these  martyrdoms 
were  apparently  unknown  to  the  learned  Eusebius,  and  there 
are  little  grounds  for  supposing  that  there  was  any  persecu- 
tion in  the  time  of  Domitian.  The  chief  inventors  of  these 
pious  legends  were  the  monks,  a  class  of  men  who  have  al- 
ways exhibited  a  strong  inclination  for  the  supernatural  and 
the  horrible.  We  will  here  briefly  sketch  the  sufferings  of 
the  church,  as  they  are  to  be  derived  from  authentic  sources.t 

The  first  persecution  of  the  Christians  is  that  by  Nero, 
above  related.  That,  as  we  have  seen,  was  merely  an  effort 
made  by  a  tyrant  to  throw  the  guilt  with  which  he  was  him- 
self charged  on  a  body  who  were  generally  obnoxious: 
there  was  nothing  whatever  religious  or  political  in  it,  and 
we  have  no  reason  for  supposing  that  it  was  of  long  duration, 
or  extended  beyond  the  city  of  Rome.  Eusebius  mentions  a 
tradition  that  St.  Paul  was  beheaded  and  St.  Peter  crucified 
at  this  time;  but  little  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  such  ac- 
counts, and  it  is  extremely  doubtful  if  the  latter  ever  came  to 
Rome. 

Under  the  Flavian  family,  the  Christians  were  unmolested. 

*  Apol.  40. 

t  In  the  followinsr  account  of  the  persecutions,  we  have  made  Euse- 
bius our  principal  guide.  Very  few  of  the  Acts  of  the  Saints  and  Mar- 
tyrs of  the  first  three  centuries,  as  Mosheim  observes,  are  genuine. 


262  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

Doniitian,  indeed,  is  said,  toward  tlie  close  of  his  reign,  to 
have  exercised  some  severities  against  thein.  On  this  occa- 
sion, we  are  told,  the  two  grandsons  of  Judas,  the  brother  of 
our  Lord,  were  brought  before  him,  as  being  of  the  family  of 
David.  In  answer  to  his  inquiries,  they  told  him  that  their 
whole  property  consisted  of  a  small  piece  of  land,  which  they 
cultivated  themselves ;  and  they  showed  their  hands  hardened 
with  toil.  The  kingdom  of  Christ  which  they  expected  they 
described  as  a  celestial  one,  which  would  not  aj)pear  till  the 
end  of  the  world.  The  tyrant,  apprehending  little  from  the 
heirs  of  such  a  kingdom,  dismissed  them  with  contempt,  and 
put  an  end  to  the  persecution.* 

In  the  reign  of  Trajan,  Eusebius  says,  "there  was  a  partial 
persecution  excited  throughout  the  cities,  in  consequence  of 
a  popular  insurrection,"  i.  c.  an  insurrection  of  the  populace 
against  the  Christians,  the  usual  source  of  persecution.  It 
would  appear  to  have  been  very  partial  indeed,  for  he  men- 
tions but  one  martyr,  St.  Simeon,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  a 
kinsman  of  our  Lord's.  The  celebrated  letter  of  Pliny  to 
Trajan,  however,  proves  that  in  some  parts  of  the  empire  the 
Christians  were  exposed  to  much  peril.  This  amiable  man, 
being  appointed  governor  of  Pontus  and  Bithynia  in  the  year 
103,  found  numerous  charges  brought  against  persons  of  all 
ages  and  sexes  as  Christians.  Unwilling  to  punish,  and  un- 
certain how  to  act,  he  wrote  to  the  emperor  for  advice. t  Tra- 
jan, in  his  reply,  directed  that  the  Christians  should  not  be 
sought  after,  but  that,  if  accused  and  convicted,  they  should 
be  punished,  and  that  no  anonymous  accusations  should  be 
attended  to.  Considering  the  Roman  law  on  the  subject, 
and  the  general  state  of  sentiment  and  feeling  at  the  time, 
this  rescript  is  highly  creditable  to  the  humanity  and  the 
justice  of  the  emperor.  From  Pliny's  letter  we  learn  that  a 
chief  ground  of  proceeding  against  the  Christians  was  the  em- 
peror's aversion  to  clubs  and  societies,  {/uta:rias,)  for  which 
reason  Pliny  was  very  strict  in  prohibiting  the  Christians 
from  meetino;  together  to  celebrate  the  Eucharist  or  hold 
their  love  feasts. 

We  further  learn  that  the  number  of  the  Christians  was 
very  considerable,  both  in  the  towns  and  in  the  country,  and 
that  the  heathen  temples  had  been  nearly  deserted ;  but  that, 
when  the  law  was  put  in  force,  such  numbers  abandoned  their 

•  Hegesippus  ap.  Euseb.  iii.  20.  t  Plin.  Ep.  x.  97,  98. 


PERSECUTIONS.  263 

faith,  that  Pliny  had  strong  hopes  that  the  superstition,  as  he 
termed  it,  might  be  suppressed. 

So  fur  was  Hadrian  from  being  a  persecutor,  that,  ac- 
cording to  Justin  Martyr,*  Serenius  Granianus,  the  procon- 
sul of  Asia,  having  written  to  him  "  that  it  did  not  appear 
just  to  put  the  Christians  to  death  without  a  regular  accu- 
sation and  trial,  merely  to  gratify  the  outcries  of  the  popu- 
lace," he  issued  a  rescript,  directed  to  Granianus's  successor, 
Minucius  Fundanus,  directinnr  him  to  pay  no  regard  to  mere 
petitions  and  outcries,  but  to  judge  of  the  accusations  himself, 
and  to  punish  the  accused  according  to  the  quality  of  their 
offence,  if  it  was  clearly  proved  that  they  had  transgressed 
the  laws,  but  at  the  same  time  to  punish  severely  any  one 
who  should  bring  a  false  and  slanderous  accusation.  The 
emperor,  it  would  seem,  wrote  to  the  same  effect  to  some  of 
the  other  governors. t 

During  the  reign  of  the  excellent  Antoninus  Pius,  the 
Christians  suffered  no  molestation  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment;  but  they  had  much  to  endure  from  the  malignity  and 
s  iperstition  of  the  populace  of  the  provincial  towns  of  Asia. 
The  emperor,  however,  interposed  in  their  behalf,  and  re- 
newed the  directions  of  Hadrian  to  the  authorities  in  the 
provinces. 

Hitherto  the  sufferings  of  the  Christians  had  been  com- 
paratively light ;  but  under  the  reign  of  the  philosophic  M. 
Aurelius,  a  severe  persecution  raged  against  them.  It  is  not 
quite  clear  whether  any  edicts  were  made  by  the  emperor  di- 
recting them  to  be  punished, J  but  he  certainly  held  them  in 
contempt,  and  he  was  anxious  to  uphold  the  ancient  religion 
and  ceremonies  of  the  state,  and  may  therefore  have  been  in- 
clined to  deal  rigorously  with  those  who  rejected  and  opposed 
them.  Still,  on  examining  the  accounts  of  the  martyrdoms 
in  this  reign,  it  will  appear  that  they  resulted  in  general  from 
the  usual  cause  —  the  hatred  of  the  populace  towards  the 
Christians. 

The  year  166,  in  which  Aurelius  first  left  Rome  for  the 
German  war,  is  usually  fixed  on  as  the  commencement  of  the 
persecution.  A  Christian,  named  Ptolemaeus,  and  two  others 
were  put  to  death  at  Rome,  solely,  we  are  told,  on  account 
of  their  faith.     On  this  occasion,  Justin  Martyr  (by  whom  we 

*  Euseb.  iv.  8,  9.  t  Euseb.  iv.  26. 

t  Melito  {ap.  Euseb.  iv.  26)  would  seem  to  assert  that  there  were 
decrees  issued  against  the  Christians  by  Aurelius;  but  Tertullian 
(Apol.  5)  avers  the  contrary. 


264  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

are  informed  of  the  fact)  addressed  his  second  Apology  to 
the  emperor  and  the  senate.  He  was  liimself,  soon  after, 
with  some  others,  put  to  death  by  the  city  prefect  Rusticus. 
As  Rusticus  was  a  philosopher,  and  the  Epicurean  Crescens, 
Justin's  great  opponent,  was  then  at  Rome,  there  appears  to 
be  some  reason  for  supposing  that  the  philosophers  had 
already  adopted  that  spirit  of  inveterate  hostility  to  the 
Christians  which  caused  them  to  become  their  unrelenting 
persecutors.  It  was  also  in  this  year  that  the  persecution 
broke  out  at  Smyrna,  in  which  the  venerable  Bishop  Poly- 
carp,  and  about  a  dozen  other  Christians,  suffered  for  their 
faith.  The  church  of  Smyrna  wrote,  on  this  occasion,  an 
epistle  to  those  of  Pontus,  from  which  we  learn  the  following 
particulars. 

The  letter  commenced  with  an  account  of  the  other 
martyrs  and  their  sufferings.  "  The  by-standers,"  it  says, 
"  were  struck  with  amazement  at  seeing  them  lacerated  with 
scourges  to  their  very  blood  and  arteries,  so  that  the  flesh  con- 
cealed in  tiie  very  inmost  parts  of  the  body,  and  the  bowels 
themselves,  were  exposed  to  view.  Then  they  were  laid  upon 
sea-shells,  and  on  the  sharp  heads  of  spears  on  the  ground,  and, 
after  passing  through  every  kind  of  punishment  and  torment, 
were  at  last  thrown  as  food  for  wild  beasts."  The  youth  and 
beauty  of  one  of  these  martyrs,  named  Germanicus,  interest- 
ed the  proconsul  so  much,  that  he  earnestly  implored  him  to 
take  compassion  on  himself;  but  the  ardent  youth  even  irri- 
tated the  beast  to  which  he  was  exposed,  and  speedily  per- 
ished. The  nmltitude  then  began  to  call  for  Polycarp.  This 
venerable  prelate  had,  on  the  urgency  of  his  friends,  retired 
from  the  city ;  but  he  was  discovered  and  seized  by  those 
sent  in  quest  of  him.  When  brought  back  to  Smyrna,  he  was 
conducted  straight  to  the  Stadion,  (where  public  shows  were 
exhibited,)  and  led  to  the  tribunal  of  the  proconsul,  who 
urged  him  to  deny  Christ,  and  swear  by  the  genius  of  Caisar. 
"  Eighty-and-six  years,"  said  the  holy  prelate,  "  have  I  served 
Christ,  and  he  never  did  me  wrong;  and  how  can  I  now 
blaspheme  my  King  that  has  saved  me?  "  After  several  vain 
attempts  to  influence  him,  the  proconsul  caused  the  herald  to 
proclaim  aloud,  "  Polycarp  confesses  that  he  is  a  Christian." 
The  multitude  then,  both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  cried  out, 
"  This  is  that  teacher  of  Asia,  the  father  of  the  Christians, 
the  destroyer  of  our  gods,  he  that  teaches  multitudes  not  to 
sacrifice,  not  to  worship."  They  insisted  that  a  lion  should 
be  loosed  at  him;  but,  being  informed  that  that  part  of  the 


PERSECUTIONS.  265 

show  was  over,  they  cried  out  that  he  should  be  burnt  alive  , 
and  they  forthwith  began  to  collect  wood  and  straw  from  the 
shops  and  baths  for  the  purpose,  "  the  Jews,  as  usual,  freely 
offering  their  services."  It  was  the  custom  to  secure  the 
victim  to  the  stake  with  nails ;  but  at  his  own  request  Poly- 
carp  was  merely  bound  to  it.  He  uttered  a  most  devout 
prayer,  and  fire  was  then  set  to  the  pile.  But  the  flames  did 
not  approach  him  ;  "  they  presented,"  says  the  narrative,  "  an 
appearance  like  an  oven,  as  wlicn  the  sail  of  a  vessel  is  filled 
with  the  wind,  and  tlms  formed  a  wall  round  the  body  of  the 
martyr;  and  he  was  in  the  midst,  not  like  burning  flesh,  but 
like  gold  and  silver,  purified  in  the  fiirnacc.  We  also  per- 
ceived a  fragrant  odor,  like  the  fumes  of  incense  or  other 
precious  aromatic  drugs."  The  executioner  at  length,  by 
the  order  of  the  people,  ran  him  through  with  his  sword ;  and 
the  gush  of  blood,  it  is  added,  was  so  great  as  to  extinguish 
the  fire.  At  tiie  instigation  of  the  Jews,  the  body  of  the 
martyr  was  burnt,  lest,  as  they  s:iid,  the  Christians  should 
begin  to  worship  Polycarp  instead  of  him  that  was  crucified. 
The  letter  asserts  that  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  terminated 
the  persecution  at  Smyrna  ;  but  as  martyrs  are  mentioned  at 
Pergamus,  victims  may  still  have  continued  to  be  given  to  the 
popular  fury. 

Hitherto  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  seems  to  have 
been  nearly  confined  to  Asia,  and  to  have  been  chiefly  ex- 
cited by  the  Jews  ;  but  in  the  year  177,  Gaul,  whither  the 
gospel  had  now  penetrated,  became  the  scene  of  persecution 
on  a  scale  of  magnitude  as  yet  without  example.  The 
churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienne  wrote  to  those  of  Asia  a  full 
account  of  their  sufferings,  from  which  it  appears  that  the 
governor  and  the  populace  were  equally  envenomed  against 
the  Christians,  and  that  the  emperor  himself,  when  consulted 
on  the  subject,  merely  directed  that  those  who  were  Roman 
citizens  should  be  beheaded,  those  who  renounced  their  faith 
be  dismissed,  leaving  the  rest  to  be  exposed  to  the  beasts,  or 
put  to  death  in  other  barbarous  modes.  Among  the  victims 
were  Pothinus,  bishop  of  Lyons,  a  venerable  prelate  of  ninety 
years  of  age,  and  Attains  of  Pergamus,  a  man  of  great  zeal 
and  piety.  But  the  constancy  of  a  female  slave,  named 
Blandina,  was  the  subject  of  admiration  to  both  Christians 
and  Gentiles.  Every  refinement  of  torture  was  exercised 
upon  her ;  day  after  day  she  was  tortured  or  exposed  to  the 
beasts,  who,  however,  would  not  even  touch  her.  At  length 
she  was  put  in  a  net,  and  flung  before  a  furious  bull ;  and 

CONTIN.  23  H  H 


266  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

when  he  had  tossed  her  till  she  became  insensible,  she  was 
despatched  by  the  executioner.  Among  the  modes  of  torture 
employed  was  an  iron  chair  made  quite  hot,  in  which  the 
victims  were  compelled  to  sit  till  their  flesh  was  literally 
roasted;  hot  plates  of  brass  were  also  fastened  to  the  tender- 
est  parts  of  their  bodies.  Heathen  slaves,  belonging  to  the 
Christians,  were  seized,  and  by  terror  or  persuasion  were  in- 
duced, says  the  letter,  "  to  charge  us  with  the  feasts  of  Thy- 
estes,  and  the  incests  of  Qi^dipus,  and  such  crimes  as  we  may 
neither  think  nor  speak  of,  and  such  indeed  as  we  do  not  even 
believe  were  committed  by  men." 

The  reign  of  Commodus  was  a  period  of  repose  to  the 
church.  Severus  also  favored  the  Christians  in  the  first 
years  of  his  reign;  but  in  202  he  issued  an  edict  forbidding 
any  one  to  become  a  Jew  or  a  Christian.  This  gave  occa- 
sion to  the  exercise  of  some  severities,  of  which  the  principal 
scene  was  Alexandria.  In  the  reigns  that  intervened  between 
Severus  and  Decius,  the  Christians  were  either  favored  or 
unmolested,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Maximin,  who  per- 
secuted the  heads  of  the  church,  on  account  of  their  attach- 
ment to  his  virtuous  predecessor. 

Decius,  as  we  have  seen,  was  anxious  to  restore  the  ancient 
institutions  of  Rome.  As  these  were  connected  with  the  re- 
ligion of  the  state,  and  as  the  Christians,  whose  faith  was 
most  strongly  opposed  to  that  religion,  were  now  become  ex- 
ceedingly numerous,  he  saw  that  he  must  suppress  their  doc- 
trine before  he  could  hope  to  carry  his  design  into  effect. 
He  accordingly  issued  an  edict,  requiring  all  his  subjects, 
under  heavy  penalties,  to  return  to  the  ancient  religion ;  and 
a  persecution  of  the  church,  more  severe  than  any  that  had 
yet  occurred,  was  the  immediate  result.  The  fervid  declama- 
tion of  St.  Cyprian,  or  the  highly-colored  fancy-piece  of  St. 
Gregory  Nyssen,  on  this  subject,  cannot  be  relied  on  with  im- 
plicit confidence  ;  but  from  the  fact  that  numbers  (including 
priests  and  even  prelates)  apostatized,  and  from  the  con- 
stancy of  the  tradition,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the 
persecution  was  both  general  and  severe.  The  bishop  of 
Rome  suflered  martyrdom,  those  of  Jerusalem  and  Antioch 
died  in  prison.  The  celebrated  Origen  was  also  among 
those  who  suffered  imprisonment  and  torture  in  this  calami- 
tous period. 

Valerian  is  said  to  have  been  at  first  extremely  favorable 
to  the  Christians ;  but  when  he  was  in  the  East,  influenced 
by  Macrianus,  he  wrote  to  the  senate,  ordering  the  severest 


PERSECUTIONS.  267 

measures  to  be  adopted  against  them.  The  persecutioa 
which  ensued  was  terminated  by  the  captivity  of  the  emperor 
in  the  year  260  ;  and  Gallienus  wrote  circulars  to  the  bishops, 
authorizing  them  to  resume  the  public  exercise ^i^-tfieir  of- 
fices, and  assuring  them  of  his  protection. 

Among  the  martyrs  in  the  time  of  Valerian,  the  most  illus- 
trious was  St.  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Carthage. 

This  able,  zealous,  and  eloquent  prelate  had  prudently 
concealed  himself  during  the  persecution  of  Decius.  When 
Valerian's  first  edict  was  issued,  the  proconsul  summoned 
him  before  him,  and  informed  him  that  the  emperor  required 
all  who  had  abandoned  the  religion  of  the  state  to  return  to 
it.*  Cyprian  replied  that  he  was  a  Christian,  and  a  bishop, 
a  worshipper  of  the  true  and  only  God.  A  sentence  of  banish- 
ment was  then  pronounced  against  him,  and  he  was  sent  to 
Curubis,  a  city  on  the  sea-coast,  about  forty  miles  from 
Carthage.  On  the  arrival,  however,  of  a  new  proconsul,  he 
was  allowed  to  return  to  Carthage,  and  reside  in  his  gardens 
near  the  city.  He  had  not  been  there  long  when  (258)  the 
proconsul  received  positive  orders  to  proceed  capitally  against 
the  Christian  teachers.  An  officer  was  therefore  sent  with 
some  soldiers  to  arrest  Cyprian  and  bring  him  before  the  tri- 
bunal. As  his  cause  could  not  be  heard  that  day,  the  officer 
took  him  to  his  own  house  for  the  night,  where  he  treated 
him  with  much  attention,  and  allowed  his  friends  free  access 
to  him.  The  Christians  kept  watch  all  through  the  night,  in 
the  street  before  the  house.  In  the  morning,  the  bishop  was 
conducted  before  the  proconsul's  tribunal.  Having  answered 
to  his  name,  he  was  called  on  to  obey  the  emperor's  mandate, 
and  offer  sacrifice.  He  replied,  "  I  do  not  sacrifice."  The 
proconsul  urged  him,  but  he  was  firm  ;  and  that  magistrate, 
having  consulted  with  his  council,  read  from  a  tablet  his  sen- 
tence in  the  following  words  :  "  That  Thascius  Cyprianus 
should  be  immedia.tely  beheaded,  as  the  enemy  of  the  gods 
of  Rome,  and  as  the  chief  and  rincrleader  of  a  criminal  as- 
sociation,  which  he  had  seduced  into  an  impious  resistance 
aorainst  the  laws  of  the  most  holy  emperors.  Valerian  and  Gal- 
lienus." The  bishop  calmly  responded,  "God  be  praised  !" 
the  Christians,  who  were  present  in  great  numbers,  cried  out, 
"  Let  us  too  be  beheaded  with  him."  Cyprian  was  then  led 
away  to  the  plain  before  the  city;  the  presbyters  and  dea- 
cons accompanied  him,  and  aided  him  in  his  preparations  for 

*  The  prelate  had  been  a  convert. 


268  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

death ;  he  took  off  his  upper  garment,  and,  directing  them  to 
give  the  executioner  tive-and-twenty  pieces  of  gold,  laid  his 
hands  on  his  face,  and  bent  his  head,  which  was  struck  off  at 
one  blow.  In  the  night  his  body  was  conveyed,  amidst  a 
multitude  of  lights,  to  the  burial-place  of  the  Christians,  and 
there  deposited,  the  government  giving  no  opposition.* 

After  the  reign  of  Valerian,  the  church  had  rest  for  nearly 
half  a  century,  when  its  last  and  greatest  persecution  broke 
out.     We  will  relate  that  event  in  its  proper  place. 

On  reviewing  the  history  of  the  church  for  the  first  three 
centuries,  various  subjects  of  reflection  present  themselves. 
We  may,  for  example,  observe,  as  we  have  already  done,  that 
the  sufferings  of  the  Christians  have  been  greatly  exaggerated 
by  the  frauds  and  fictions  of  succeeding  ages ;  that  the  per- 
secutions on  the  part  of  the  Roman  government  were  politi- 
cal rather  than  religious,  as  they  occurred  in  the  reigns  of  the 
best  emperors,  who  were  evidently  prompted  by  the  desire  of 
restoring  the  ancient  institutions  to  which  the  Roman  great- 
ness was  ascribed;  that,  finally,  the  greatest  sufferings  of  the 
Christians  were  caused  by  the  fanatic  spirit  of  the  populace, 
especially  in  the  cities  of  Asia,  and  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Jews;  and  were  sometimes  brought  on  by  their  own  impru- 
dence. It  may  further  be  observed,  that  the  charge  made 
against  the  heathen  priesthood  of  exciting  the  fanaticism  of 
the  people  out  of  regard  to  their  own  gains,  does  not  seem  to 
be  well  founded.  They  did  not,  in  fact,  except  in  Asia  Mi- 
nor, form  a  separate  caste  or  order ;  and  they  therefore  had 
not  the  corporate  spirit  which  would  inspire  them  with  jeal- 
ousy and  fears.  Finally,  we  would  observe  that  the  popular 
saying,  "  The  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church," 
should  be  received  with  great  limitations.  That  many  were 
led  to  view  Christianity  with  a  favorable  eye  when  they  saw 
the  constancy  with  which  even  women  and  children  met  tor- 
ture and  death,  is  not  to  be  denied ;  the  same  effects  were 
observed  in  England  in  the  time  of  Q,ueen  Mary  Tudor. 
But  false  religion,  heresy,  even  atheism  itself,  have  had  their 
martyrs;  and  the  progress  of  Christianity  should  be  ascribed 
to  its  true  causes,  namely,  its  purity,  and  the  other  causes  al- 
ready enumerated. 

It  is  a  melancholy  reflection,  that,  giving  the  greatest  ex- 

*  There  is  a  very  circumstantial  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  Cyp- 
rian, by  the  deacon  Pontius,  wlio  was  in  attendance  on  him ;  tlie  pro 
consular  acts  also  remain,  and  the  two  accounts  harmonize. 


PERSECUTIONS.  269 

tent  consistent  with  truth  and  probability  to  the  number  of 
Christians  immolated  by  the  policy  or  the  intolerance  of  hea- 
then Rome,  it  still  fell  infinitely  short  of  that  of  the„;vi;ctims 
sacrificed  to  the  bigotry  of  Papal  Rome.  When  we  think  of 
the  crusade  against  the  Albigenses,  of  the  50,000  or  100,000 
Protestants  destroyed  in  the  Netherlands,  the  St.  Bartholo- 
mew massacre  in  France,  the  100,000  persons  burnt  by  the 
Inquisition,  and  the  other  dreadful  deeds  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  the  persecutions  of  Aurelius,  of  Decius,  and  even  of 
Diocletian,  shrink  into  absolute  insignificance;  and  we  are 
forced  to  acknowledge  that  the  perversion  of  true  religion  can 
outgo  any  false  religion  in  barbarity.  At  the  same  time  we 
must  protest  against  the  acts  of  Popery  being  laid  to  the 
charge  of  genuine  Christianity. 

The  evils  of  persecution  were  only  transient;  but  those  in- 
flicted by  heresy  and  fdse  doctrine  were  deep  and  perma- 
nent, and  their  ill  effects  are  felt  even  at  the  present  day. 
The  pride  of  the  human  intellect,  and  the  desire  to  discover 
those  secrets  which  are  not  to  be  known  to  man,  gave  origin 
to  most  of  those  opinions  which  we  find  recorded  as  monstrous 
heresies  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Church.  These  may  be  all 
comprehended  under  the  term  Gnosis,  (/'rwaic,  knoioledge,) 
the  word  used  to  designate  the  false  philosophy  which  then 
prevailed,  and  which  had  been  derived  from  the  sultry  re- 
gions of  India  and  Persia.  To  this  is  to  be  added  the  New 
Platonism  of  the  Greeks,  which,  however,  had  borrowed  large- 
ly of  the  Oriental  philosophy,  and  the  Judaism  or  corrupted 
religion  of  the  people  of  Israel.  From  these  various  sources 
flowed  all  the  corruptions  of  the  pure  and  simple  religion  of 
the  gospel;  and  so  early  did  their  operation  commence,  that  it 
may  be  said  that  the  stream  had  hardly  burst  from  the  sacred 
mount  when  it  was  defiled  vvith  mundane  impurities. 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  treat  of  all  the  heresies  enumera- 
ted by  the  Fathers.  We  shall  only  touch  upon  the  principal 
ones,  commencing  with  those  which  originated  in  Judaism.* 

From  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul, 
we  learn  that  the  Jewish  converts  in  general,  from  devotion 
to  their  law,  whose  precepts  they  regarded  as  of  everlasting 
obligation,  and  from  their  ignorance  of  the  true  nature  and 
spirit  of  Christianity,  held  that  the  observance  of  the  cere- 

*  in  the  remainder  of  this  chapter,  our  immediate  authority  has  been 
the  learned,  candid,  and  judicious  Mosheim.  The  references  to  Ire- 
nsEus  and  other  writers  will  be  found  in  his  works. 

23* 


270  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

monial  law  was  necessary  for  salvation.  Against  this  errone- 
ous notion  the  apostle  Paul  exerted  himself  with  the  utmost 
vigor;  and  he  succeeded  in  checking  its  progress  among 
the  Gentile  converts.  It  still,  however,  continued  to  prevail 
among  the  Christians  of  Judaea;  and  after  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  those  who  persisted  in 
maintaining  it  withdrew  to  Peraea,  or  the  region  beyond  the 
Jordan,  and  formed  there  a  church  of  their  own.  They  soon, 
however,  split  into  two  sects,  named  Nazarenes  and  Ebion- 
ites;*  each  of  which  had  its  peculiar  gospel,  differing  from 
those  which  have  been  received  by  the  church  in  general. 
The  former,  who  held  that  the  Mosaic  law  was  binding  only 
on  Jews,  were  not  regarded  as  heretics ;  but  the  latter,  deny- 
ing the  miraculous  conception  of  Christ,  and  asserting  that 
the  Mosaic  law,  with  all  the  additions  made  to  it  by  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  Pharisees,  was  binding  on  every  one,  were  nat- 
urally placed  under  that  denomination.  Neither  attained  to 
any  importance ;  and  after  no  very  long  time  their  names 
alone  remained  to  testify  their  former  existence. 

On  looking  through  the  ancient  religions  of  Europe,  from 
the  Frozen  Ocean  to  the  Mediterranean,  one  is  struck  with 
the  absence  of  all  purely  malignant  beings:  in  those  of  Asia, 
on  the  contrary,  we  usually  encounter  one  or  more  deities 
whose  delight  is  in  the  production  of  evil,  or  whose  office  is 
destruction.  In  the  Mosaic  religion,  the  evil  power  is  justly 
represented  as  the  mere  servant  of  the  supreme  God;  but  in 
some  of  the  uninspired  creeds,  he  is  exalted  into  the  rival  and 
enemy  of  the  great  Author  of  good.  This  system  received 
its  fullest  development  in  the  ancient  religion  of  Persia, 
where,  beside  the  original  cause  of  all,  there  was  a  hierarchy 
of  good  spirits  ruled  over  by  a  prince  named  Ormuzd,  who 
were  engaged  in  ceaseless  conflict  with  Ahriman,  the  prince 
of  darkness,  and  his  subordinate  .spirits,  f  The  Apocryphal 
books  of  the  Jews  show  that  during  the  Captivity  they  had  im- 
bibed many  ideas  from  the  religion  of  their  conquerors;  and 
at  the  time  when  Christianity  was  first  promulgated,  the  Ori- 


*  That  is,  The  Poor,  as  the  term  signifies  in  Hebrew.  The  best- 
founded  opinion  as  to  its  origin  is,  that  it  was  adopted  by  tiicniselves 
on  account  of  their  humility  or  poverty. 

t  [It  should,  however,  be  added,  that  both  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman 
were  subordinate  to  the  supreme  first  cause,  according  to  tills  system, 
.and  that  it  was  a  fundamental  article  that,  in  the  end,  Ahriman  was  to 
be  overcome  by  Ormuzd.  — J.  T.  S.] 


GNOSTICISM.  271 

ental  philosophy,  or  Gnosis,  as  this  system  Ms  denominated, 
was  widely  spread  over  western  Asia. 

The  doctrine  of  the  two  principles  evidently  arose  from 
the  wish  to  explain  the  origin  of  evil.  Nature  and  reason 
lead  man  to  regard  the  Supreme  Being  as  purely  good.  That 
evil  could  not  proceed  from  h'un  was  manifest;  whence,  then, 
the  ills  of  nature  and  the  vice  and  pains  of  man?  Matter 
which  composed  the  parts  of  the  world  and  the  bodies  of  man 
was  an  apparent  cause;  but  matter,  sluggish  and  inert,  could 
hardly  be  supposed  to  have  organized  itself,  and  produced  the 
beauty,  order,  and  harmony,  so  conspicuous  in  the  material 
world;  and  if  that  task  was  assigned  to  the  Deity,  he  became, 
by  necessary  inference,  the  author  of  ail  the  evil  that  thence 
resulted.  There  must  therefore  have  been  some  intelligent 
being  the  author  of  evil.  On  the  subject  of  the  nature  of  this 
being  there  was  much  difference  of  opinion.  Some  regarded 
him  as  equal  to  and  cocternal  with  the  good  Deity;  others 
held  him  to  be  generated  of  matter;  others,  again,  maintained 
that  he  was  the  oflfspring  of  the  Deity,  who,  from  pride  and 
envy,  had  rebelled  against  the  author  of  his  being,  and  erected 
a  separate  state  for  himself.  Many  viewed  the  creator  of  the 
world  as  one  of  the  spirits  generated  by  the  Deity,  who  was 
moved  to  his  work  by  a  sudden  impulse,  and  acted  with  the 
approbation  of  the  Deity,  from  whom  pride  afterwards  caused 
him  to  fall  off,  and  to  seduce  men  to  disobedience.  Others 
thought  he  had  a  natural  tendency  to  evil ;  others,  that,  like 
the  world  and  man,  his  work,  he  was  composed  of  both  good 
and  evil.  All  agreed  in  the  belief  of  an  eternal  warfare  be- 
tween  the  good  and  evil  principles. 

The  professors  of  this  philosophy  gave  to  the  good  being 
the  appellation  of  Depth,  ( Bvdug,)  on  account  of  his  unfathom- 
able nature;  they  named  his  abode  the  Fulness,  (lllriouiiju,) 
a  vast  expanse  resplendent  with  everlasting  light.  Here  he 
abode  for  ages  in  solitude  and  silence,  till  at  length,  moved 
by  some  secret  impulse,  he  begat  of  himself  two  intelligences, 
one  of  either  sex.  These  gave  being  to  others,  who  becom- 
ing  progenitors  in  their  turn,  the  region  of  light  was  gradual- 
ly peopled  with  a  numerous  family  of  blessed  spirits;  but  the 
farther  their  remove,  in  the  order  of  birth,  from  the  original 
parent,  the  less  was  their  degree  of  goodness,  knowledge,  and 
power.  To  the  higher  class  of  these  spirits  was  given  the 
name  of  yEons,  (./iu*'fc,)  or  eternal  beings. 

Matter  lay,  rude  and  undigested,  far  beyond  the  realms  of 
light.     It  was  agitated  by  turbulent,  irregular,  intestinal  mo- 


272  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

tions,  and  contained  in  it  the  seeds  of  moral  and  natural 
evil.  In  this  condition  it  was  found  by  the  ^Eon,  who  was  to 
give  it  form.  This  being,  named  the  Demiurge  {Jrj/uiovQyo;) 
or  Worker,  having  fashioned  the  world,  filled  it  with  men  and 
other  animals,  giving  them  particles  of  the  divine  essence  to 
animate  their  material  bodies.  He  then  threw  off  his  allegi- 
ance to  the  author  of  his  being,  assumed  the  government  of 
the  world,  dividing  it  into  districts,  of  which  he  assigned 
the  government  to  the  inferior  spirits  who  had  assisted  him 
in  the  work  of  creation.  The  Deity,  however,  did  not  aban- 
don the  world  altogether.  Moved  with  compassion  for  the 
divine  portion  of  man  which  was  confined  in  the  prison  of 
the  flesh,  and  liable  to  be  involved  in  ignorance  and  tainted 
with  vice,  he  from  time  to  time  sent  forth  teachers,  endowed 
with  wisdom  and  filled  with  celestial  light,  to  instruct  man- 
kind in  truth  and  virtue;  but  the  Demiurge  and  his  associates 
persecuted  and  slew  the  divine  messengers,  and  opposed  the 
truth  by  superstition  and  sensual  pleasures.  Their  efforts 
were  but  too  successful ;  a  small  portion  only  of  mankind 
continued  in  the  worship  of  the  true  God  and  the  practice 
of  virtue ;  all  the  rest  were  sunk  in  idolatry  and  sensuality. 
The  former,  when  freed  from  their  bodies  by  death,  were 
admitted  at  once  into  the  realms  of  supernal  light;  the  latter 
were  forced  to  migrate  into  various  bodies ;  but  the  greater 
part,  if  not  all  of  them,  will  at  length  be  purified  and  restored 
to  their  celestial  country,  and  then  the  Deity  will  dissolve  the 
material  world,  and  reduce  it  to  its  primitive  state,  and  vice 
and  misery  will  cease  forever. 

The  belief  of  the  essential  malignity  of  matter  was  calcu- 
lated to  produce  two  opposite  effects  on  the  moral  conduct 
of  man.  Some  would  think  it  their  duty  to  invigorate  the 
spirit  and  keep  the  body  under  by  meditation,  by  fasting, 
by  self-denial,  and  mortification  of  every  kind.  Hence  the 
Yofjees  of  Brahmanism,  the  Fakeers  and  Dervishes  of  Mo- 
hammedanism,  and  the  monks  of  Buddhism  and  corrupted 
Christianity.  Others,  maintaining  that  the  essence  of  piety 
consisted  in  a  knowledge  of  the  Supreme  Being,  and  the 
maintenance  of  an  intercourse  with  him  by  contemplation 
and  abstraction,  and  that  the  pure  soul  was  unaffected  by  the 
acts  of  its  impure  companion,  held  that  the  practice  of  virtue 
was  not  enjoined  by  the  Deity,  but  was  only  the  artifice  of 
the  prince  of  the  world  to  keep  men  in  obedience.  They 
therefore  freely  indulged  all  their  sensual  propensities.  This 
explains  the  charges  of  dissoluteness  made  against  some  sects 


GNOSTICISM.  \  273 

of  the  Gnostics  ;  but  these  charges,  which  are  cerTainly  ex- 
aggerated, must  not  be  implicitly  received. 

Had  this  false  philosophy  remained  distinct  from  Chris- 
tianity, it  might  have  proved  comparatively  innocuous.  But 
the  Gnostic  philosophers  looked  forward  to  the  appearance 
of  another  of  the  divine  messenijers  who  were  to  redeem 
mankind  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Demiurge  ;  and  many  of 
them,  struck  by  the  miracles  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  purity, 
sublimity,  and  comprehensiveness  of  his  doctrine,  which 
tended  to  abrogate  the  Mosaic  law,  (regarded  by  them  as  the 
work  of  the  Demiurge,)  and  overthrow  the  idolatry  of  the 
heathen,  saw  in  him  the  long-expected  envoy  of  heaven,  and 
embraced  his  religion.  Their  firmly-rooted  tenets,  however, 
did  not  accord  with  its  divine  simplicity;  and  they  found  it 
necessary  to  modify  it  considerably.  For  this  purpose,  they 
asserted  that  the  religion  of  Christ  consisted  of  two  sets  of 
doctrines ;  the  one  easy,  and  suited  to  the  capacity  of  the 
vulgar,  which  was  contained  in  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment ;  the  other  of  a  higher  nature  and  deeper  import,  re- 
vealed by  Christ  in  private  to  his  apostles,  for  their  knowl- 
edge of  which  they  were  indebted  to  Peter,  Paul,  and 
Andrew;  in  whose  names  they  forged  various  Gospels  and 
Epistles.  They  also  maintained  that  the  copies  of  the  New 
Testament  in  common  use  had  been  corrupted,  and  produced 
what  they  affirmed  to  be  genuine  transcripts  of  the  real 
originals.  They  moreover  appealed  to  certain  books  which 
bore  the  venerable  names  of  Seth,  Noah,  Abraham,  and  other 
holy  men,  as  their  authors,  as  well  as  to  those  propagated  in 
the  name  of  Zoroaster  and  other  Eastern  sages.  They  thus 
were  enabled,  in  conformity  with  their  tenets,  to  deny  that 
the  Mosaic  law  was  given  by  God,  to  maintain  that  Christ 
was  by  nature  far  inferior  to  the  Father,  and  that  he  never 
really  assumed  a  natural  body  ;  and  totairy  to  reject  the  doc- 
trine of  the  resurrection,  regarding  all  the  passages  relating 
to  it  as  merely  figurative.  It  proved  fortunate  for  Christianity 
that  the  Gnostics  were  not  united  in  one  consistent  body,  but 
were  divided  into  several  sects;  for,  agreeing  in  general  princi- 
ples, they  differed  widely  among  themselves  as  to  their  manner 
of  viewing  and  explaining  particular  doctrines;  and  their  dis- 
sensions gave  their  adversaries  many  advantages  in  the  contest. 

From  sundry  passages  in  the  apostolic  writings,*  it  may  be 
justly  inferred  that  the  Gnosis  had  affected  Christianity  within 

*  Col.  ii.  8.  1  Tim.  i.  3,  4  ;  iv.  l,seq.;  vi.  20.  2  Tim.iL.16.  Tit.iii.  9. 

I  I 


274  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

a  very  few  years  from  the  date  of  its  first  promulgation.  It 
was  not,  however,  till  the  second  century,  and  the  reign  of 
Hadrian,  that  the  Gnostics  began  to  form  themselves  into 
sects,  and  became  formidable  to  the  church.  We  will  now 
enumerate  the  principal  founders  of  these  sects,  and  state  their 
leading  tenets. 
J^  At  the  head  of  the  Gnostic  heretics  is  usually  placed  Si- 
mon Magus,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  ; 
but  it  is  extremely  doubtful  if  he  be  the  Gnostic  teacher ; 
and  at  all  events  he  was  an  open  enemy,  and  not  a  secret 
corrupter  of  Christianity.  The  same  obscurity  hangs  over 
Menander  and  Cerinthus,  who  are  regarded  as  his  successors. 
The  two  former  are  said  to  have  been  Samaritans,  the  latter 
a  Jew.  All  studied  at  Alexandria,  and  all  held  the  leading 
Gnostic  tenets.  Cerinthus,  however,  manifested  some  re- 
spect for  the  law  of  Moses,  declaring  that  such  parts  of  it  as 
Christ  had  sanctioned  should  be  observed.  He  also  thought 
more  favorably  than  the  Gnostics  in  general  of  the  creator  of 
the  world,  who,  according  to  him,  had  acted  in  creation  con- 
formably to  the  will  of  the  supreme  Deity.  He  did  not, 
therefore,  regard  matter  as  absolutely  evil,  or  deny  the 
resurrection.  According  to  him,  the  man  Jesus  was  born  in 
the  natural  way  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  and  the  yEon  Christ 
descended  on  him,  at  his  baptism,  in  the  form  of  a  dove ;  and 
previous  to  the  crucifixion,  the  JEon  returned  to  the  Pleroma, 
leaving  the  man  to  suffer  the  pains  of  the  cross.  There  ap- 
pear to  be  no  grounds  for  charging  Cerinthus  with  immoral- 
ity of  either  life  or  doctrine.  His  errors  were  those  of  the 
head  rather  than  of  the  heart. 

Saturninus,  a  native  of  Antioch,  was  a  Gnostic  philoso- 
pher, who  embraced  Christianity  in  the  second  century.  He 
taught  that  Satan,  the  ruler  of  matter,  was  coeval  with  the 
Deity ;  that  the  world  was  created  by  seven  angels,  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  Deity,  who,  however,  was  not  dis- 
pleased when  he  saw  it,  and  breathed  into  man  a  rational 
soul;  that  he  then  divided  the  world  into  seven  districts,  of 
which  he  committed  the  government  to  the  creating  angels, 
one  of  whom  was  over  the  Hebrew  nation,  and  gave  it  a  law 
through  Moses.  Satan,  he  said,  enraged  at  the  creation  of 
the  world,  and  the  virtue  of  its  inhabitants,  formed  another 
race  of  men  out  of  matter,  with  malignant  souls  like  his  own  ; 
and  hence  arose  the  great  moral  differences  to  be  observed 
among  men.  After  a  time,  the  founders  of  the  world  re- 
belled against  God,  who  sent  his  Son  on  earth,  arrayed  in 


GNOSTIC    HERESIES.  \^  275 

an  apparent  body,  to  deliver  the  souls  of  good  men  from 
both  them  and  Satan.  The  moral  discipline  of  Saturninus 
was  ascetic  and  severe ;  he  discouraged  marriage ;  he  en- 
joined abstinence  from  wine  and  flesh-meat ;  and  taught  to 
keep  under  the  body,  as  being  formed  from  matter  which 
was  in  its  essence  evil  and  corrupt. 

While  Saturninus  was  spreading  his  doctrines  in  Syria, 
an  Alexandrian  philosopher,  named  Basilides,  who  had  em- 
braced Christianity,  was  engaged  in  diffusing  a  somewhat 
similar  system  through  Egypt.  The  leading  principles  of 
Gnosticism  formed  the  basis  of  his  system  also,  in  which  the 
Deity  and  the  seven  ^Eons  farmed  a  sacred  Ogdoad.  Two 
of  these  iEons,  named  Wisdom  (Sophia)  and  Power,  (Dyna- 
mis,)  generated  certain  princes,  or  angels,  who,  having 
founded  a  heaven  for  themselves,  generated  other  inferior 
angels,  who,  in  their  turn,  formed  a  heaven  and  generated 
angels,  and  the  process  went  on  till  the  number  of  heavens 
was  three  hundred  and  sixty-five,  which  were  all  under  the 
dominion  of  a  supreme  lord,  who  bore  the  mystic  name  of 
Abraxas.*  The  prince  of  the  last  of  these  heavens,  which 
lay  on  the  confines  of  the  eternal  matter,  conceived  the  idea 
of  reducing  it  to  form,  which  he  effected  with  the  aid  of  his 
angels.  The  origin  of  the  vice  and  misery  of  man  being 
explained  in  the  usual  way,  but  of  course  with  some  varia- 
tions, Basilides  affirmed  that  Mind,  or  Intelligence,  {NoP?,) 
the  first  of  the  seven  vEons,  was  directed  by  the  Deity  to 
descend  on  earth,  and  put  an  end  to  the  dominion  of  the 
presiding  angels,  and  restore  the  knowledge  of  his  father 
among  them.  He  therefore  took  the  semblance  of  a  body, 
and,  when  the  god  of  the  Jews  caused  him  to  be  condemned 
to  death,  he  adopted  that  of  Simon  the  Cyrenaean,  who  was 
compelled  to  bear  his  cross ;  and  it  thus  was  Simon,  and  not 
Jesus,  who,  in  reality,  was  crucified.  The  souls  of  those 
who  obeyed  the  precepts  of  Christ  would,  at  death,  pass  to 
the  realms  of  supreme  bliss ;  those  of  the  disobedient  would 
migrate  into  the  bodies  of  men  and  other  animals.  The 
body  being  composed  of  matter,  which  was  incapable  of  pu- 
rity, would  never  be  raised.  The  moral  system  of  Basilides 
was  extremely  rigorous.  He  asserted  the  utmost  freedom 
of  the  will,  declared  that  God  would  forgive  no  offences  but 
those  that  were  involuntary,  and  regarded  the  inclination  to 

*  That  is,  365 ;  for  the  letters  of  it,  taken  as  numerals,  give  that  num- 
ber.    Of  such  nonsense  is  mysticism  usually  composed 


276  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

any  sin  as  identical  with  the  actual  commission  of  it.  Some 
of  the  followers  of  Basilides,  however,  abusing  the  maxim 
that  "  to  the  pure  all  things  are  pure,"  and  asserting  that  the 
soul  is  unaffected  by  the  acts  of  its  material  companion, 
plunged  into  vice  and  licentiousness. 

Another  Alexandrian,  named  Carpocrates,  the  contemporary 
of  Basilides,  also  became  the  founder  of  a  sect.  His  theo- 
locrical  principles  appear  not  to  iiave  differed  much  from  the 
ordinary  Gnostic  ones.  Writers  are  unanimous  in  describing 
his  moral  system  as  licentious  in  the  extreme.  In  their 
accounts  there  is,  probably,  as  usual,  much  exaggeration; 
but  it  is  certain  that  he  held  that  there  was  no  natural  dis- 
tinction between  good  and  evil ;  and  that  women,  and  all 
other  thino-s,  should  be  common.  We  know  not,  however, 
how  these  principles  may  have  been  modified,  so  as  to  make 
them  accord  with  the  notions  of  the  Deity,  and  the  necessity 
of  virtue,  common  to  him  with  all  the  Gnostic  sects. 

The  reputation  and  influence  of  these  heresiarchs  were 
far  eclipsed  by  those  of  Valentine,  another  Alexandrian,  and 
a  presbyter  of  the  church.  After  spreading  his  system  among 
his  countrymen,  he  went  to  Rome,  where  he  made  such  a 
number  of  proselytes,  that  the  church,  in  alarm,  excommuni- 
cated him  as  a  heretic.  He  then  took  up  his  abode  in  the 
isle  of  Cyprus,  and  openly  became  the  head  of  a  sect  which 
was  soon  very  widely  diffused. 

The  system  of  Valentine,  as  transmitted  to  us  by  the  an- 
cient Fathers,  is  so  intricate  that  we  cannot  undertake  to 
give  an  account  of  it.  It  also,  in  wildness  and  absurdity, 
seems  to  transcend  all  others;  but,  no  doubt,  many  things 
have  been  misunderstood ;  and  to  others  Valentine  might 
have  been  able  to  give  a  tolerably  rational  appearance.  He 
placed  in  the  Pleroma  thirty  /Eons,  fifteen  of  either  sex, 
which  he  divided  into  three  orders.  To  these  he  added 
four  others  of  a  different  nature.  Two  of  these  last  were 
named  Christ  and  Holy  Ghost;  and  the  last  of  the  ^ons 
was  Jesus,  the  most  noble  of  them,  who  was  formed  by  the 
united  efforts  of  all  the  others.  One  of  the  female  yEons, 
named  Sophia,  produced  a  daughter,  who  was  called  Acha- 
moth,  and  who,  being  expelled  from  the  Pleroma,  became,  by 
a  long  and  intricate  course,  the  origin  of  the  world,  the  his- 
tory of  whose  creation,  and  of  the  nature  of  man,  is  related 
with  more  complexity  than  in  the  other  Gnostic  systems,  with 
which  that  of  Valentine  agrees  in  all  the  main  points.  The 
moral  system  founded  on   this  theology  by  Valentine,  wa3 


GNOSTICS.  ^^^_       277 

strict,  and  free  from  impurity ;  but  many  of  his  followers 
made  it  sanction  their  sensuality  and  vice. 

Many  other  sects,  founded  on  the  doctrine  of  the  two  prin- 
ciples, are  enumerated  by  ancient  writers  ;  but  as  they  never 
were  of  any  importance,  we  need  not  notice  them.  The 
•names  of  Bardesanes,  Tatian,  and  Marcion,  however,  demand 
some  attention. 

Bardesanes  was  a  Christian  of  Edossa,  and  a  writer  in  the 
defence  of  his  faith  in  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurelius.  He 
adopted  and  modified  the  Oriental  doctrine,  and  became  the 
founder  of  a  sect ;  but  he  aftcrwnrds  returned  to  the  church, 
and  opposed  his  own  doctrines.  Tatian,  a  native  of  Assyria, 
was  also  a  writer  in  the  cause  of  his  relicrion  ;  and,  in  like 
manner,  he  embraced  the  doctrine  of  the  two  principles. 
His  exact  theological  tenets  arc  not  known,  but  his  moral 
system  was  ascetic  in  the  extreme  ;  for  he  enjoined  his  dis- 
ciples to  renounce  wedlock,  abstain  from  animal  food,  and 
live  in  solitude,  on  the  slightest  and  most  meagre  diet,  and 
even  to  use  water  instead  of  wine  in  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Marcion,  the  son  of  a  bishop  in  Pontus,  being  excommunica- 
ted by  his  own  father  for  either  his  immorality  or  his  heresy, 
came  to  Rome:  where,  beinw  unable  to  obtain  readmission 
into  the  church,  he  joined  a  Syrian  named  Cerdo,  and  be- 
came the  head  of  a  sect  which  spread  widely  and  continued 
long.  His  system  contained  the  usual  doctrine  of  the  two 
opposite  principles,  and  of  the  separate  creator  of  the  world, 
and  of  the  unreal  body  of  Christ.  His  rule  of  life  was 
ascetic,  and  so  severe  as  to  make  death  an  object  of  desire, 
rather  than  of  apprehension. 

On  taking  a  general  view  of  the  different  modifications  of 
Gnosticism,  we  find  them  all  afrreeino-  in  recocrnizins  the 
eternity  of  matter;  in  regarding  the  founder  of  the  world  as 
totally  distinct  from  the  supreme  Deity  ;  in  believing  the 
bodies  of  men  to  have  been  formed  by  the  former  being, 
while  their  souls  proceeded  from  the  latter ;  and  in  maintain- 
ing tliat  the  body,  when  once  dissolved  by  death,  would  never 
be  reanimated  ;  while  the  soul,  if  it  flung  off  the  yoke  of  the 
creator  of  the  world,  would  ascend  to  the  realms  of  light  and 
happiness.  The  Asiatic  Gnostics,  holding  to  the  ancient 
Oriental  principle,  believed  in  the  existence  of  a  separate 
prince  of  matter,  the  author  of  evil ;  but  this  prince  was  un- 
known to  the  systems  of  the  Egyptian  Gnostics,  who,  on  the 
other  hand,  introduced  into  them  Egyptian  notions  respect- 

CONTIN.  24 


278  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

incr  the  heavens,  the  stars,  the  descent  and  ascent  of  souls, 
and  similar  fancies. 

The  asceticism  which  springs  from  the  doctrine  of  the 
evil  nature  of  matter,  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  deliv- 
ering the  soul  from  the  influence  of  the  body,  lies  at  the 
foundation  of  the  greater  part  of  the  errors  and  corruptions 
into  which  the  church  fell.  The  Mosaic  law,  notwithstand- 
ing its  numerous  ceremonial  observances,  was  a  cheerful 
system;  and  Christianity,  that  "perfect  law  of  liberty,"  as  it 
is  most  justly  called,  is  decidedly  opposed  to  all  austerity  and 
rigor.  Yet  we  find,  even  in  the  second  century,  the  germs 
of  those  opinions  and  practices  which  gradually  brought  in 
monkery  and  its  attendant  evils.  At  this  time  appeared  in 
Phrygia  a  heretic  named  Montanus,  whose  opinions  were  em- 
braced by  Tertullian,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Fathers 
of  the  church  at  the  time,  and  whose  system  imbodied  many 
of  the  rigorous  principles  above  alluded  to,  which  had  hith- 
erto been  little  more  than  the  peculiar  notions  of  individ- 
ual Christians.  This  visionary  (for  such  he  appears  to  have 
been)  conceived  that  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Paraclete  promised 
to  the  apostles,  had  descended  on  himself,  for  the  purpose 
of  empowering  him  to  foretell  future  events,  and  establishing 
a  more  rigorous  system  of  morals  than  that  founded  on  the 
precepts  of  Christ  and  his  apostles.  He  drew  over  numbers 
to  his  opinions,  among  whom  were  two  wealthy  women  named 
Priscilla  and  Maximilla,  from  the  former  of  whom  the  sect 
received  one  of  its  appellations,  that  of  Priscillianists.  His 
disciples,  as  well  as  himself,  pretended  to  the  gift  of  proph- 
ecy, and  the  sect  spread  rapidly  through  the  empire.  The 
bishops  of  Asia  excommunicated  Montanus  and  his  followers, 
and  their  example  was  followed  by  the  prelates  in  other  parts; 
but  the  sect  continued  to  exist  in  a  separate  state. 

The  principal  features  in  the  doctrine  of  Montanus  were 
the  injunction  of  a  greater  frequency,  and  greater  rigor,  in 
fasting,  than  had  as  yet  prevailed  in  the  church ;  *  the  for- 
bidding of  second  marriages;  the  absolute  and  irrevocable 
excommunication  of  adulterers,  as  well  as  of  murderers  and 
idolaters;  the  requiring  virgins,  as  well  as  widows  and  wives, 
(to  whom  the  usage  had  hitherto  been  confined,)  to  wear 
veils;  the  forbidding  Christians,  in  time  of  persecution,  to 
seek  their  safety  in  flight,  or  purchase  it  from  the  heathen 

•  The  only  fast  hitherto  observed  in  the  church  was  that  of  Passion- 
week. 


THE    PASCHAL    FEAST.  \         279 

magistrates.  Montanus,  also,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
writings  of  his  follower  Tertullian,  prohibited  all  kinds  of 
costly  attire,  and  ornaments  of  the  person,  and  discouraged 
the  cultivation  of  letters  and  philosophy.  In  all  these  opin- 
ions, as  we  have  said,  he  did  little  more  than  enforce  prin- 
ciples which  had  long  been  held  by  the  more  rigorous 
members  of  the  church;  but  while  these  had  maintained 
them  in  a  spirit  of  meekness  and  charity,  he  arrogantly  im- 
posed them  as  the  dictates  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  whom,  con- 
sequently, those  who  refused  to  submit  to  these  trifling  and 
irrational  precepts,  would  incur  the  guilt  of  resisting.  This, 
combined  with  his  absurd  and  dangerous  prophecies,  fully, 
we  think,  justified  the  church  in  refusing  to  hold  communion 
with  him. 

Another  source  of  heresy,  in  this  period,  was  the  nature 
of  Christ.  Praxeas,  an  opponent  of  Montanus,  denied  all 
distinction  between  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost; 
and  affirmed  that  it  was  the  Father,  the  sole  God,  that  took 
a  human  body  in  the  person  of  Christ.  Hence  his  follow- 
ers were  named  Monarchians  and  Patripassians.  On  the 
other  hand,  Theodotus  and  Artemon  denied  the  divinity  of 
Christ,  and  maintained  that  his  superior  excellence  was 
solely  owing  to  his  body  being  divinely  begotten. 

The  dispute  of  greatest  magnitude  in  the  church,  during 
this  period,  was  that  respecting  the  Paschal  feast,  or  day 
of  the  institution  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  the  Asiatic 
Christians  kept  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  Jewish 
month,  the  day  of  the  Passover,  alleging  the  authority  of  the 
apostles  Piiilip  and  John.  But  as  this  interrupted  the  great 
fast  of  Passion-week  observed  by  the  church,  all  the  other 
Christians  deferred  it  till  the  eve  of  the  day  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, resting  on  the  authority  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul. 
As  the  day  of  the  Passover  was  variable,  depending  on  the 
moon,  (the  Jewish  months  being  lunar,)  there  was  this  fur- 
ther inconvenience,  that  the  third  day  from  it,  that  of  the 
resurrection,  did  not  always  fall  on  the  first  day  of  the  week, 
the  day  fixed  by  the  church  for  its  observance.  Various 
attempts  having  therefore  been  made,  to  no  purpose,  to  get 
rid  of  this  anomaly,  toward  the  close  of  the  second  centu- 
ry, Victor,  bishop  of  Rome,  supported  by  several  provincial 
councils,  wrote  in  very  dictatorial  terms  to  the  churches  of 
Asia,  requiring  them  to  conform  to  the  practice  of  the  other 
churches;  and,  when  thev  returned  a  spirited  refusal,  he  was 
proceeding  to  excommunicate  them,  when  Irenajus,  bishop 


280  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHUBCH. 

of  Gaul,  interposed,  and  a  compromise  was  efTected.  The 
Asiatics,  however,  retained  their  peculiar  usage  till  the  time 
of  the  council  of  Nicaea. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  notice  the  government  and  doc- 
trines of  the  church  during  the  second  and  third  centuries. 

Each  church,  i.  e.  congregation,  with  its  bishop  and  pres- 
byters, was  independent,  forming  a  little  republic,  presided 
over  by  magistrates  chosen  by  the  people,  and  each  meas- 
ure of  moment  was  decided  by  the  popular  voice.  These 
churches  were  at  first  confined  to  the  cities  and  towns ; 
but,  gradually,  as  the  faith  was  spread  among  the  country 
people,  churches  were  formed  in  the  villages,  over  whicli 
were  set  presbyters,  sent  by  the  church  in  the  adjacent  city 
or  large  town,  who  exercised  nearly  all  the  functions  of  the 
bishop,  and  were  therefore  named  Chorepiscopi,  i.  e.  rural 
bishops.  These  daughter-churches  were,  however,  like  all 
others,  independent ;  but  they  testified  a  filial  reverence  for 
the  church  which  had  founded  them,  and  whose  authority 
they  in  some  sort  recognized.  By  degrees,  it  became  the 
practice  for  the  churches  of  a  province  to  form  themselves 
into  an  association,  and  to  hold  conventions  for  the  discus- 
sion of  matters  of  common  interest,  at  which  the  churches 
were  represented  by  their  bishops.  This  practice  is  said  to 
have  originated  in  Greece ;  and  it  is  easy  to  recognize  the 
resemblance  between  these  Synods,  (^u^oJoi,)  as  they  were 
called  by  the  Greeks,  or  Councils,  {Concilia,)  as  they  were 
styled  by  the  Latins,  and  the  ancient  Amphictyonies,  and 
the  Synods  of  the  Achiean  and  iEtolian  Leagues.*  The 
laws  and  regulations  made  in  these  assemblies  were  termed 
Canons,  (/Cd/'OJ'fc,)  i.  e.  rules. 

The  introduction  of  these  councils  caused  a  great  alter- 
ation in  the  constitution  of  the  church.  The  original  rights 
of  the  people  became,  in  consequence  of  them,  nearly  eva- 
nescent, for  every  matter  of  imjjortance  was  now  determined 
by  the  councils.  On  the  other  hand,  the  dignity  and  au- 
thority of  the  prelates  was  proportionably  enlarged.  Their 
tone  grew  bolder,  and  they  now  spoke  of  themselves  as  the 
legitimate  successors  of  the  apostles,  and  empowered  to  im- 
pose laws  by  their  own  authority.  The  primitive  equality 
among  the  bishops  themselves  also  disappeared ;  for,  as  it 
was  necessary  that  a  council  should  have  a  president,  the 
office  was  bestowed  on  the  bishop  of  the  chief  city  of  the 

*  See  History  of  Greece,  pp.  24  and  440. 


GOVERNMENT    OF    THE    CHURCH.  281 

province,  which  city  was  naturally  selected  as  the  Inost  ap- 
propriate place  for  holding  the  council.  Hence  arose  the 
title  and  dignity  of  Metropolitan ;  and  further,  as  councils 
Ijecauie  more  extensive,  and  began  to  include  the  prelates  of 
more  provinces  than  one,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  have  a 
chief  for  each  division  of  the  earth  included  in  the  Roman 
empire ;  and  a  tacit  superiority  was  therefore  conceded  to 
the  bishops  of  Rome,  Antioch,  and  Alexandria,  with  prece- 
dence to  the  first,  on  account  of  the  greater  dignity  of  the 
city  in  which  he  resided.  These  three  ecclesiastical  poten- 
tates were  afterwards  named  Patriarchs.  In  this  manner, 
from  the  smallest  beginnings,  arose  the  Hierarchy  of  the 
church,  which,  in  course  of  time,  attained  to  such  an  as- 
tounding eminence. 

The  high  authority  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  enabled  the 
ministers  of  the  church  to  enlarge  their  pretensions  to  au- 
thority. They  conceived  or  represented  themselves  to  have 
succeeded  to  all  the  rights  of  the  Jewish  priesthood.  The 
bishop  accordingly  claimed  the  rights  and  authority  of  the 
high-priest;  the  presbyters  those  of  the  ordinary  priests; 
the  deacons  those  of  the  Levites.  Hence  followed  the  de- 
mand of  tithes  and  first-fruits,  which  there  is  abundant  rea- 
son to  suppose  was  made  even  before  the  third  century. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  also  these  Jewish  notions  that 
gave  origin  to  the  distinction  of  clergy  and  laity,*  which 
very  early  prevailed  in  the  church. 

In  the  third  century  we  find  among  the  clergy  a  variety 
of  inferior  officers,  such  as  Sub-deacons,  Acolyths,  (^attend- 
ants,) Ostiaries,  (door-keepers,)  Readers,  and  Exorcists.  As 
these  performed  duties  which  had  hitherto  been  discharged 
by  the  deacons,  we  see  nothing  improbable  in  the  supposition 
that  they  were  indebted  for  their  origin  to  the  pride  of  these 
last-named  ministers,  who  now  confined  themselves  to  the 
more  honorable  functions  of  their  office,  devolving  the  more 
menial  ones  on  an  inferior  class  of  persons.  Perhaps,  how- 
ever, the  more  simple  solution  will  be  found  in  the  principle 
of  the  division  of  labor,  which  the  great  increase  of  the 
church  may  now  have  called  into  operation. 

Such,  then,  was  the  appearance  presented  by  the  Chris- 
tian church  at  the  close  of  the  third  century.  The  distinc- 
tion was  drawn  clear  and  broad  between  the  clergy  and  the 
laity ;    the  former   forming   an  order   variously  subdivided, 

*  KXtiqixolf  from  xiMOf,  lot  or  office;  Xaixol,  from  Xahg,  people. 
24*  J  J 


282  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

and  claiming  peculiar  privileges.  Were  we  to  adopt  the 
assertions  of  Cyprian,  Eusebius,  and  other  Christian  writers, 
who  find  the  causes  of  all  the  persecutions  in  the  vices  of 
the  clergy,  we  should  view  them  as  utterly  depraved ;  but 
these  writers  indulged  too  much  in  rhetorical  exaggeration 
to  deserve  implicit  credit;  and  though  it  must  be  conce- 
ded, that  pride,  ambition,  avarice,  luxury,  and  other  vices, 
defiled  the  purity  of  the  Christian  priesthood,  the  truth  is 
probably  contained  in  the  assertion  of  Origen,  that,  though 
such  was  undoubtedly  the  case,  the  preeminence,  in  point 
of  virtue,  in  the  Christian  ministers,  as  compared  with  the 
heathen  magistrates  and  other  persons  in  office,  was  incon- 
testable. They  were,  in  fact,  men,  and,  as  such,  of  different 
degrees  of  moral  worth;  if  some  were  eminently  bad,  others 
were  as  eminently  good,  and  the  great  majority  indifferent. 
Finally,  to  repeat  an  observation  already  made,  the  errors 
or  vices  of  its  professors  cannot  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the 
Christian  religion. 

The  first  Christians,  mostly  selected  from  the  humbler  walks 
of  life,  had  been  ignorant  or  careless  of  literature  and  phi- 
losophy ;  but,  in  the  course  of  time,  philosophers  were  num- 
bered among  the  converts  to  Christianity,  and  their  attempts 
at  making  it  harmonize  with  their  previous  notions,  were  a 
principal  cause  of  its  corruption.  We  have  already  shown 
this  in  the  case  of  the  Gnostics ;  and  we  shall  now  briefly 
exhibit  the  influence  of  the  philosophy  of  Greece  on  the 
doctrines  of  the  church. 

The  first  philosopher  who  appears  to  have  joined  the 
Christian  society,  was  Justin,  named  the  Martyr.  He  was 
a  Platonist;  and  such  also  were  most  of  the  other  Christian 
philosophers,  for  the  tenets  of  Plato  were  those  which  ap- 
peared most  akin  to  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel.  But  it  was 
the  Eclectic  Platonism  of  Alexandria  that  was  chiefly  fol- 
lowed by  the  Christians,  who  had  a  seminary  in  that  city, 
named  the  Catechetic  School,  which  was  successively  pre- 
sided over  by  Panttenus,  Athenagoras,  and  Clement,  and  in 
which  the  attempt  was  made  to  bring  religion  and  philosophy 
into  unison.  A  contest  prevailed  between  the  followers  of 
this  system  and  the  advocates  for  gospel  simplicity ;  but  the 
victory  was  on  the  side  of  the  former,  and  the  formation, 
toward  the  end  of  the  second  century,  of  the  sect  of  the 
New  Platonists,  by  the  celebrated  Ammonius  Saccas,  as- 
sured their  triumph  and  the  corruption  of  the  gospel.  The 
learned  among  the  Christians  now  began,  like  the  Gnostics, 


CHRISTIAN    PHILOSOPHY.  283 

to  maintain,  that  in  the  Scriptures  there  was,  besiae  the  lite- 
ral sense,  a  latent  and  higher  one;  for  thus  only  could  their 
narratives  and  precepts  be  made  to  accord  wit'^  the  new 
philosopliic  ideas.  In  tliis  they  followed  the  example  of  the 
Jewish  Platonist,  Philo,  who  had  already  employed  this  sys- 
tem to  some  extent ;  and  any  one  who  peruses  his  writings, 
or  those  of  Justin,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  the  other 
early  Christian  philosophers,  will  easily  perceive  how  widely 
it  departs  from  all  the  principles  of  sane  interpretation.  As, 
however,  many  saw  the  danger  of  making  such  high  matters 
known  to  the  simple  and  ignorant,  the  plan  of  the  old  Egyp- 
tian priesthood  was  adopted,  and  the  principles  of  their  re- 
ligion were  taught  to  the  people  with  ail  plainness  and  sim- 
plicity, while  the  philosophic  interpretation  was  reserved  for 
the  more  advanced  in  faith,  and  even  to  them  only  commu- 
nicated orally.  Hence  arose  what  has  been  termed  the  Se- 
cret Discipline,  {DiscipUna  Arcani ;)  that  is,  in  effect,  mystic 
theology.  Hence,  too,  followed  a  similar  distinction  in  mor- 
als ;  there  was  one  rule  for  the  multitude,  another  for  the 
aspirants  to  higher  sanctity  and  to  perfection.  These  last 
were,  on  the  Gnostic  principles  already  explained,  to  seek 
retirement  and  mortify  the  flesh,  avoiding  marriage  and  all 
indulgence  of  the  senses;  while  the  former  were  left  to  five 
like  other  men,  to  engage  in  the  affairs  of  the  world,  and 
become  the  fathers  and  mothers  of  families.  This  was  the 
origin  of  hermits,  monks,  and  coenobites,  of  whom  we  shall 
hereafter  treat  more  largely. 

A  twofold  distinction  in  the  discipline  and  ceremonies  of 
the  church  speedily  followed.  These  philosophizing  Chris- 
tians, reflecting  on  the  mysteries  of  the  heathen  religions, 
thought  that  it  would  be  becoming  to  have  somethiniT  sim- 
ilar  in  the  church.  The  laity  was  therefore  divided  into  the 
Profane  and  the  Initiated  or  Faithful  ;  the  former,  who  had 
either  not  been  yet  baptized,  (such  being  named  Catechu- 
mens or  learners,*)  or  those  who  for  some  offence  had  been 
expelled  from  the  communion  of  the  Faithful,  were  only  ad- 
mitted to  a  portion  of  the  divine  service;  while  the  latter 
enjoyed  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  full  Christian, 
voting  in  the  assemblies,  being  present  at  all  parts  of  the 
service,  and  partaking  of  the  Agapse  or  Love-feasts,  and 
of  the  Lord's  Supper.  A  holy  silence  toward  the  profane 
respecting  these  imistcries  was  required  from  them.     The 

*  Ol  xari]xov^icvoi,  the  being  instructed. 


284  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

terms  belonging  to  the  heathen  mysteries  were  freely  and 
fondly  employed,  and  baptism  and  the  Eucharist  were  re- 
garded as  of  the  most  awful  import,  and  far  removed  from 
their  original  simplicity.  In  the  former,  which  was  publicly 
administered  every  year,  at  Easter  and  Whitsuntide,  by  the 
bishop  or  presbyters,  the  persons  to  be  baptized,  after  they 
had  repeated  the  creed  and  confessed,  and  renounced  their 
sins,  were  immersed  in  water,  signed  with  the  cross,  anoint- 
ed, and  by  prayer  and  imposition  of  hands  dedicated  to  God. 
They  then,  in  token  of  the  new  birth,  received  milk  and 
honey,  and  the  ceremony  thus  concluded.  The  Lord's  Sup- 
per was  administered  every  Sunday.  A  portion  of  the  bread 
which  formed  a  part  of  the  ordinary  oblations  of  the  faithful, 
was  separated,  and  was  consecrated  by  the  prayers  of  the 
bishop ;  and  it  then  was  divided  and  distributed,  as  also  was 
the  wine  when  it  had  been  previously  mixed  with  water.*  A 
portion  of  both  the  elements  was  sent  to  those  who  were 
sick  or  absent.  This  rite  was  regarded  as  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  salvation,  and  there  appears  reason  to  believe  that 
even  in  the  second  century  the  superstition  respecting  it  was 
such  as  to  cause  it  to  be  administered  to  infants. 

It  is  manifest,  that  in  form,  in  discipline,  and  in  doctrine, 
the  church  was  no  longer  what  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  the 
apostles.  Some  of  the  changes  were  the  necessary  conse- 
quence of  the  progress  of  time  and  the  alteration  of  circum- 
stances ;  but  others,  and  by  far  the  greater  in  number,  and 
most  pernicious  in  effect,  had  been  introduced  in  imitation 
of  the  Jewish  hierarchy,  of  the  mysteries  of  the  heathen  re- 
ligion, and  its  rites  and  ceremonies,  or  from  the  desire  to 
make  Christianity  correspond  with  the  philosophy  of  the 
East,  or  with  that  of  Plato.  Though  the  effect  was  inju- 
rious, the  motives  of  the  authors  of  the  changes  were,  in 
general,  pure,  and  they  acted  more  from  ignorance  than 
design. 

During  this  period,  the  church  began  to  have  a  literature 
of  its  own.  The  apostolic  Fathers,  (as  those  are  named 
who  had  been  contemporaneous  with  any  of  the  apostles,) 
Clement  of  Rome,  Barnabas,  Hermas,  Ignatius,  and  Poly- 
carp,  have  left  some  writings,  all,  with  the  exception  of  a 
trifling  allegory,  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas,  in  the  epistolary 
form.     But  some  are  spurious,  and  others  have  suffered  from 

*  B?ood  and  water  having  flowed  from  the  side  of  Jesus  when  he 
was  pierced  with  the  spear. 


FATHERS    OF    TILE    CHURCH.  /  285 

interpolation  ;  and  they  are  of  little  value,  except  a^  witnesses 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  church  in  their  time.  Their  immense 
inferiority  to  those  of  St.  Paul  is  very  striking.  In  the  sec- 
ond century  flourished  Justin  Martyr,  Athenagoras,  and 
Theophilus,  who  wrote  Apologies  or  defences  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  beside  treatises  on  various  subjects.  Irena^us, 
bishop  of  Lyons,  in  Gaul,  has  left  a  work,  in  five  books, 
against  heresies,  whence  we  chiefly  derive  our  knowledge  of 
them.  Clement  of  Alexandria,  a  man  of  great  learning,  but 
too  eager  to  find  the  heathen  philosophy  in  the  Jewish  and 
Christian  Scriptures,  was  the  author  of  numerous  works; 
three  of  which,  namely,  the  Paidagogue,  the  Exhortation,  and 
the  Stromata,  or  Patchwork,  have  come  down  to  our  times. 
The  only  Latin  writer  remaining  from  this  century  is  Ter- 
tullian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  a  man  of  vigorous  capacity,  but 
feeble  in  judgment,  and  morose  and  melancholy  in  temper. 
His  style  possesses  strength,  but  wants  elegance ;  and  his 
arguments    are   rather    rhetorical,   than    correct   and    con- 


vmcmg. 


The  principal  Greek  writers  of  the  third  century  were 
Julius  Africanus,  Dionysius  the  Great,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
Gregory,  bishop  of  New  Caesarea,  (named  Thaumaturgus, 
i,  e.  Wonder-worker,  from  the  miracles  which  he  was  said 
to  have  wrought,)  Methodius,  and  Hippolytus;  but  their 
works,  which  were  not  of  a  high  order,  have  mostly  perished. 
Far  superior  to  all  of  this  or  the  preceding  age  was  Origen, 
a  presbyter  of  Alexandria,  a  man  of  most  extensive  learning, 
of  profound  piety,  and  of  high  talent ;  but  in  whom,  as  in 
most  of  the  Fathers,  imagination  largely  preponderated  over 
judgment. 

The  Latin  writers  of  this  century  were  Cyprian,  bishop 
of  Carthage,  and  the  two  apologists,  Arnobius  and  Minu- 
cius  Felix.  Cyprian  was  pious  and  eloquent ;  but  his  style 
is  too  rhetorical,  and  his  temper  was  too  haughty  and  over- 
bearing. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 


PART  III. 

THE    CHRISTIAN    EMPERORS. 


CHAPTER  L* 

DIOCLETIAN    AND    MAXIMIAN. 
A.  u.  1038—1 058.     A.  D.  285—305. 

STATE    OF    THE    EMPIRE. CHARACTER  OF  DIOCLETIAN. IM- 
PERIAL POWER  DIVIDED. THE  BAGAUDS.  ■ — CARAUSIUS. 

REBELLION  IN  EGYPT. PERSIAN  WAR. TRIUMPH   OF  THE 

EMPERORS. THEIR  RESIGNATION. PERSECUTION  OF  THE 

CHURCH. 

The  Roman  empire  had  now  lasted  for  three  centuries. 
During  that  period,  the  forms  of  the  republic  under  which 
the  policy  of  Augustus  had  concealed  the  despotism  of  the 
imperial  rule,  had  been  silently  laid  aside,  and  the  people 
were  become  accustomed  to  the  display  of  arbitrary  power, 
upheld  by  the  arms  of  the  soldiery.  Occasionally,  a  faint 
gleam  of  the  ancient  Roman  spirit  broke  forth,  as  in  the 
time  of  the  emperor  Tacitus ;  but  the  general  aspect  pre- 
sented by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Eternal  City,  as  it  now 
began  to  be  called,  was  that  of  a  sensual,  enervated  nobility, 
and  a  beggarly,  turbulent  populace.     The  provinces,  enjoy- 

*  Authorities  :   The  Epitomators,  the  Panegyrists,  and  Lactantius. 


A.  D.  285.]  CHARACTER    OF    DIOCLETIAN.        I  287 

ing  the  rights  of  which  Rome  had  once  been  so  jealous, 
exliibited  more  of  virtue  and  of  vigor;  and  nearly  all  the 
emperors,  for  the  two  last  centuries,  had  been  provincials  by 
origin.  While  the  civil  condition  of  the  empire  was  thus 
undergoing  inevitable  change,  its  ancient  systems  of  religion 
were  fast  receding  before  that  of  the  gospel,  and  an  expe- 
rienced eye  might  easily  discern  that  the  final  triumph  of  the 
latter  was  certain.  We  are  now  to  witness  that  triumph,  to 
behold,  at  the  same  time,  the  Roman  emperors  assuming  the 
pomp  and  parade  of  the  monarchs  of  the  East,  the  irruptions 
of  the  barbarians  becoming  every  day  more  formidable,  and 
the  empire  of  the  West  finally  sinking  beneath  their  attacks. 

Diocletian,  into  whose  hands  the  empire  had  now  fallen, 
was  another  of  those  able  Illyrian  peasants  whom  their  own 
talents  and  merits  had  raised  to  the  height  of  imperial  pow- 
er. He  is  said  to  have  been  the  freedman,  or  the  son  of  a 
freedman,  of  a  Roman  senator  named  Anulinus.  The  place 
of  his  birth  was  a  small  town  in  Dalmatia.*  He  entered 
the  army,  and  gradually  rose  to  the  post  of  commander  of 
the  body-guards,  which  he  held  when  the  votes  of  his  com- 
panions in  arms  invested  him  with  the  purple.  Good  sense 
and  prudence  were  the  distinguishing  features  in  the  character 
of  the  new  emperor.  His  courage  was  calm  and  collected, 
rather  than  impetuous ;  and  he  never  employed  force  where 
policy  could  avail.  In  this,  as  in  some  other  points,  he  re- 
sembled Augustus ;  and  the  personal  courage  of  both  has 
accordingly  been  called  into  question  by  malignant  or  super- 
ficial observers.  The  empire  which  Augustus  had  founded 
Diocletian  remodelled,  and  his  name  stands  at  the  head  of 
a  new  order  of  things. 

Diocletian  used  his  victory  over  Carinus  with  a  modera- 
tion which  had  never  hitherto  been  equalled.  None  of  the 
adherents  of  his  adversary  suffered  in  life,  fortune,  or  honor. 
Though  unversed  in  letters,  and  ignorant  of  the  philosophy 
of  the  schools,  he  appreciated  the  mild  philosophy  of  M.  Au- 
relius,  and  declared  his  intention  of  making  him  his  model 
in  the  art  of  government.  In  imitation  of  that  emperor,  or, 
more  probably,  from  the  suggestion  of  his  own  sound  judg- 
ment, he  resolved  to  give  himself  a  partner  in  the  empire. 
The  extensive  frontiers  of  the  Roman  dominion  were  now 

*  Its  name  is  supposed  to  have  been  Doclia,  from  a  tribe  of  Illyrians, 
and  his  own  name  was  probably  Docles,  which  he  Hellenized  to  Dio- 
des, and  then  Latinized  to  Diocletianus.  See  Gibbon,  ch.  xiii.  The 
Gentile  name  of  his  patron  was  apparently  Valerius. 


288  DIOCLETIAN    AND    MAXIMIAN.    [a.  D.  236-287. 

SO  constantly  and  so  vigorously  assailed  by  the  Persians  and 
Germans,  that  no  single  person  could  attend  to  their  defence; 
and  experience  had  shown  that  generals  intrusted  with  the 
command  of  large  armies,  might  become  the  rivals  of  their 
sovereigns.  The  person  whom  Diocletian  fixed  on  as 
his  colleague  was  his  ancient  mate  in  arms,  Maximianus, 
who,  born  a  peasant  in  the  district  of  Sirmium,  had,  like 
himself,  risen  solely  by  merit.  A  second  Marius,  Maximian 
was  rude,  brutal,  and  ferocious,  a  brave  soldier,  an  able 
officer,  but  neither  a  general  nor  a  statesman  of  any  account. 
For  the  superior  wisdom  and  knowledge  of  Diocletian,  he 
had  the  utmost  respect,  and  he  always  stood  in  awe  of  his 
genius.  It  is  remarkable  that  Diocletian  was  able  to  exer- 
cise as  much  influence  over  the  rude  Maximian,  as  Aurelius 
had  possessed  over  the  luxurious  Verus  —  a  proof,  perhaps, 
of  his  greater  force  of  mind. 

Diocletian  first  conferred  on  his  friend  the  dignity  of  a 
Caesar,  and  then  raised  him  to  the  more  elevated  rank  of  an 
Augustus,  (Apr.  1,  286.)  On  this  occasion,  the  emperors 
assumed,  the  one  the  surname  of  Jovius,  the  other  that  of 
Herculius,  in  allusion  to  their  different  characters,  and  the 
parts  they  were  to  bear  in  the  state.  Diocletian  retained 
for  himself  the  administration  of  the  provinces  of  the  East, 
and  fixed  on  Nicomedia  as  his  place  of  residence;  to  Max- 
imian he  assigned  those  of  the  West,  and  Milan  became  his 
imperial  abode. 

In  the  following  year,  (287,)  Maximian  found  employment 
for  his  arms  in  suppressing  an  insurrection  of  the  peasantry 
of  Gaul,  who,  under  the  name  of  Bagauds,  a  term  of  dubious 
origin,*  were  spreading  devastation  through  the  country.  It 
is  remarkable  that,  at  all  periods  of  her  history,  France  has 
presented  the  spectacle  of  a  rural  population  reduced  to  the 
extreme  of  misery  by  the  oppression  of  an  aristocracy,  or  of 
the  government.  Predial  servitude  to  a  tyrannic  nobility 
was  the  condition  in  which  the  Romans  found  the  Gallic 
peasantry  ;  under  their  own  dominion,  the  same  system  was 
continued,  and  the  evil  was  aggravated  by  the  weight  of 
taxation,  and  the  insolence  of  a  haughty  soldiery.  The 
Franks  and  other  German  conquerors  succeeded  to  this 
power,  and  transmitted  it  to  the  feudal  lords  of  the  middle 
ages,  with  whose  descendants  it  continued  to  the  close  of  the 

*  It  is  derived  by  some  from  the  Celtic  Bagad,  a  tumultuous  as- 
sembly. 


A.  D.  289.]  THE    BAGAUDS.  \  289 

eighteenth  century  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  di- 
vision of  landed  property  which  lias  since  taken  placeT^rrd 
the  high  direct  taxes  imposed  on  the  proprietors,  the  govern- 
ment appears  likely  to  become,  ere  long,  the  owner  of  the 
far  greater  part  of  the  produce  of  the  soil,  and  the  cultiva- 
tors to  sink  gradually  to  the  condition  of  the  serfs,  their 
ancestors. 

Thejarqurric,  or  insurrection  of  the  French  peasantry,  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  as  narrated  in  the  graphic  and  ani- 
mated pages  of  Froissart,  will  enable  us  to  form  a  conception 
of  the  rising  of  the  Bagauds,  in  the  fourth  century.  In  both 
cases,  the  insurgents  were  unable  to  make  head  against  the 
fully-armed  troops  opposed  to  them  ;  in  both,  the  vengeance 
taken  on  them  was  cruel  and  remorseless. 

The  leaders  of  the  Bagauds,  named  ^lianus  and  Aman- 
dus,  had  assumed  the  imperial  ensigns;  their  coins  may  still 
be  seen  ;  but  their  ambition  was  short-lived.  A  more  fortu- 
nate usurper  appeared  in  Britain.  The  Franks  and  other 
German  tribes  of  the  north  coast  having  now  begun  to  ad- 
dict themselves  to  piracy,  a  Roman  fleet  was  stationed  at 
Boulogne,  {Bononio,)  in  order  to  protect  the  coasts  of  Gaul 
and  Britain  from  their  ravages.  The  command  of  this  fleet 
was  given  to  Carausius,  a  native  of  that  country,  {i.  e.  a  Me- 
napian,)  a  man  of  very  low  origin,  but  skilled  in  navigation, 
and  of  approved  courage.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  the 
pirates  used  to  pass  down  the  channel  unobserved  or  unmo- 
lested, but  that  they  were  apt  to  be  intercepted  on  their  re- 
turn, and  that  a  considerable  part  of  the  booty  gained  from 
them  never  found  its  way  into  the  imperial  treasury.  Max- 
imian,  convinced  of  the  guilt  of  the  admiral,  gave  orders  for 
his  death  ;  but  the  fleet  was  devoted  to  Carausius,  and  he 
passed  with  it  over  to  Britain,  and,  having  induced  the  legion 
and  the  auxiliaries  stationed  there  to  declare  for  him,  he 
boldly  assumed  the  purple  ;  and  the  emperors,  after  some 
fruitle-ss  attempts  to  reduce  him,  were  obliged  (289)  to  ac- 
knowledge his  rank  and  title. 

It  soon  appeared  that  even  two  emperors  would  not  suffice 
for  the  defence  of  the  provinces,  and  Diocletian  resolved  to 
associate  two  other  generals  in  the  imperial  power.  Under 
the  title  of  Caesars,  they  were  to  rank  beneath  the  emperors, 
but  their  power  was  to  be  absolute  in  the  parts  of  the  empire 
assigned  them.  The  persons  selected  were  Galerius  Ma.x- 
imianus,  a  native  of  Dacia  named  Armentarius,  from  his 

CONTIN.  25  K  K  • 


290  DIOCLETIAN    AND    MAXIMIAN.  [a.  D.  296. 

original  employment  of  a  herdsman,  and  Constantius,*  a 
grand-nephew  in  the  female  line  of  the  emperor  Claudius. 
The  former  was,  as  might  be  expected,  rude  and  martial; 
the  latter,  though  a  soldier  from  his  youth,  was  polished  in 
manners,  and  mild  and  amiable  in  temper.  Perhaps  it  was 
in  imitation  of  the  policy  of  Augustus,  that  Diocletian  re- 
quired the  Caesars  to  divorce  their  wives  and  marry  the 
daughters  of  himself  and  his  colleague.  He  bestowed  the 
hand  of  his  own  daughter  Valeria  on  Galerius,  and  Theo- 
dora, the  stepdaughter  of  Maximian,  became  the  wife  of 
Constantius.  For  himself  Diocletian  reserved  Thrace, 
Egypt,  and  the  Asiatic  provinces,  while  his  Caesar  Galerius 
governed  those  on  the  Danube ;  Maximian  held  Italy  and 
Africa ;  his  Csesar  Constantius  had  charge  of  Spain,  Gaul, 
and  Britain. 

The  power  of  Carausius,  the  ruler  of  this  last-named 
island,  was  now  at  its  height;  by  repressing  the  incursions 
of  the  Caledonians  and  the  invasions  of  the  Germans,  he  pre- 
served internal  tranquillity ;  his  fleets  rode  triumphant  on 
the  ocean,  and  he  still  retained  Boulogne  and  its  district  on 
the  continent.  But  the  loss  of  a  rich  province  was  galling 
to  the  pride  and  the  dignity  of  the  empire,  and  Constantius 
undertook  the  task  of  reducing  the  British  ruler,  (292.)  By 
running  a  mole  across  the  harbor  of  Boulogne,  he  obliged 
that  town  and  a  great  part  of  the  usurper's  fleet  to  surrender. 
While  he  was  preparing  a  fleet  for  the  invasion  of  the  island, 
he  received  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Carausius,  who  was 
assassinated  (294)  by  Allectus,  his  principal  minister.  The 
murderer  assumed  the  vacant  power  and  dignity,  and  more 
than  two  years  elapsed  before  Constantius  had  assembled  a 
fleet  and  army  sufficient  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  the  island. 
At  length,  (296,)  he  prepared  to  invade  it  in  three  separate 
places.  The  first  division,  under  the  praetorian  prefect  As- 
clepiodotus,  put  to  sea  on  a  stormy  day,  and  by  the  favor 
of  a  fog  having  escaped  the  fleet  of  Allectus,  which  lay  oflf 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  effected  a  landing  in  the  West.  As  soon 
as  his  troops  had  debarked,  the  prefect  set  fire  to  his  ship- 
ping. Allectus,  who  had  taken  his  station  with  a  large  army 
at  London,  to  await  the  arrival  of  Constantius,  hastened  to 
the  West;   but  his  troops  were  few  and  dispirited,  and  after  a 

"  He  ia  usually  named  Chlorus,  from  his  pallid  hue,  as  it  would 
appear,  though  the  Panegyrist  (v.  19)  speaks  of"  his  rubor.  Tillemont 
Bays  that  it  is  only  in  the  later  Greek  writers  that  his  name  Chlorus 
appears. 


A.  D.  296, j  PERSIAN    WAR.  \  291 

brief  conflict  he  was  defeated  and  slain.*  Constantius/when 
he  landed,  met  with  no  opposition;  and  this  noble  island  was 
thus,  after  a  separation  of  ten  years,  reunited  to  the  empire. 

Africa  and  Egypt  gave  at  tiiis  time  occupation  to  the  two 
emperors.  In  the  former,  a  man  named  Julian  assumed  the 
purple  at  Carthage,  and  five  confederated  Moorisli  tribes  in- 
vaded the  province.  But,  on  the  appearance  of  Maximian, 
Julian  stabbed  himself,  and  the  Moors  were  easily  defeated, 
and  forced  to  abandon  their  mountain  fastnesses.  In  Egypt, 
one  Achilleus  had  assumed  tlie  purple  at  Alexandria,  and 
the  Blemmyans  were  ravaging  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Nile. 
Diocletian  sat  down  with  a  large  army  before  Alexandria  : 
he  cut  off  the  aqueducts  which  supplied  it  with  water,  and 
strongly  secured  his  camp  against  the  sallies  of  the  besieged  ; 
and  after  eight  months  the  rebellious  city  was  obliged  to  sur- 
render at  discretion.  A  severe  vengeance  was  taken,  and 
many  thousands  of  the  inhabitants  were  slaughtered  ;  the 
cities  of  Busiris  and  Coptos  were  totally  destroyed,  and  all 
Egypt  suffered  by  sentences  of  death  or  exile.  To  oppose 
an  effectual  barrier  to  the  incursions  of  the  Blemmyans,  the 
emperor  induced  the  Nobetae  or  Nubians  to  quit  their  abodes 
in  the  deserts,  and  settle  in  the  country  about  Syene  and  the 
Cataracts,  which  he  resigned  to  them  on  the  condition  of 
their  guarding  that  frontier  of  the  empire.  While  he  re- 
mained in  Egypt,  Diocletian  made  many  wise  laws  and  regu- 
lations, calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of 
the  country. t 

A  war  ensued  with  Persia,  on  account  of  Armenia.  We 
have  seen  that,  from  the  time  of  Augustus,  the  Roman  em- 
perors had  claimed  and  exercised  the  right  of  bestowing  the 
investiture  of  that  kingdom.  After  the  defeat,  however,  of 
Valerian,  the  Persian  monarch,  having  caused  the  Armenian 
king  Chosroes  to  be  assassinated,  had  made  himself  master 



of  the  country.  Tiridates,  the  infant  son  of  the  murdered 
monarch,  was  saved  by  his  friends,  and  committed  to  the  care 
of  the  Roman  emperors.  He  grew  up  strong,  active,  dex- 
terous in  the  use  of  arms,  and  undauntedly  courageous ;  and 

*  Compare  the  invasion  of  Enjrland  by  William  the  Norman. 

t  Ainonor  others,  he  directed  thiit  a  strict  search  should  be  made  "  for 
all  the  ancient  books  which  treated  of  the  admirable  art  of  making  gold 
and  silver,"  and  connnit*ed  them  to  the  flames.  This  is  the  earliest 
mention  of  the  vain  science  of  .alchemy.  See  Gibbon,  [chap,  xiii.] 
This  folly  still  prevails  in  the  East.  See  Eraser's  Travels  in  Koordis- 
tan,  &c.,  for  an  instance  at  the  present  day. 


292  DIOCLETIAN    AND    MAXIMIAN.      [a.  D.  296-297. 

he  won  the  warm  friendship  of  Licinius,  the  sworn  mate  and 
friend  of  Galerius.  At  the  instance  of  tliis  last,  Diocletian 
declared  Tiridates  king  of  Armenia;  and  as  soon  as  the  new 
monarch  appeared  on  the  frontiers,  (2SG,)  the  Armenians, 
weary  of  the  insults  and  oppression  of  the  Persians,  received 
him  with  transports  of  joy.  The  Persian  garrisons  were 
speedily  driven  out  of  the  country;  and,  as  a  civil  war  was 
raging  at  the  time  among  the  Sassanian  princes,  Tiridates 
was  able  not  only  to  recover  Armenia,  but  to  carry  his  arms 
into  Assyria.  When,  however,  the  civil  conflict  terminated, 
and  Narses  was  acknowledcred  kintr  of  Persia,  the  whole  force 
of  the  empire  was  turned  against  the  revolted  Armenians, 
and  Tiridates  was  once  more  obliged  to  seek  the  protection 
of  the  Roman  emperors. 

As  the  language  of  Narses  now  became  insolent  and 
menacing,  and  prudence  and  honor  alike  demanded  the 
restoration  of  Tiridates,  Diocletian  prepared  for  war,  (296.) 
Fixing  his  own  abode  at  Antioch,  he  committed  the  conduct 
of  the  war  to  Galerius,  whom  he  had  summoned  for  the 
purpose  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  Galerius  crossed 
the  Euphrates,  and  entered  on  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia. 
After  some  indecisive  fighting,  the  clouds  of  Persian  cavalry 
enveloped  his  army,  which  was  far  inferior  in  number,  on  the 
very  ground  which,  more  than  three  centuries  before,  had  wit- 
nessed the  defeat  and  death  of  Crassus.  The  Romans  sus- 
tained a  total  overthrow ;  and  Galerius,  when  he  reached 
Antioch,  had  the  mortification  to  be  received  with  cold  aus- 
terity by  Diocletian,  whose  chariot  he  had  to  follow  on  foot, 
in  his  imperial  purple,  for  the  length  of  a  mile. 

A  new  army,  however,  was  soon  formed  from  the  troops 
of  lUyricum  and  the  Gothic  auxiliaries;  and  Galerius,  at  the 
head  of  2.5,000  gallant  soldiers,  was  permitted  again  to  try 
his  fortune,  (297.)  Warned  by  experience,  he  now  shunned 
the  plains,  and  advanced  through  the  mountains  of  Armenia. 
In  person,  attended  by  only  two  horsemen,  he  undertook  the 
perilous  task  of  exploring  the  strength  and  the  dispositions 
of  the  hostile  force.  lie  then  made  a  sudden  attack  on  the 
Persian  camp  ;  the  rout  of  the  enemy  was  instantaneous  and 
complete.  Narses,  who  was  wounded  in  the  action,  fled  to 
Media  ;  the  Persian  camp,  replete  with  riches,  became  the 
prey  of  the  victors ;  *  the  monarch's  own  harem  fell  into  the 

*  A  Roman  soldier,  it  is  said,  meeting  with  a  leathern  bag  full  of 
pearls,  threw  away  the  latter,  of  which  he  could  not  conceive  the  use, 


A.  D.  303.]  PERSIAN    WAR.  \293 

hands  of  the  Romans;  and  rude  as  was  the  nature  of  Gale- 
rius,  his  treatment  of  the  royal  ladies  equalled  that  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  on  a  similar  occasion.  Diocletian,  when 
he  heard  of  this  great  victory,  set  out  from  Antioch,  and  met 
the  now  elated  Galerius  at  Nisibis.  Here  they  were  soon 
waited  on  by  Apharban,  a  person  high  in  the  confidence  of 
the  Persian  monarch,  with  proposals  for  a  treaty  of  peace. 
After  an  interview  with  the  emperors,  the  Persian  was  dis- 
missed with  an  assurance  that  Narses  should  speedily  be 
informed  of  the  terms  on  which  peace  mi^ht  be  obtained. 
The  secretary,  Sicorius  Probus,  accordingly  soon  after 
appeared  in  the  Persian  camp,  and  peace  was  concluded  on 
tlie  following  conditions:  All  the  northern  Mesopotamia 
was  to  be  resigned  to  the  Romans,  and  the  River  Aboras* 
was  to  form  the  boundary  of  the  two  empires  in  that  country ; 
five  provinces  beyond  the  Tigris  t  were  also  to  be  ceded  to 
the  Romans  ;  Tiridates  was  to  be  restored,  and  his  dominions 
augmented ;  the  kings  of  Iberia  to  be  nominated  by  the 
Roman  emperors. 

The  empire  was  now  externally  at  rest ;  the  revolted  prov- 
inces had  been  recovered,  and  the  frontiers  extended ;  Dio- 
cletian, therefore,  took  the  occasion  of  the  commencement 
of  the  twentieth  year  of  his  reign  (303)  for  celebrating  a 
triumph  for  the  victories  obtained  by  his  arms  and  under  his 
auspices.  For  this  purpose,  he  repaired  t(^Rome,  which  he 
had  not  yet  honored  with  his  presence,  and  he  and  Maximian 
triumphed  jointly,  (Nov.  20,)  for  Africa,  Egypt,  Britain,  and 
other  countries,  but  more  especially  for  Persia.  The  cere- 
mony displayed  the  usual  pomp  and  magnificence;  one  cir- 
cumstance, unknown  at  the  time,  distinguished  it  from  all 
others  —  it  was  the  last  real  triumph  that  Rome  was  to 
witness. 

The  importance  of  the  eternal  city  had  suffered  a  serious 
diminution  by  the  altered  circumstances  of  the  empire,  which 
demanded  the  presence  of  the  sovereigns  nearer  to  the 
frontiers.  The  senate  lost  the  consideration  which  it  had 
heretofore  enjoyed  ;  the  once  formidable  praetorian  guards 
were  greatly  reduced  in  number  and  influence ;  they  ceased 

and  kept  the  bag.  Am.  Marc.  xxii.  4.  The  same  story  is  told  of  one  of 
the  followers  of  the  first  Khalifs  ;  but  the  Arab  previously  tried  to  chew 
the  pearls,  taking  them  for  grains  of  millet. 

*  This  river  rose  near  the  Tigris,  ran  by  Singara,  and  entered  the 
Euphrates  at  Circesium. 

f  Namely,  Zabdicene,  Arzinene,  Corduene,  Moxoene,  and  Intiline. 
25* 


294  DIOCLETIAN,    MAXIMIAN.       [a.  D.  304-305. 

to  be  the  protectors  of  the  imperial  person,  their  place  as 
such  being  occupied  by  two  legions  of  the  army  of  Illyricum, 
which  were  named  Joviaus  and  Ilerculians,  from  the  titles 
of  the  emperors. 

The  stay  of  Diocletian,  in  this  his  first  and  last  visit  to 
the  capital  of  the  empire,  did  not  exceed  two  months.  The 
freedom  and  familiarity  of  the  populace  was  harsh  and  un- 
pleasant to  his  ear,  accustomed  to  the  submissive  adulation 
of  Greeks  and  Orientals ;  motives  of  policy  may  also  have 
concurred  to  give  him  a  distaste  for  Rome.  He  quitted  that 
capital,  therefore,  in  the  midst  of  the  winter,  and  proceeded 
through  Illyricum  to  the  East.  The  fatigue  of  the  journey 
and  the  severity  of  the  weather  brought  on  a  lingering  ill- 
ness. He  was  obliged  to  travel  by  short  stages,  and  mostly 
in  a  close  litter,  and  he  did  not  reach  Nicomedia  till  toward 
the  end  of  the  summer,  (304.)  His  illness  had  then  become 
serious ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  March  of  the  following  year 
(305)  that  he  was  able  to  appear  in  public.  During  his  long 
confinement,  he  had  reflected  on  the  incompatibility  of  the 
cares  of  empire  with  the  attention  and  indulgence  which 
his  advanced  age  and  declining  health  demanded;  and  he 
adopted  the  resolution  of  resigning  his  imperial  power,  and 
retiring  into  private  life.  He  communicated  his  intention 
to  Maximian ;  and,  however  adverse  that  restless  emperor 
might  be  to  parting  with  his  power,  he  had  been  too  loncp  in 
the  habit  of  submitting  implicitly  to  the  dictates  of  his  wiser 
colleague  to  refuse  compliance.  On  the  same  day,  (May  1,) 
as  had  been  previously  arranged,  both  the  emperors,  the  one 
at  Nicomedia,  the  other  at  Milan,  performed  the  ceremony 
of  their  abdication,  and  the  Caesars  Galerius  and  Constantius 
became  emperors  in  their  stead.*  Diocletian  retired  to  his 
native  province  of  Dalmatia,  where,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  city  of  Salona,  he  built  a  magnificent  palace,  and  em- 
ployed his  hours  in  gardening  and  planting.t  Maximian 
fixed  his  abode  at  a  villa  in  Lucania,  but  we  are  not  informed 
how  he  passed  his  days. 

The  abdication  of  Diocletian  is  the  earliest  instance  which 

*  If  we  may  credit  the  author  of  the  work  De  Mortihus  PerseciUo- 
rum,  Galerius  forced  Diocletian  to  resign. 

t  Diocletian  survived  his  abdication  about  eight  years.  He  died  in 
313.  When  urged  by  the  instances  of  Ma.ximian  and  Galerius  to  re- 
sume his  power,  he  replied,  "  I  wish  you  could  see  the  potherbs  plant- 
ed by  my  own  hands  at  Salona,  and  you  would  surely  never  think 
that  power  should  be  resumed." 


A.  D.  305.]  RESIGNATION    OF    EMPERORS.  295 

history  records  of  the  voluntary  relinquishment  of  sufireme 
power.  It  is  the  only  one  to  be  found  in  the  .incient  world; 
but  examples,  though  rare,  occur  in  modern  times.  That 
of  the  emperor  Charles  V.  will  present  itself  to  the  minds  of 
most  readers;  but  that  monarch's  abdication  was  the  result 
of  disappointed  ambition,  and  his  leisure  was  less  nobly  oc- 
cupied than  that  of  the  Roman  emperor.  The  Turkish 
sultan  Moorad  J  I.  twice  quitted  his  throne  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  private  life;  but  he  was  each  time  recalled  to  it  by 
the  dangers  of  the  state.  The  Spanish  king  Philip  V.  also 
abandoned  the  pomp  of  royalty  for  the  practice  of  devotion ; 
but  the  death  of  his  son  and  successor  obliired  him  to  re- 
sume  the  sceptre.  Devotion  and  other  causes  had,  in  ear- 
lier times,  produced  resignations  among  the  princes  of  the 
states  founded  on  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  empire. 

It  is  rather  remarkable  that  a  prince  like  Diocletian,  born 
in  the  humbler  walks  of  life,  and  trained  up  in  arms,  should 
have  been  the  introducer  of  Oriental  usages  into  the  palace 
of  the  Roman  eujperors.  But  he  seems  to  have  been  actua- 
ted by  policy  rather  than  pride  or  vanity ;  he  conceived  that 
investing  the  emperor  with  the  splendor  of  apparel,  and 
rendering  him  dilhcult  of  access,  would  make  him  more 
venerable  in  the  eyes  of  the  multitude,  and  induce  a  more 
absolute  submission  to  his  will.  He  and  his  colleague, 
therefore,  assumed  the  diadem,  which  ornament  distin- 
guished them  from  theCajsars;  the  purple  robes  of  the  em- 
perors were  of  silk  and  gold,  and  their  shoes  were  adorned 
with  precious  stones.  Numerous  officers  attended  at  the 
palace,  and  the  care  of  the  interior  apartments  was  com- 
mitted to  eunuchs.  When  any  one  appeared  before  the 
emperor,  he  was  required  to  Hill  prostrate  and  worship  him 
after  the  fashion  of  the  East.  This  display  of  iniperial 
pomp,  and  the  maintenance  of  four  separate  courts,  caused 
an  enormous  increase  of  taxation,  and  consequent  oppression 
of  the  people.  We  shall  presently  explain  the  whole  of  the 
altered  imperial  system  more  at  length. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Diocletian  and  Maximian, 
the  last  and  greatest  persecution  of  the  Christian  church 
commenced.     Its  origin  was  as  follows  : 

Christianity,  as  has  been  already  observed,  was  now  most 
widely  spread,  and  Christians  were  to  be  found  in  all  the 
ranks  and  conditions  of  society.  Diocletian,  though  he 
himself  adhered  to  the  ancient  faith,  was  tolerant,  if  not 


296  DIOCLETIAN,    MAXIMIAN.  [a.  D.  302. 

even  favorable  to  the  new  religion,  which  his  wife  and 
daughter  are  said  to  have  secretly  embraced,  and  which  was 
openly  professed  by  the  imperial  eunuchs  Lucianus,  Doro- 
theus,  Gorgonius,  and  Andreas,  and  by  most  of  the  principal 
officers  of  the  palace.  The  Christian  bishops  were  treated 
with  respect,  and  new  and  more  stately  churches  were 
rising  in  all  the  cities  of  the  empire.  But  amid  this  seem- 
ing prosperity,  a  close  observer  might  discern  the  distant 
approach  of  a  tempest.  Maximian  and  Galerius  were  both 
inveterately  hostile  to  the  Christian  faith,  while  the  zeal  and 
jealousy  of  the  polytheists  were  alarmed  at  its  rapid  progress. 
They  clung  more  closely  to  the  religion  of  their  ancestors 
when  they  saw  it  menaced  with  destruction,  and  the  new 
philosophy,  which  had  based  itself  on  the  ancient  supersti- 
tion, inspired  its  professors  with  hatred  for  its  enemies  and 
opponents.  The  philosophers  saw  plainly  that  by  reasoning 
and  eloquence  alone  its  sinking  cause  could  not  be  main- 
tained, and  that  its  only  resource  was  the  employment  of 
violent  measures.  We  therefore  find  that  the  philosophers 
were  the  directors  of  the  subsequent  persecution,  and  the 
chief  suggestors  of  the  means  for  giving  it  efficacy. 

Galerius  passed  the  winter  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
Persian  war  at  Nicomedia  ;  and  during  that  period  he  had 
frequent  conferences  with  Diocletian  on  the  subject  of  Chris- 
tianity. He  represented  to  the  emperor  how  utterly  incom- 
patible it  was  with  the  ancient  institutions  of  the  state, 
forming,  as  it  did,  an  empire  within  the  empire,  all  whose 
members  were  regularly  organized,  and  ready  to  act  at  any 
time  as  one  man.  Diocletian  confessed  that  he  saw  the 
danser,  and  agreed  to  exclude  the  Christians  from  offices  in 
the  army  and  the  palace;  but  he  expressed  his  disinclination 
to  shed  iheir  blood,  as  not  merely  cruel,  but  impolitic.  Ga- 
lerius, not  content,  prevailed  on  him  to  summon  a  council 
of  the  principal  civil  and  military  officers,  to  take  the  impor- 
tant matter  into  consideration ;  and  the  council,  when  it 
met,  seconded  the  views  of  the  Caesar,  into  whose  hands  the 
reins  of  power  were  likely  soon  to  fall.  Diocletian,  we  may 
suppose,  yielded  to  the  arguments  that  were  employed,  as  a 
man  of  superior  mind  does  when  he  gives  way  to  his  inferi- 
ors in  intellect,  foreseeing  the  consequences,  but  unable  to 
prevent  them.  A  system  of  persecution  was  therefore  pro- 
jected, and  preparations  were  made  for  carrying  it  into 
effect. 


A.  D.  303.]       PERSECUTION    OF    THE    CHURCH. 


From  a  motive  probably  of  superstition,  the  day  of  the 
Terminalia,  or  festival  of  Teriiiinus,  the  god  of  boundaries, 
(Feb.  23,)  was  fixed  for  that  of  commencing  to  set  limits  to 
the  inroads  made  on  the  ancient  faith  of  Rome.  At  dawn 
on  that  day,  (303,)  the  prjctorian  prefect,  accompanied  by 
some  of  tlie  higher  officers  of  the  army  and  the  revenue,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  principal  church  of  Nicomedia.  The  doors 
were  broken  open,  the  lioly  book?  were  taken  out  and  com- 
mitted to  the  flames,  and  the  sacred  edifice  was  demolished. 
Next  day,  (24th,)  an  edict  was  published,  ordering  the 
demolition  of  all  the  churches  throughout  the  empire,  and 
forbidding  any  secret  religious  assemblies  to  be  held;  the 
bishops  and  presbyters  were  commanded  to  deliver  up 
the  sacred  books  to  the  magistrates,  by  whom  they  were  to 
be  burnt,  and  all  tlie  property  of  the  church  was  declared  to 
be  confiscate.  Christians  were  pronounced  incipable  of 
holding  any  office,  and  Christian  slaves  were  excluded  from 
the  boon  of  manumission.  The  judges  might  determine  any 
action  brought  against  a  Cliristian,  but  no  legal  remedy  was 
granted  to  the  Christian  when  the  object  of  injury.  The 
whole  Christian  body  was  thus  degraded,  robbed  of  its  pub- 
lic property,  and  put  without  the  pale  of  the  law ;  but  the 
persecution  still  stopped  short  of  blood. 

This  edict  was,  in  the  usual  manner,  exposed  to  public 
view.  But  it  had  scarcely  been  displayed,  when  a  zealous 
Christian  tore  it  down,  uttering  invectives  against  its  au- 
thors. His  offence  was  treason ;  and  he  expiated  it  with  his 
life,  being  burnt  at  a  slow  fire.  In  the  course  of  the  fol- 
lowing fortnight,  flames  burst  out  twice  in  the  palace ;  and, 
as  it  was  clear  that  they  were  not  accidental,  they  were 
ascribed  to  the  vengeance  of  the  Christians,  by  whose  wri- 
ters the  guilt  is  transferred  to  Galerius,  who  thus,  they  say, 
sought  to  irritate  Diocletian  against  them.  Whatever  was 
the  truth,  the  effect  which  Galerius  desired  was  produced  on 
the  emperor's  mind.  The  imperial  eunuchs  were  tortured 
and  put  to  death  with  circumstances  of  the  utmost  barbarity. 
Anthemus,  the  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  was  beheaded,  and 
several  of  his  flock  perished  at  the  same  time. 

A  series  of  cruel  edicts  succeeded.  By  one,  the  gov- 
ernors of  provinces  were  ordered  to  cast  all  the  Christian 
ecclesiastics  into  prison  ;  by  a  second,  they  were  enjoined  to 
employ  every  kind  of  severity  in  order  to  make  them  aban- 
don their  superstition,  and  sacrifice  to  the  gods;  by  a  third, 

LL 


298  DIOCLETIAN,    MAXIMIAN.  [a.  D.  304 

(304,)  the  magistrates  were  commanded  to  force  all  Chris- 
tians, without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  to  sacrifice  to  the 
gods,  and  to  employ  every  kind  of  torture  for  that  purpose. 
The  issuing  of  this  edict  was  one  of  the  last  public  acts  of 
Diocletian,  as  his  resignation  took  place  in  the  course  of 
the  year. 

The  efforts  of  Diocletian  and  Galerius  were  seconded  by 
Maximian,  who  hated  the  Christians;  and  the  persecution 
raged  in  Italy  and  Africa  as  in  the  East;  but  the  mild  Con- 
stantius  protected  the  persons  of  his  Christian  subjects, 
though  he  found  it  necessary  to  consent  to  the  demolition 
of  their  churches.  The  entire  duration  of  the  persecution 
was  ten  years,  (303 — 313;)  it  was  more  or  less  violent  in 
different  times  and  places,  and  according  to  the  characters 
and  political  circumstances  of  the  princes.  On  the  part  of 
the  persecutors,  every  refinement  of  barbarity  was  practised  ; 
on  that  of  the  persecuted,  there  was  an  abundant  display  of 
zeal  and  courage,  though  in  many  cases  adulterated  with 
fanaticism.  At  the  same  time,  there  were  many,  even  bish- 
ops and  presbyters,  who  gained  the  opprobrious  title  of  Tra- 
ditors,  by  delivering  the  sacred  Scriptures  into  the  hands  of 
the  heathen.  From  the  vague  language  employed  by  the 
ecclesiastical  writers,  it  is  difficult  to  form  any  clear  idea  of 
the  number  of  those  who  suffered  martyrdom  in  the  space  of 
these  ten  years.  Gibbon  estimates  it  at  two  thousand  per- 
sons ;  but  his  prejudices  would  lead  him  to  put  it  at  the 
lowest  possible  amount.  Supposing  it,  however,  to  be  five, 
or  even  ten  times  that  number,  it  would  still  be  far  short  of 
that  of  the  victims  in  any  one  of  the  religious  massacres 
perpetrated  by  the  church  of  Rome. 


A.  D.  304-306.]     GALERIUS,    CONSTANTIUS.  299 


CHAPTER    II.* 

GALERIUS,  CONSTANTIUS,  SEVERUS,  MAX- 
ENTIUS,  MAXIMIAN,  LICINIUS,  MAXIMIN, 
CONSTANTINE. 

A.  u.  1057—1090.     A.  D.  304—337. 

THE  EMPERORS  AND  CAESARS. CONSTANTINE. MAXENTIUS. 

FATE  OF  MAXIMIAN. WAR  BETWEEN  CONSTANTINE  AND 

MAXENTIUS.  CONSTANTINE  AND  LICINIUS.  CONSTAN- 
TINE SOLE  EMPEROR. CONSTANTINOPLE  FOUNDED. HIE- 
RARCHY OF  THE  STATE. THE  ARMY. THE  GREAT  OFFI- 
CERS.  CONVERSION  OF  CONSTANTINE. DEATHS  OF  CRIS- 

PUS   AND    FAUSTA. THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILY. WAR  WITH 

THE    GOTHS. DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  OF  CONSTANTINE. 

Galerius  and  Constantius. 
A.  u.  1058—1059.     A.  D.  305—306. 

The  task  of  appointing  Caesars,  in  the  place  of  himself 
and  Constantius,  was  assumed  by  the  haughty  Galerius.  For 
his  own  associate  he  selected  his  nephew  Daza  or  Maximin, 
and  an  Illyrian,  named  Severus,  was  appointed  to  the  same 
dignity  under  Constantius ;  the  government  of  Egypt  and 
Syria  was  committed  to  Maximin  ;  that  of  Italy  and  Africa, 
to  Severus. 

Little  more  than  a  year  elapsed  after  the  retirement  of 
Diocletian,  when  events  occurred  which  proved  the  futility 
of  his  plan  for  governing  the  Roman  world  by  emperors, 
with  subordinate  Ccesars.  The  first  took  place  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  death  of  Constantius,  who  expired  at  York,  on 
the  25th  of  July,  306.  According  to  the  rule  established 
by  Diocletian,  Severus  should  have  become  the  Augustus, 
and  a  new  Csesar  have  been  appointed  ;  but  the  soldiers  of 
the  army  of  Britain  insisted  that  the  eldest  son  of  the  de- 
ceased emperor  should  succeed  to  his  rank  and  power.  This 
son  was  Constantine,  afterwards  so  renowned.     His  mother, 

*  Authorities :  Zosimus,  the  Epitomators  and  Panegyrists,  Lactan- 
tius,  Eusebius,  and  the  Ecclesiastical  Historians. 


300  GALERIUS,    CONSTANTINE,    ETC.         [a.  D.  306. 

named  Helena,  was  the  daughter  of  an  innkeeper ;  and  Con- 
stantius  had  been  obliged  to  divorce  her  on  the  occasion  of 
his  elevation  to  the  rank  of  Caesar.  Constantine,  who  was 
then  about  eighteen  years  of  age,  engaged  in  the  service  of 
Diocletian,  and  distinguished  himself  in  the  Egyptian  and 
Persian  wars.  He  rose  to  high  rank  in  the  army ;  his  ap- 
pearance, manners,  and  qualities  were  such  as  were  sure  to 
win  the  favor  of  the  people  and  the  soldiery,  and  Gale- 
rius,  when  emperor,  marked  him  out  as  the  object  of  his 
jealousy.  Alarmed  at  the  dangers  to  which  he  knew  him 
to  be  exposed,  Constantius  earnestly  besought  of  Galerius  to 
allow  his  son  to  repair  to  him.  After  many  delays,  that  em- 
peror gave  a  reluctant  consent ;  and  Constantine,  fearful  of 
treachery,  travelled  with  the  utmost  speed,  and  joined  his 
father  as  he  was  embarking  for  Britain.  There  caji  be  no 
doubt  that  the  succession  was  not  the  mere  spontaneous 
offer  of  the  soldiery,  and  that  Constantine  had  employed  the 
usual  artifices,  and  made  the  usual  promises,  on  this  occasion ; 
for,  in  fact,  his  only  safety  now  lay  in  empire.  He,  howev- 
er, affected  a  decent  degree  of  reluctance;  and  he  wrote  to 
Galerius,  excusing  himself  for  what  had  occurred.  The  first 
emotions  of  the  emperor  were  those  of  surprise  and  fury ; 
but,  on  calm  reflection,  he  saw  the  danger  of  a  contest  witfi 
the  hardy  legions  of  the  West,  and  he  consented  to  allow 
Constantine  a  share  of  the  imperial  power,  giving  him,  how- 
ever, only  the  humbler  title  of  Caesar,  while  he  conferred  the 
vacant  dignity  of  Augustus  on  Severus.  Satisfied  with  the 
substance  of  power,  Constantine  was  careless  of  titles;  he  de- 
voted himself  to  the  improvement  of  his  dominions,  and  he 
discharged  the  duties  of  an  affectionate  brother  to  his  six 
half-brothers  and  sisters,  whom  his  father,  when  dying,  had 
committed  to  his  care. 


Galerius,  Constantine^  Maxcntius,  Licinius* 

A.  u.  1059—1066.     A.  D.  306—313. 

The  next  event  which  proved  the  instability  of  the  new 
form  of  government,  commenced  with  an  insurrection  at 
Rome.  From  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Macedonia,  a 
period  of  nearly  five  centuries,  the  people  of  Rome  had  been 

*  We  only  nipntion  here  the  principal  emperors. 


A.D.  307.]       GALERIUS,    CONSTANTINE,    ETC.  /  301 

free  from  all  direct  taxes ;  but  now,  in  conformity  with  the 
new  principles  of  government,  Galerius  prepared  to^  impose  a 
uniform  property  and  capitation  tax  on  the  whole  empire  ; 
and,  as  no  exemptions  were  to  be  allowed,  the  officers  of  the 
revenue  began  to  make  a  list  of  the  property  and  persons  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  capital.  At  the  same  time,  directions 
were  given  for  the  removal  of  the  praetorian  cohorts  from  the 
city,  and  for  the  demolition  of  their  camp.  The  pride  of 
the  soldiers,  the  self-interest  of  the  citizens,  caused  them  to 
unite  in  the  determination  of  liberating  Italy,  and  electing  a 
native  emperor.  They  cast  their  eyes  on  Maxentius,  the 
son  of  Maxiuiian,  and  son-in-law  of  Galerius,  a  young  man 
of  neither  talents  nor  virtue,  who  was  then  residing  in  a  villa 
near  the  city.  He  readily  yielded  to  their  desires;  the  pre- 
fect of  the  city,  and  a  \h\v  other  officers,  were  massacred, 
and  Maxentius  was  invested  with  the  purple.  Severus,  who 
was  at  Milan,  prepared  to  march  against  the  rebels,  who,  on 
their  part,  invited  Maximian  to  quit  his  retreat,  and  give 
them  the  advantage  of  his  name  and  his  experience  ;  and  the 
old  emperor,  who  may  have  had  a  greater  share  in  the  pre- 
vious transactions  than  is  commonly  supposed,  lost  no  time 
in  repairing  to  Rome.  He  there  reassumed  the  purple,  and 
his  influence  and  authority  caused  numerous  defections  to 
take  place  in  the  army  of  Severus,  when  that  prince  appeared 
before  the  walls  of  the  city.  Severus  found  it,  therefore, 
necessary  to  retire,  and  to  shut  himself  up  in  Ravenna, 
where,  as  the  works  were  strong,  and  his  fleet  commanded 
the  sea,  he  might  easily  have  maintained  himself  till  Galerius 
should  come  to  his  relief  Deceived,  however,  by  the  arti- 
fices of  Maximian,  he  laid  down  his  dignity,  and  surrendered 
himself  on  the  promise  of  his  life  being  secured.  He  was  at 
first  treated  with  respect ;  but  when  Galerius  invaded  Italy, 
the  captive  emperor  was  put  to  death. 

Constantine,  at  the  head  of  the  Gallic  legions,  had  it  evi- 
dently in  his  power  to  confirm  or  to  overthrow  the  dominion 
of  the  new  emperors.  To  win  him  over,  Maximian  under- 
took a  journey  to  Gaul,  and,  by  giving  him  in  marriage  his 
daughter  Fausta,  and  conferring  on  him  the  dignity  of  Au- 
gustus, he  secured  his  neutrality,  if  not  his  active  coopera- 
tion. Galerius  soon  appeared  in  Italy,  at  the  head  of  the 
troops  of  Illyricum  and  the  East,  and  advanced  to  Narni, 
within  sixty  miles  of  Rome,  whence  he  sent  two  of  his  prin- 
cipal officers  to  try  to  induce  Maxentius  to  trust  to  his  gen- 
erosity, rather  than  to  risk  the  hazard  of  war.     His  offers 

CONTIN.  26 


302  GALERIUS,  CONSTANTINE,  ETC.    [a.  D.  307-31 1. 

were  spurned  at ;  and  so  large  a  number  of  liis  men  were 
gained  over  by  Maximian,  that  he  was  obliged  to  make  a 
rapid  retreat,  and  his  troops,  on  their  route,  devastated  the 
country  in  the  most  merciless  manner.  Some  time  after, 
(307,)  Galerius  conferred  the  dignity  of  Augustus  on  his 
early  and  constant  friend  Licinius  ;  and,  when  the  account 
of  this  elevation  reached  Maximin,  he  caused  himself  to  be 
saluted  emperor  by  his  troops.  Galerius  found  it  necessary 
to  acquiesce  in  his  assumption,  and  the  Roman  world  thus 
was  ruled  by  six  emperors  at  the  same  time.  A  preeminence 
was,  however,  tacitly  conceded  to  Maximian  and  Galerius 
by  their  respective  coemperors. 

Maximian  and  his  son  were  too  opposite  in  character  to 
remain  long  at  unity.  One  or  other,  it  was  found,  must  re- 
sign the  supreme  power  in  Italy  ;  and,  the  praetorian  guards 
having  decided  in  favor  of  Maxentius,  under  whom  they  ex- 
pected to  enjoy  more  license,  the  aged  emperor  was  obliged 
to  seek  a  refuge  with  his  son-in-law  in  Gaul.  By  Constan- 
tine  he  was  received  with  every  mark  of  respect;  and,  as 
the  restless  temper  of  the  Franks  required  his  own  frequent 
presence  on  the  Lower  Rhine,  in  the  periods  of  his  absence, 
he  committed  the  government  of  southern  Gaul  to  his  father- 
in-law.  The  abode  of  Maximian  was  at  the  palace  of  Aries; 
and,  when  one  time  (310)  a  report  was  spread  of  the  death 
of  Constantine,  who  was  carrying  on  war  beyond  the  Rhine, 
the  restless  old  man  seized  the  royal  treasures  and  distributed 
them  among  the  soldiers,  in  the  hope  of  being  saluted  by 
them  sole  emperor.  As  soon  as  intelligence  of  his  proceed- 
ings reached  Constantine,  he  made  a  rapid  march  from  the 
Rhine  to  Chalons,  on  the  Saone,  embarked  his  troops  on 
that  river,  and  thence  entering  the  Rhone  at  Lyons,  arrived 
at  Aries  before  his  departure  from  the  Rhine  was  known. 
Maximian  escaped  from  that  city,  and  took  refuge  at  Mar- 
seilles :  he  was  pursued  thither  l)y  Constantine,  to  whom  he 
was  delivered  up  by  the  garrison ;  and  he  was  either  put  to 
death  or  ordered  to  terminate  his  life  by  his  own  hand.* 

Galerius  did  not  long  survive  Maximian.  He  died  the 
following  year,  (311,)  of  the  same  odious  disease  as  the  great 

*  Vict.  Epit.  xl.  5.  Eutrop.  x.  4.  According  to  Lactantius,  (De 
M.  P.  29,  30,)  his  life  vv.is  spared  on  this  occasion  ;  but,  liaving  after- 
wards conspired  against  Constantine,  and  killed  a  chamberlain  in  his 
stead,  he  was  secretly  strangled.  Eutnenius,  however,  says,  (Pane- 
gyr.  ix.  20,)  "sibi  iniputat  quisquis  uti  noliiit  beneticio  tuo  [Constan- 
tine] nee  86  dignum  vita  judicavit  cum  per  te  hccat  ut  viveret." 


A.  D.  312.]  CIVIL    WAR.  /       303 

dictator  Sulla.  Licinius  and  Maximin  immediately  prepared 
to  decide  by  arms  tlie  possession  of  his  dominions;  but  they 
were  finnlly  induced  to  accommodate  their  dispute  by  treaty, 
and  divide  the  disputed  territories,  and  the  Hellespont  and 
Bosporus  became  the  boundary  of  their  respective  domin- 
ions. A  sense  of  common  interest  soon  united  Licinius  and 
Constantine,  and  a  secret  alliance  was  formed  between  Maxi- 
min and  Maxentius. 

The  contrast  between  the  administration  of  Constantine 
and  that  of  Maxentius  was  of  the  most  striking  character. 
In  Gaul  and  Britain  justice  was  carefully  administered,  op- 
pressive taxes  were  abolished  or  lightened,  tlie  inroads  of  the 
barbarians  were  checked.  In  Italy  and  Africa  the  wealthy 
were  plundered  or  put  to  death,  the  virtue  of  their  wives  and 
daughters  was  exposed  to  the  lust  of  a  brutal  tyrant,  the 
soldiers  were  indulged  in  every  species  of  license.  During 
six  years  Rome  groaned  beneath  the  tyranny  of  its  emperor, 
when  at  length  (312)  his  own  folly  gave  occasion  to  its  de- 
liverance. 

Though  Maximian  had  been  driven  from  Italy  by  his  un- 
worthy son,  his  death  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  display  of 
filial  piety,  and  the  statues  of  Constantine  in  Italy  and  Africa 
were  cast  down  by  the  orders  of  Maxentius.  Constantine, 
who  was  adverse  to  war,  tried  the  effect  of  negotiation ;  but 
finding  that  Maxentius,  who  openly  claimed  the  empire  of 
the  West,  had  assembled  a  large  army  for  the  invasion  of 
Gaul,  he  resolved  to  anticipate  him  and  enter  Italy,  whither 
he  was  secretly  invited  by  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome. 
At  the  head  of  about  40,000  veteran  troops,  he  crossed  the 
Alps*  and  descended  into  the  plain  of  Piedmont,  (;U2.)  The 
troops  of  Maxentius  numbered  170,000  foot  and  18,000  horse ; 
but  they  were  chiefly  raw  levies,  made  in  Africa,  Italy,  and 
Sicily,  and  Maxentius  himself  was  utterly  destitute  of  mili- 
tary talent  or  experience.  The  town  of  Susa,  {Scgusittm,) 
at  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  closed  its  gates  against  Constantine ; 
but  it  was  taken  by  assault,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  gar- 
rison slaughtered.  On  the  plain  of  Turin  a  strong  division 
of  the  army  of  Maxentius  opposed  the  invaders.  Its  strength 
consisted  in  a  large  body  of  cavalry  arrayed  in  full  armor, 
after  the  manner  of  the   Persians.!     But  the   force  of  this 

*  The  Cottian  Alps,  or  Mount  Cenis. 

t  Called  by  the  Greeks  Cataphracts,  by  the  Latins  Clibanarians, 
from  the  Persian  word.  They  resembled  the  heavy  cavalry  of  the 
middle  ages,  both  horse  and  man  being  covered  with  armor. 


304  GALERIUSj    CONSTANTINE,    ETC.         [a.  D.  312. 

formidable  mass  was  rendered  of  no  avail  by  the  skill  of 
Constantine,  who  made  his  troops  break  their  line  and  allow 
it  to  pass  through  when  it  charged,  and  then  close  and  at- 
tack it  when  broken  and  divided.  The  troops  of  Maxentius 
soon  turned  and  fled;  and  as  the  gates  of  Turin  were  closed 
against  them,  few  of  them  escaped  the  sword  of  the  victors. 
Constantine  proceeded  without  delay  to  Milan;  and  nearly 
all  Italy  north  of  the  Po  declared  for  his  cause. 

A  brave  and  skilful  othcer,  named  Ruricius  Pompeianus, 
commanded  at  Verona  for  Maxentius.  As  Constantine  was 
advancing  against  that  city,  he  was  encountered,  near  Bres- 
cia, by  a  large  body  of  cavalry,  detached  from  the  army 
at  Verona ;  but  he  drove  it  back  with  loss,  and  then  sat  down 
before  the  city.  Ruricius,  having  made  all  the  dispositions 
necessary  for  defence,  secretly  quitted  the  town,  and,  having 
with  great  rapidity  collected  a  sufficient  force,  advanced  to 
its  relief  Constantine  drew  out  his  army  to  give  him  battle. 
The  engagement  commenced  in  the  evening,  and  was  con- 
tinued through  the  night  Victory  finally  declared  for  the 
Gallic  legions;  Ruricius  was  among  the  slain,  and  Verona 
surrendered  at  discretion.  After  a  short  stay  at  that  city, 
Constantine  directed  his  march  for  Rome.  At  a  place 
named  Saxa  Rubra,  about  nine  miles  from  the  city,  close  by 
the  memorable  Cremera,  he  found  (Oct.  28)  the  army  of 
Maxentius  prepared  to  give  him  battle.  In  person,  at  the 
head  of  his  Gallic  horse,  he  charged  the  cavalry  of  the  ene- 
my and  routed  it;  the  greater  part  of  the  infantry  then  turned 
and  fled,  but  the  brave  praetorian  cohorts  fought  and  fell 
where  they  stood.  In  the  flight,  Maxentius  fell  from  the 
Mulvian  bridge  into  the  Tiber,  and  was  drowned.  His  body 
was  found  next  day,  and  his  head  preceded  the  entrance  of 
Constantine  into  the  city. 

Constantine  used  his  victory  with  sufficient  moderation. 
The  children  of  Maxentius  and  his  most  distinguished  ad- 
herents were  put  to  death ;  but  the  demand  of  the  people  for 
a  greater  number  of  victims  was  steadily  rejected.  Inform- 
ers were  punished ;  the  exiles  were  recalled  and  restored  to 
their  estates ;  a  general  amnesty  was  passed  ;  the  senate  was 
treated  with  respect  and  consideration.  At  the  same  time, 
Constantine  carried  into  effect  the  very  measures,  the  appre- 
hension of  which  had  raised  Maxentius  to  empire.  The 
praetorian  guards  were  broken  and  dispersed  among  the 
legions  on  the  frontiers,  and  their  fortified  camp  was  demol- 
ished.    The  property  tax,  which  Galerius  had  projected,  and 


A.D.  313.]  CONSTANTINE,    LICINIUS.  305 

which  Maxentius  had  levied,  under  the  odious  name  of  a 
free-gift,  was  made  perpetual  on  the  senatorian  order,  whoss 
number,  apparently  for  this  very  purpose,  was  considerably 
augmented. 


Constantine  and  Licinius. 
A.u.  1066—1076.     A.D.  313—323. 

Constantine  remained  only  two  months  at  Rome,  being 
obliged  to  set  out  on  his  return  for  Gaul,  where  the  Franks 
had  renewed  their  incursions.  On  his  way,  he  celebrated  at 
Milan  (313)  the  nuptials  of  his  sister  Constantia  with  Licin- 
ius, to  whom  he  had  betrothed  her  previous  to  the  war  with 
Maxentius.  Inmnediately  after  the  nuptial  festival,  the  two 
emperors  had  to  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  their  troops; 
the  one  to  chastise  the  Germans,  and  the  other  to  oppose 
Maximin,  who  had  crossed  the  Bosporus,  and  taken  the  cities 
of  Byzantium  and  Heraclea.  When  Licinius  arrived,  with 
30,000  Illyrian  veterans,  within  eighteen  miles  of  this  last 
town,  he  found  his  rival  supported  by  70,000  men  of  the  dis- 
ciplined troops  of  the  East.  Each  having  vainly  tried  to 
seduce  the  soldiers  of  the  other,  they  led  their  forces  out  to 
battle,  (April  30.)  The  advantage  was  at  first  on  the  side  of 
numbers;  but  the  European  troops,  directed  by  the  military 
skill  of  their  leader,  soon  asserted  their  wonted  superiority, 
and  a  decisive  victory  crowned  their  efforts.  Maximin  fled 
with  the  utmost  rapidity,  never  halting  till  he  reached  Nico- 
media,  distant  a  hundred  and  sixty  miles  from  the  field  of 
battle.  He  was  on  his  way  to  Egypt  about  three  months 
after ;  when  at  Tarsus,  he  despaired  of  his  affairs,  and  took 
poison,  of  which  he  died  after  much  suffering.  Licinius 
used  his  victory  with  barbarity.  Resolved  to  remove  all  pos- 
sibility of  rival  claims  to  the  empire  of  the  East,  he  not  only 
put  to  death  the  son  and  daughter  of  Maximin,  the  former 
of  whom  was  only  eight,  the  latter  only  seven  years  of  age, 
but  he  involved  in  their  fate  Severianus,  the  son  of  the  late 
emperor  Severus,  and  Candidianus,  the  natural  son  of  his 
friend  and  benefactor  Galerius. 

But  his  treatment  of  the  wife  and  daughter  of  Diocletian 
was  still  more  conclusive  of  the  innate  inhumanity  of  his 
character.  After  the  death  of  Galerius,  Maximin  had  sought 
the  hand  of  Valeria.     Meeting  with  a  firm  refusal,  the  tyrant 

26  *  MM 


306  CONSTA.NTINE,    LICINIUS.  [a.  D.  314. 

gave  a  loose  to  his  rage ;  he  confiscated  her  property ;  he  put 
to  the  torture  her  eunuchs  and  servants;  he  executed  some 
of  her  female  friends,  on  Mse  charges  of  adultery ;  and  he 
condemned  herself  and  her  mother,  Prisca,  to  exile  in  a  Syr- 
ian village.  Diocletian  sought  for  permission  for  them  to 
join  him  at  Salona ;  but  he  was  now  powerless,  and  his  appli- 
cation met  with  contemptuous  neglect.  On  the  death  of 
Maximin,  the  two  royal  ladies  proceeded  in  disguise  to  the 
court  of  Licinius.  They  were  at  first  treated  with  kindness; 
but  the  execution  of  her  adopted  son,  Candidianus,  who  had 
accompanied  her  thither,  soon  convinced  Valeria  that  the 
tyrant  only  was  changed,  and  she  and  her  mother  fled  in  a 
plebeian  habit.  After  wandering  about  for  fifteen  months, 
they  were  discovered  at  Thessalonica,  and  were  instantly 
beheaded,  and  their  bodies  thrown  into  the  sea. 

The  number  of  the  emperors  was  now  reduced  to  two; 
and  it  might  be  supposed  that,  connected  as  they  had  been, 
both  publicly  and  privately,  they  would  remain  at  unity. 
Yet  the  very  year  after  their  becoming  brothers-in-law,  (314,) 
we  find  them  drawing  the  sword  against  each  other.  The  oc- 
casion  was  as  follows  :  Constantine  gave  one  of  his  sisters  in 
marriage  to  a  man  of  rank  named  Bas.sianus,  whom  he  raised, 
with  Licinius's  consent,  to  the  dignity  of  a  Csesar.  Italy 
appears  to  have  been  destined  for  the  new  Ca;sar ;  but,  some 
delay  occurring  in  the  appointment,  Licinius  secretly  induced 
him  to  believe  that  Constantine  was  merely  making  a  tool  of 
him,  and  encouraged  him  to  engage  in  a  conspiracy  against 
his  benefactor.  The  plot  was,  however,  speedily  discovered; 
Bassianus  was  put  to  death;  and  as  Licinius  refused  to  give 
up  one  of  the  principal  conspirators,  who  had  fled  to  him, 
and  as  the  statues  of  Constantine,  in  the  town  of  yEmona, 
on  the  frontiers  of  Italy,  had  been  thrown  down,  the  empe- 
ror of  the  West  entered  Illyricuin  at  the  head  of  20,000 
men.  Licinius,  with  35,000  men,  advanced  to  oppose  him. 
The  armies  encountered  (Oct.  8)  near  Cibalis  on  the  Save, 
about  fifty  miles  from  Sirmium.  The  engagement  lasted 
from  morning  till  night,  when  Licinius  retired  with  a  loss  of 
20,000  men.  He  hastened  to  Sirmium  to  secure  his  family 
and  treasures,  and  then,  breaking  down  the  bridge  over  the 
Save  at  that  town,  he  proceeded  to  Thrace  to  collect  a  new 
army;  and  he  conferred  the  title  of  Cnesar  on  Valens,  the 
general  of  the  Illyrian  frontier.  Constantine  made  no  delay 
in  following  him,  and  the  emperors  again  measured  their 
strength  on  the  plain  of  Mardia   in  Thrace.     The  battle 


A.  D.  314-323.]  CIVIL  WAR.  /    307 

lasted  all  through  the  day,  and  was  terminated  by  tfie  night. 
The  victory  remained  with  Constaiitine,  but  with  po  nmch 
loss  as  inclined  him  to  listen  to  proposals  for  pe^ce.  He 
made  the  deposition  of  Valens  an  absolute  condition;  and, 
that  luckless  prince  being  deprived  of  his  purple  and  his 
life,  a  treaty  was  concluded  which  gave  Paiuionia,  Dalmatia, 
Dacia,  Macedonia,  and  Greece,  to  the  Western  empire.  It 
was  also  agreed  that  two  of  the  sons  of  the  Western  empe- 
ror, and  the  one  son  of  the  Eastern  monarch,  should  be 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Ca3sars. 

Peace  now  continued  for  above  eight  years.  During  that 
time,  Constantine  was  enjTased  either  in  beneficial  legislation 
or  in  defending  the  frontiers  of  his  empire.  His  principal 
war,  which  he  conducted  in  person,  was  against  the  Goths, 
who  (321)  invaded  the  countries  south  of  the  Danube.  He 
forced  them  to  purchase  a  retreat  by  the  surrender  of  their 
booty  and  prisoners  ;  and  then,  repairing  the  bridge  of  Tra- 
jan, he  crossed  the  river,  and  carried  the  war  into  their  own 
country.  No  longer  satisfied  with  the  possession  of  the 
larger  portion  of  the  Roman  empire,  he  now  aimed  at  wrest- 
ing the  remainder  from  Licinius.  His  preparations  for  war 
did  not  escape  the  observation  of  that  emperor,  who  forth- 
with (323)  assembled  troops  and  shipping  from  all  parts  of 
his  dominions.  An  army  of  150,000  foot  and  1-5,000  horse 
covered  the  plains  of  Hadrianople,  and  a  fleet  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty  triremes  occupied  the  Hellespont.  The 
troops  of  Constantine  (120,000  horse  and  foot)  rendezvoused 
at  Thessalonica  ;  his  fleet,  which  numbered  only  two  hun- 
dred small  vessels,  was  assembled  in  the  port  of  the  Pir^teus. 
Licinius,  who  occupied  a  strong  camp  on  a  hill  over  Hadri- 
anople, did  not  oppose  the  passage  of  the  Hebrus  by  the 
enemy.  The  accounts  of  the  engagement  which  ensued 
(July  3)  are  scanty  and  confused ;  but  it  would  appear  that 
the  veteran  troops  of  the  West,  evincing  their  wonted  supe- 
riority, won  their  way  up  the  hill,  and  routed  the  forces  of 
the  East,  slaying  34,000  men,  and  taking  their  fortified 
camp.  Constantine,  who  displayed  the  valor  of  a  soldier 
and  the  conduct  of  a  general,  received  a  wound  in  the 
thigh :  Licinius  fled,  and  shut  himself  up  in  Byzantium, 
whither  he  was  speedily  followed  by  his  victorious  rival. 

Constantine  directed  that  his  fleet,  which  was  commanded 
by  his  eldest  son,  the  Caesar  Crispus,  should  advance  and 
force  the  passage  of  the  Hellespont.  His  admirals  selected 
eighty  of  their  best  ships  for  the  purpose  :    the  opposite 


308  CONSTANTINE,    LICINIUS.  [a.  D.  323. 

admiral,  Amandus,  opposed  them  with  two  hundred.  As 
the  narrow  sea  did  not  afford  sufficient  space  for  tlie  evolu- 
tions of  so  large  a  number,  the  advantage,  when  night 
terminated  the  conflict,  was  on  the  side  of  Constantine. 
Next  day,  Amandus  sailed  over  from  the  coast  of  Asia,  the 
wind  blowing  strongly  from  the  north ;  but,  finding  the 
enemy,  who  lay  at  EIobus,  reenforced  by  thirty  ships,  he 
hesitated  to  attack.  About  noon,  the  wind  changed,  and 
blew  so  violently  from  the  south,  that  it  drove  on  the  rocks 
or  the  shore  a  hundred  and  thirty  ships  of  the  fleet  of 
Licinius,  and  caused  a  loss  of  5,000  men.  Amandus  fled 
with  only  four  ships ;  and,  the  Hellespont  being  now  open, 
provisions  and  supplies  of  all  kinds  flowed  into  the  camp  of 
Constantine  before  Byzantium,  and  Licinius,  deeming  that 
city  no  longer  tenable,  passed  over  with  his  friends  and 
his  treasures  to  Chalcedon.  He  there  conferred  the  fatal 
dignity  of  Caesar  on  Martianus,  the  principal  officer  of  his 
palace,  and  sent  him  to  Lampsacus,  to  guard  the  passage  of 
the  Hellespont.  He  himself  speedily  assembled  another  ar- 
my, to  oppose  the  landing  of  Constantine.  That  able  prince, 
however,  conveyed  over  a  sufficient  force  in  boats,  and  landed 
about  two  hundred  stades  (twenty-five  miles)  above  Chalce- 
don. Licinius  recalled  Martianus  with  his  troops,  and  an 
engagement  was  fought  (Sept.  18)  on  the  heights  of  Chry- 
sopolis,  [Scu/nri,)  which  ended  in  the  total  defeat  of  Licinius, 
with  a  loss  of  25,000  men.  He  fled  to  Nicomedia ;  nego- 
tiations were  entered  into;  and  Constantine,  having  given 
the  assurance  of  his  solemn  oath  to  his  sister  for  the  security 
of  her  husband's  life,  Licinius  laid  his  purple  down  at  his 
feet,  styling  him  his  king  and  master.  He  was  admitted  to 
the  royal  table,  and  was  then  sent  to  Thessalonica,  which 
was  fixed  on  as  the  place  of  his  residence  ;  Martianus  was 
put  to  death,  and  two  years  after,  on  the  charge  of  a  con- 
spiracy, Licinius  was  strangled,  in  violation  of  the  emperor's 
most  solemn  engagement. 


Constantine. 

A.  u.  1076—1090.     A.  D.  323—337. 

The  Roman  empire  was  thus,  after  thirty-four  years  of 
divided  dominion,  reunited  under  one  head.  Two  most  im- 
portant changes  immediately  succeeded,  namely,  the  founda- 


FOUNDATION    OF    CONSTANTINOPi|e.  309 

tion  of  a  new  capital,  and  the  public  estahlishinent  of 
Cliristianity  as  the  reliajiou  of  the  state;  the  form  of  govern- 
ment commenced  by  Diocletian  was  also  completed.  Of 
these  we  shall  now  proceed  to  treat. 

Rome,  as  we  have  seen,  had  long  ceased  to  be  an  imperial 
residence.  It  lay  too  remote  from  the  banks  of  the  Dan- 
ube and  Euphrates,  where  the  presence  of  the  emperor  was 
most  frequently  required  :  Diocletian  had  therefore  fixed  his 
abode  in  Nicomedia;  but  the  ambition  of  being  the  founder 
of  a  capital  which  should  bear  his  own  name,  and  the  supe- 
rior advantages  of  the  site  of  Byzantium,  determined  Con- 
stantine  to  raise  an  imperial  city  on  the  peninsula  occupied 
by  that  town ;  and  in  the  year  following  that  of  the  over- 
throw of  Licinius,  (3-^4, )  he  laid  the  foundation  of  Con- 
stantinople, as  he  named  it  from  himself — a  city  which  still 
exists,  and  in  magnitude  and  population  yields  to  few  in 
Europe,  while  in  beauty  and  advantage  of  situation  it  is 
rivalled  by  none. 

It  is  not  necessary  that  we  should  describe  the  situation 
of  this  celebrated  city,  which,  like  Rome,  built  on  seven 
hills,  grew  up  from  the  condition  of  a  colony,  and  became 
the  capital  of  empire.  In  the  space  of  ten  years,  the  nu- 
merous workmen  employed,  by  the  wealth  of  the  imperial 
treasury,  covered  the  ground  marked  out  by  the  founder 
with  all  the  edifices,  sacred,  profane,  and  military,  required 
by  a  magnificent  capital ;  and  the  new  city  was  speedily 
filled  with  a  numerous  population.  In  imitation  of  Rome, 
it  was  divided  v,nto  fourteen  regions  or  wards,  and  the  corn 
of  Egypt  was  distributed  among  its  poorer  citizens;  its  Hip- 
podrome emulated  the  Circus,  and  statues  of  marble  and 
bronze  were  brought  from  all  parts  to  adorn  it.  The  supe- 
rior rank  of  the  ancient  capital,  however,  was  still  acknowl- 
edged, and  the  new  city  was  styled  its  colony. 

The  civil  and  military  administration  of  the  empire  had, 
as  may  have  been  observed,  been  gradually  undergoing  a 
change,  and  approximating  to  that  of  the  East.  That 
change  was  further  accelerated  by  the  removal  of  the  seat 
of  government  to  the  new  capital,  and  by  the  establishment 
of  the  prevalent  corrupted  form  of  Christianity  as  the  religion 
of  the  state.  The  aspect  of  the  empire  under  Constantine 
and  his  successors  may  be  sketched  as  follows :  * 

*  We  here  shall  follow  Gibbon,  who  derived  his  materials  from  the 
Theodosian  Code  and  the  JVotitia  Imperii. 


310  CONSTANTINE. 

The  court  and  palace  were  filled  with  officers,  among 
whom  the  eunuchs  were  conspicuous ;  they  were  arranged 
in  orders,  the  whole  forming  a  sacred  hierarchy,  as  it  was 
often  styled.  All  the  various  ranks  were  regulated  with 
the  most  accurate  minuteness,  and  the  numerous  titles  and 
modes  of  address  which  have  been  the  models  of  those  of 
modern  Europe,  were  then  devised  :  such  were,  Your  Eini- 
nence,  Your  Excellency,  Your  illustrious  and  magnifcent 
Highness.  The  great  officers  had  various  badges  and  em- 
blems of  their  dignities,  and  were  known  by  their  peculiar 
habits.  The  whole  body  of  the  higher  officers  and  magis- 
trates were  divided  into  three  classes;  the  first,  which  con- 
tained the  very  highest,  being  named  the  Illustrious,  the 
second  the  Notable,  {Spectahiles,)  and  the  third  the  Most 
Distinguished,  (Clarissimi.)* 

The  title  of  Patrician,  which  had  long  been  out  of  use, 
was  revived  by  Constantine,  but  merely  as  a  mark  of  per- 
sonal distinction.  The  dignity  was  not  hereditary,  and 
these  new  nobles  bore  no  more  resemblance  to  the  patricians 
of  ancient  Rome  than  the  actual  peers  of  France  do  to  the 
old  noblesse.  The  patricians  yielded  in  dignity  to  the  con- 
suls alone ;  they  were  superior  to  all  the  great  officers  of 
state,  and  had  constant  access  to  the  person  of  the  sovereign, 
whose  favorites  or  ministers  they  had  in  general  been  ori- 
ginally. 

The  consulate,  now  an  empty  dignity,  was  conferred  by 
the  emperor.  On  new  year's  day,  the  appointed  consuls 
assumed  the  ensigns  of  their  dignity  at  the  place  which  was 
then  the  imperial  residence.  They  moved  in  procession, 
attended  by  the  principal  officers  of  the  state  and  army,  from 
the  palace  to  the  P^orum,  or  market-place:  they  there  took 
their  seat  on  the  curule  chairs,  and  manumitted  a  slave, 
according  to  ancient  usage.  Games  were  celebrated  by 
them,  or  in  their  name,  in  the  principal  cities  of  the  empire ; 
their  names  were  inscribed  in  the  Fasti,  and  their  names 
and  portraits  were  engraved  on  tablets  of  ivory,  adorned 
with  gold,  and  sent  as  presents  to  magistrates  and  persons 
of  rank.  They  then  retired  into  private  life,  for  they  had 
no  public  duties  to  discharge.  Yet  the  vain  and  emp- 
ty honor  still  continued  to  be  the  object  of  highest  am- 
bition. 

*  An  Itfilian,  at  the  present  day,  will  commence  a  letter  with  Chia- 
rissimo  8i<rnore. 


OFFICERS    OF    STATE.         \  311 

The  office  of  praetorian  prefect  had,  as  we^  hava  seen, 
gradually  risen  in  importance.  The  prefect,  uniting  civil 
and  military  power,  had  been,  in  fact,  what  the  mayor 
of  the  palace  afterwards  became  in  France.  The  suppres- 
sion of  the  guards  having  left  him  without  military  command, 
his  office  now  became  purely  civil.  As,  by  the  regulation  of 
Diocletian,  each  prince  had  his  prefect,  the  number  of  these 
officers  was  four,  which  number  was  retained  by  Constantine. 
The  prefects  were  named  of  the  East,  of  Illyricum,  of  Gaul, 
and  of  Italy,  each  of  which  districts  comprised  the  provinces 
contained  under  its  title  when  ruled  by  the  Augusti  and  the 
Caesars.  They  were  at  the  head  of  the  admini.stration  of 
justice  and  the  finances;  they  had  authority  over  the  pro- 
vincial governors;  there  lay  an  appeal  from  all  inferior  tri- 
bunals to  that  of  the  praetorian  prefect ;  but  his  decision  was 
final.  The  city  of  Rome,  and  afterwards  that  of  Constanti- 
nople, had  its  prefect,  who  was  independent  of  the  praHorian 
prefect.  This  officer,  who  was  first  appointed  by  Augustus, 
had  gradually  enlarged  his  power,  and  he  now  exercised  the 
ordinary  authority  and  functions  of  the  consuls  and  praetors 
in  the  city,  and  a  circuit  of  one  hundred  miles,  and  all  mu- 
nicipal authority  was  derived  from  him. 

Beside  these  great  prefectures,  the  empire,  with  respect  to 
its  civil  government,  was  divided  into  thirteen  great  dio- 
ceses,* of  which  the  first  was  administered  by  the  Count 
(Coincs)  of  the  East;  the  governor  of  that  of  Egypt  was  still 
called  the  Augustal  Prefect;  those  of  the  remaining  eleven 
were  styled  Vicars,  or  Vice-prefects.  The  rulers  of  the 
inferior  provinces  were  in  some  Proconsuls,  in  others  Con- 
sulars  or  Correctors,  or  Presidents.  Like  their  superiors, 
they  possessed  the  administration  of  justice  and  of  the 
finances. 

The  first  separation  of  the  civil  and  military  authority  of 
which  we  read,  was  that  made  by  Augustus  in  the  procon- 
sular provinces.  The  history  of  the  last  two  centuries  had 
shown  the  ill  effects  of  their  union  in  the  rebellion  of  so 
many  governors  against  the  imperial  authority,  and  Constan- 
tine was  resolved  to  obviate  these  evils.  For  this  purpose, 
the  command  of  the  troops  was  permanently  separated  from 
the  government  of  the  provinces.  Two  Masters-general 
{Magistri  militum)  were  instituted  ;  one  for  the  cavalry,  the 
other  for  the  infantry  of  the  imperial   army.     Subordinate 

*  Jtoixtjatig.    The  word  is  now  only  used  in  an  ecclesiastical  sense. 


312  CONSTANTINE. 

commanders,  styled  Counts  (Comites)  and  Dukes,  {Duces  *) 
were  placed  at  the  head  of  the  troops  in  the  different  prov- 
inces. A  gold  belt  was  the  mark  of  their  diornity  borne  by 
these  officers.  The  natural  consequence  of  this  division 
of  the  civil  and  military  power  was,  that,  while  mutual  jeal- 
ousy prevented  the  general  and  the  governor  from  uniting  in 
rebellion,  it  operated  to  leave  the  province  exposed  to  the 
ravages  of  the  barbarians;  so  that,  while  it  secured  the 
emperor,  it  injured  the  empire. 

The  advantages  which  had  been  originally  accorded  to 
the  prretorian  guards,  were  very  unwisely  extended  by  Con- 
stantine  to  a  large  portion  of  the  army.  The  troops  were 
now  distinguished  into  Palatines  and  Borderers,  {Limitanei ;) 
the  former  had  higher  pay  and  peculiar  privileges,  and  were 
quartered  in  the  cities  and  towns  of  the  interior,  being  only 
required  to  take  the  field  on  occasions  of  emergency;  while 
the  latter,  with  inferior  pay,  had  the  task  of  guarding  the 
frontiers.  The  legions  were  increased  in  number,  but  con- 
tracted  in  their  dimensions;  and  they  now  bore  more  resem- 
blance to  modern  regiments  than  to  the  legions  of  ancient 
Rome.t  The  difficulty  of  procuring  recruits  in  the  prov- 
inces was  nearly  insuperable  ;  though  a  severe  conscription,  as 
it  may  perhaps  be  termed,  was  established.  Barbarians  were 
therefore  constantly  taken  into  the  service,  and  even  enrolled 
among  the  Palatines ;  and  they  speedily  attained  the  highest 
military  and  civil  dignities  of  the  empire. 

In  the  palace,  there  were  seven  principal  officers,  to  whom 
the  rank  of  Illustrious  was  conceded.  I.  The  Chamberlain, 
{Pi\rpositiis  cubiculi;)  this  was  always  a  favorite  eunuch, 
who,  beside  his  care  of  the  imperial  apartments,  attended 
the  emperor  on  all  occasions  of  state.  His  influence,  it  may 
readily  be  supposed,  was  considerable.  The  Counts  of  the 
wardrobe  and  of  the  table  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  this 
officer.  2.  The  Master  of  the  Offices  was  the  supreme 
magistrate  of  the  palace.  All  its  officers,  civil  and  military, 
in  all  parts  of  the  empire,  were  subject  to  his  jurisdiction, 
and  to  it  alone.  He  had  four  SrrinicB  or  secretaries'  offices, 
each  with  its  master  or  chief,  and  a  number  of  subordinate 
clerks  for  carrying  on  the  correspondence  of  the  state.  Like 
our  master-general  of  the  ordnance,  he  had  the  charge  of  all 

*  The  Comes  or  companion  of  tlie  emperor  was  the  higher  in  rank ; 
the  Dux  or  Duke  was  merely  a  iniUtary  comiiiander. 

t  Gibbon,  followinnr  Paiicirolus,  estimates  tlie  legion  at  from  1000 
to  1500  men. 


OFFICERS    OF    STATE.       \  313 

the  arsenals,  and  control  over  the  workmen  employedTn  the 
manufacture  of  arms.  3.  The  Quaestor  had  the  task  of 
composing  orations  in  the  Jiaine  of  the  emperor,  which  hav- 
ing the  force  of  edicts,  he  gradually  came  to  be  regarded  as 
the  original  source  of  jurisprudence.  He  answered  in  some 
sort  to  the  modern  chancellor.  4.  The  Count  of  the  Lar- 
gesses (Largitionum)  was  at  the  head  of  the  revenue  depart- 
ment, with,  of  course,  a  numerous  corps  of  various  officers 
under  him.  5.  The  Count  of  the  Private  Estate  [rei  priva- 
tcc)  had  the  management  of  the  crown-lands,  and  the  other 
sources  of  private  income  to  the  emperors.  6.  7.  The  two 
Counts  of  tiie  Domestics,  i.  e.  household  troops,  command- 
ed the  cavalry  and  infantry  of  the  body-guards,  which  con- 
sisted of  three  thousand  five  hundred  men,  divided  into  seven 
schools  or  companies  of  five  hundred  men  each.  Two  of 
these,  the  one  of  horse,  the  other  of  foot,  were  named  Pro- 
tectors. They  mounted  guard  in  the  inner  apartments,  and 
they  were  employed  to  bear  the  imperial  mandates  to  the 
provinces. 

While  the  civil  and  military  departments  of  the  state  were 
thus  modelled  and  regulated,  a  still  more  important  change 
was  effected  by  making  the  Christian  religion  that  of  the 
court  and  empire.  We  shall,  however,  defer  our  account 
of  the  condition  and  organization  of  the  church  under  Con- 
stantine  and  his  successors,  and  only  at  present  notice  the 
conversion  of  that  emperor,  and  the  motives  in  which  it 
originated. 

Constantius,  without  being  a  Christian,  had,  from  motives 
of  justice  and  humanity,  treated  his  subjects  of  that  faith 
with  indulgence.  His  example  was  followed  by  his  son  ; 
and  the  Christians,  comparing  his  moderation  with  the  per- 
secuting spirit  of  Galerius  and  his  colleagues,  were  naturally 
disposed  to  favor  him.  Constantine,  however,  was  still  a 
polytheist ;  and  his  principal  object  of  worship  was  the  sun- 
god,  Apollo.  At  the  same  time  with  the  compliant  spirit  of 
polytheism,  he  held  the  God  of  the  Christians  and  the  author 
of  their  faith  in  respect  and  reverence.  After  the  defeat 
and  death  of  Maxentius,  (313,)  Constantine  and  Licinius  is- 
sued at  Milan  an  edict  of  general  toleration;  restorinor,  at 
the  same  time,  to  the  Christians  the  lands  and  churches  of 
which  they  had  been  deprived.  To  the  terms  of  this  edict 
Constantine  firmly  adhered  ;  and  he  was  probably  becoming 
daily  more  convinced  of  the  superiority  of  the  Christian 
religion,  and  of  the  advantage  that  might  result  from  his 

CONTIN.  27  N  N 


314  CONSTANTINE. 

embracing  it;  while  Licinius  speedily  violated  it,  and  par- 
tially renewed  the  persecution.  In  the  second  war  between 
these  emperors,  (324,)  the  cross  appeared  on  the  banner  of 
Constantine;  and  his  victory  was  followed  by  the  issue  of 
circular  letters  announcing  his  own  conversion,  and  inviting 
his  subjects  to  follow  his  example.  The  call  of  a  powerful 
monaich  was  not  likely  to  be  unheeded;  the  Christian  faith 
rapidly  spread ;  offices  of  trust,  profit,  and  honor,  were  be- 
stowed almost  exclusively  on  Christians;  bishops  thronged 
the  court;  paganism  was  in  every  way  discouraged,  and 
Christianity  finally  triumphed  over  its  ancient  enemy. 

The  conversion  of  Constantine  may  have  been,  and  prob- 
ably was,  sincere.  But  in  all  such  cases,  motives  of  policy 
are  apt  to  concur  with  higher  ones,  and  often  to  exercise  a 
superior  influence.  Constantine  must  have  seen  that  the 
Christians,  if  not  the  most  numerous,  were  the  best  united 
and  organized,  and  consequently  the  most  powerful  body  in 
the  empire.  He  could  not  be  blind  to  the  great  superiority 
of  the  Christian  morality  over  that  of  heathenism,  and,  as  a 
wise  sovereign,  he  must  have  seen  that  it  was  his  interest  to 
promote  its  diffusion.  The  doctrine  of  passive  obedience, 
held  by  the  Christians  of  that  time,  must  have  proved  most 
grateful  to  the  ears  of  a  monarch ;  and  the  zeal  in  his  cause 
and  the  loyalty  shown  by  the  Christians  cannot  have  been 
wholly  without  effect  on  his  mind.  These  various  motives 
may,  then,  have  given  force  to  the  reasonings  of  the  Christian 
divines ;  but  we  are  assured  that  the  efficient  cause  of  the 
conversion  of  the  emperor  was  a  miracle. 

According  to  the  biographer  of  this  emperor,  the  learned 
Bishop  Eusebius,  as  Constantine  was  on  his  march  against 
Maxentius,  there  appeared  one  day,  in  the  sight  of  himself 
and  his  whole  army,  a  luminous  cross  above  the  sun  in  the 
noon-day  sky,  bearing  inscribed  on  it  the  words,  "  By  this 
conquer,"  {Hac  vincr ;)  and,  in  the  following  night,  Christ 
himself  stood  in  a  dream  before  the  emperor,  bearing  a  simi- 
lar cross,  and  directed  him  to  frame  a  standard  of  that  form, 
which  would  assure  him  of  victory  against  Maxentius.  The 
standard  was  accordingly  framed,  and,  under  the  name  of 
Labarum,  a  word  of  unknown  origin,  it  became  the  future 
banner  of  the  empire.  Its  form  was  that  of  a  long  pike,  with 
a  transverse  bar,  from  which  hung  a  piece  of  silk  adorned 
with  the  images  of  the  monarch  and  his  children.  On  the 
top  of  the  pike  was  a  wreath  of  gold,  enclosing  the  mono- 
gram of  the  name  of  Christ,  and  the  sign  of  the  cross.     The 


A.  D.  326.]  cuispus.  /     315 

care  of  the  Lnbaruin  was  always  committed  to  fift/ soldiers 
of  approved  valor  and  fidelity.  y 

This  legend  is  related  by  Eiisebius,  on  the  authority  of 
Constantine  himself;  but  his  narrative  did  not  appear  till 
after  the  death  of  the  emperor;  and,  in  his  earlier  work,  the 
Eccles>iastical  History,  he  is  silent  respecting  it.  Another 
contemporary  mentions  only  a  dream,  in  which  Constantine 
was  directed,  on  tlie  night  before  the  battle  with  Maxentius, 
to  inscribe  the  sacred  monogram  on  the  shields  of  his  sol- 
diers;  and  adds,  that  his  obedience  was  rewarded  with  vic- 
tory.* We  take  not  on  us  to  decide  how  much  of  fiction 
or  of  error  there  may  be  in  the  legend ;  but  that  no  actual 
miracle  was  wrought,  we  venture  to  affirm  without  hesitation, 
in  accordance  with  our  fixed  opinions  on  the  subject. 

We  now  return  to  the  course  of  our  historic  narrative.  A 
dark  transaction,  which  has  fixed  an  indelible  stain  on  the 
memory  of  Constantine,  is  the  first  that  meets  our  view.  We 
have  already  seen  that,  before  his  marriage  with  the  daugh- 
ter of  Maximian,  he  had  had  a  son  by  his  first  wife.  This 
youth,  named  Crispus,  was  reared  under  the  charge  of  the 
pious,  learned,  and  eloquent  Lactantius.  Christian  writers 
and  historians  are  unanimous  in  the  testimony  which  they 
bear  to  the  virtues  of  the  heir-apparent  to  the  empire.  It  is 
possible  that,  as  is  asserted,  Crispus  may  have  been  jealous 
of  the  partiality  shown  by  the  emperor  to  the  children  of  his 
second  marriage,  one  of  whom,  Constantius,  had  been  sent, 
with  the  title  of  Ca;sar,  to  administer  the  government  of 
Gaul,  while  he  himself  was  detained  in  inactivity  at  court. 
He  may  also,  as  is  said,  have  given  vent  to  his  feelings  in 
imprudent  language;  and  anyone  at  all  acquainted  with  the 
texture  of  courts  in  general,  can  easily  suppose  that,  in  the 
palace  of  a  despotic  prince,  there  was  no  lack  of  wretches 
who  would  seek  to  advance  their  own  interest  by  exciting 
enmity  between  the  father  and  the  son.  An  edict  of  Con- 
stantine's,  issued  toward  the  end  of  the  year  32.5,  shows  that  he 
believed  or  feigned  that  a  secret  conspiracy  had  been  formed 
against  him,  and  in  favor  of  Crispus.  Whatever  his  suspi- 
cions of  his  son,  or  his  designs  against  him,  may  have  been, 
they  were  closely  concealed ;  and  Crispus,  in  the  following 
year,  (32f),)  accompanied  his  fiither  to  Rome,  when  he  pro- 
ceeded thither  to  celebrate  the  twentieth  year  of  his  reign. 
Tn  the  midst  of  the  festival,  the  prince  was  arrested  ;  after  a 
short  private  examination,  or  possibly  no  examination  at  all, 

*  The  author  of  the  treatise  Ht  Mortibus  Persecutorum. 


316  CONSTANTINE.  [a.  D.    326. 

he  was  sent,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  Pola  in  Istria,  where, 
shortly  after,  he  was  put  to  deatli  by  poison,  or  by  the  hand 
of  the  executioner.  Bis  fate  was  shared  by  the  son  of  the 
late  emperor  Licinius. 

When  a  biographer  passes  in  silence  over  any  important 
action  of  his  hero,  we  may  be  certain  that  a  minute  and 
exact  inquiry,  and  a  sifting  of  all  the  circumstances,  has 
convinced  him  that  it  is  incapable  of  bearing  exposure  to 
the  liglit,  and  that  no  ingenuity  can  avail  to  extenuate,  much 
less  excuse  it.  On  this  principle,  we  hold  the  profound 
silence  of  Eusebius  on  this  mysterious  transaction  to  be 
conclusive  of  the  guilt  of  Constantine  and  the  innocence  of 
Crispus  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  destructive  of  that  prelate's 
claim  to  truth  and  integrity  as  an  historian. 

The  later  Greeks,  however,  have  fabled  that  Constantine 
discovered  his  error,  mourned  and  repented  it,  and  erected 
a  golden  statue  bearing  the  inscription,  Tu  my  son,  tchom  I 
U7ijustly  condemned.  A  more  ancient  account  said,  that  the 
story  of  Phaedra  and  Hippolytus  was  renewed  in  the  imperial 
palace,  and  that  the  death  of  Crispus  was  caused  by  the  dis- 
appointed lust  of  Fausta.  It  is  added,  that  the  emperor's 
mother,  Helena,  enraged  at  the  fate  of  her  innocent  grand- 
son, caused  Fausta  to  be  closely  watched  ;  and,  it  being 
discovered  that  she  carried  on  an  adulterous  intercourse 
with  a  slave  belonsin^  to  the  stables,  she  was  suffocated, 
by  order  of  her  husband,  in  a  bath,  made  more  than  usually 
hot  for  the  purpose.*  The  deaths  of  Crispus,  Licinius,  and 
Fausta,  were  followed  by  those  of  many  of  the  emperor's 
friends,  on  various  charges. 

By  Fausta  the  emperor  had  had  three  sons,  named  Con- 
stantine, Constantius,  and  Constans  ;  his  elder  brother,  Ju- 
lius Constantius,  had,  beside  other  children,  two  sons,  named 
Gallus  and  Julian  ;  and  Dalmatius,  another  brother,  was  the 
father  of  two  princes,  Dalmatius  and  Hannibalianus.  From 
sorn-e  motive  which  has  not  been  assigned,  Constantine  re- 
solved to  associate  the  two  last-named  nephews  with  his  own 
sons  in  the  empire,  placing  the  former,  as  a  Cajsar,  on  an 
equality  with  them,  and  giving  the  latter  the  new  title  of 
Nobilissimus,  and  even,  as  it  would  appear,  that  of  King, 
which  we  find  used  of  him  alone. 

A  war  between  the  Goths  and  Sarmatians  drew  the  atten- 

*  Zosimus,  Philostorgius,  and  others,  assort  that  Fansta  was  put  to 
deatli.  Yi't,  as  Git)b<in  ohsiTvi-s,  in  a  Aloiiody  on  her  son,  the  younger 
Constantino,  she  is  said  to  Ji^ivo  llvt^d  tu  do|)lQre  hij  late. 


A.D.    331-337.]     DEATH    OF    CONSTANTINE.  317 


tion  of  Constantine,  in  the  latter  years  of  his  reign.  Policy 
causing  him  to  take  the  part  of  the  latter,  the  former  crossed 
the  Danube,  and  laid  Mcesia  waste,  (331.)  The  emperor 
took  tlie  field  in  person  ;  but  his  troops  fled  from  before  them, 
and  he  was  obliged  to  retire.  In  the  following  year,  (332,) 
however,  the  imperial  troops,  led  by  the  Caesar  Constantius, 
retrieved  their  fame.  The  Goths  were  forced  to  recross 
the  Danube,  and  to  sue  for  peace.  The  Sarmatians  having 
shown  the  usual  levity  and  ingratitude  of  barbarians,  Con- 
stantine left  them  to  their  fate.  Vanquished  in  battle  by  the 
Goths,  they  armed  their  slaves,  and,  by  their  aid,  expelled 
the  invaders  from  their  territory  ;  but  the  slaves  turned  their 
arms  against  their  masters,  drove  them  out  of  the  country, 
and  held  it  under  the  name  of  Limigantes. 

Nothing  occurred  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  the  empire 
during  the  remaining  years  of  the  reign  of  Constantine.  He 
breathed  his  last  on  the  22d  of  May,  337,  in  the  palace  of 
Aquirion,  at  Nicomedia,  in  the  G5th  year  of  his  age,  after  a 
prosperous  reign  of  thirty  years  and  ten  months.  His  corpse 
was  removed  to  Constantinople,  where  it  was  placed  on  a 
golden  bed,  in  an  illuminated  apartment  of  the  palace;  and 
each  day,  the  principal  officers  of  state  approached  it  and 
offered  their  homage,  as  if  to  the  living  emperor.  It  was  at 
length  committed  to  the  tomb,  with  all  fitting  ceremony  and 
magnificence. 

The  merits  and  virtues  of  the  emperor  Constantine  were 
so  numerous  and  conspicuous,  that,  were  it  not  for  the  deaths 
of  his  son,  and  nephew,  and  friends,  his  name  would  be 
without  any  considerable  blemish.  It  is,  however,  objected 
to  him,  that,  in  his  latter  years,  he  adopted  a  style  of  dress 
and  manners  which  exhibited  more  of  Asiatic  effeminacy 
than  of  Roman  dignity.  He  is  also  charged  with  lavishing 
on  needless  and  expensive  buildings  the  money  wrung  from 
his  subjects  by  oppressive  taxation,  and  of  overlooking,  if 
not  encouraging,  the  rapacity  of  his  friends  and  favorites. 
Like  so  many  of  those  who  have  attained  to  empire  by  their 
own  merits  and  talents,  Constantine  is  more  to  be  esteemed 
in  the  early  than  in  the  later  years  of  his  reign. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  Constantine  (though  he  openly  pro- 
fessed the  Christian  religion,  convened  and  presided  at  a 
general  council  of  the  church,  and  enjoyed  nearly  all  the 
privileges  of  the  initiated  order  of  the  faithful)  remained  all 
through  his  reign  in  the  humble  rank  of  a  catechumen,  and 
deferred  receiving  the  sacrament  of  baptism  till  he  discerned 
27* 


318  CONSTANTINE    II.,    ETC.  [a.  D.  337. 

the  certain  symptoms  of  the  approach  of  his  dissolution. 
The  superstition  in  which  this  practice  originated,  has 
already  been  explained;  and  it  derogates  from  the  wisdom  or 
knowledge  of  the  Nicene  Fathers,  to  know  that  they  tacitly, 
at  least,  sanctioned  a  usage  so  detrimental  to  true  religion. 


,  CHAPTER    III* 

CONSTANTINE    II.,  CONSTANTIUS,  CONSTANS 
A.u.  1090—1114.     A.D.  337—361. 

SLAUGHTER     OF     THE     IMPERIAL     FAMILY. PERSIAN  WAR. 

DEATHS    OF    CONSTANTINE  AND    CONSTANS. MAGNENTIUS. 

CALLUS. JULIAN. SILVANUS.  COURT    OF    CONSTAN- 
TIUS.  WAR    WITH    THE    LIMIGANTES. PERSIAN    AVAR. 

JULIAN      IN      GAUL.  BATTLE      OF      STRASBURG.  JULIAN 

PROCLAIMED       EMPEROR.   HIS      MARCH      FROM      GAUL.   

DEATH    OP    CONSTANTIUS. 

Constantine  II.,  Constantius,  Constans. 
A.u.  1090—1103.     A.D.  337—350. 

The  tomb  had  not  received  the  mortal  remains  of  the 
great  Constantine,  when  a  plot  was  laid  to  destroy  some  of 
the  objects  of  his  regard.  The  troops  were  induced  —  we  are 
not  informed  by  whom  or  by  what  means  —  to  declare  that 
none  but  the  sons  of  the  late  monarch  should  rule  over  his 
empire  ;  and  Dalmatius  and  Hannibalianus  were  seized  and 
placed  under  custody,  till  Constantius,  to  whom  the  charge 
of  the  funeral  had  been  committed,  should  arrive  in  the  cap- 
ital. When  this  prince  came,  he  pledged  his  oath  to  his 
kinsmen  for  their  safety ;  but  ere  long  a  false  charge  was 
made  against  them,  and  the  soldiers  became  clamorous  for 
their  death.  A  general  massacre  of  the  imperial  family  en- 
sued, in  which  two  uncles  and  seven  cousins  of  Constantius, 
and  with  them  Optatus,  the  husband  of  his  aunt,  perished. 

*  Authorities  :  Zosimus,  Ammianus,  Marcellinus,  the  Epitomators, 
and  the  Ecclesiastical  Historians. 


A.  T).  337-340.]      CONSTANTINE    II.,    ETC.  \  319 

Their  fate  was  shared  by  tlie  prefect  Ablaviiis,  the  minister 
and  favorite  of  the  late  emperor.  Of  the  whole  imperial 
family,  there  only  remained  Gallus  and  Julian,  the  sons  of 
Julius  Constantius. 

In  the  following  month  of  September,  the  three  brothers 
had  a  personal  interview,  in  which  a  new  arrangement  of  the 
empire  was  concluded;  by  which  Constantine,  as  the  eldest, 
was  conceded  a  superiority  in  rank,  and  the  possession  of  the 
eastern  capital. 

The  eastern  frontier  gave  Constantius  occupation  for  some 
years.  Sapor  II.,  king  of  Persia,  a  prince  of  great  energy 
and  enterprise,  burned  to  recover  the  provinces  which  had 
been  ceded  to  Galerius ;  but  dread  of  the  power  and  genius 
of  Constantine  had  held  him  in  check.  As  soon,  however, 
as  the  empire  fell  into  the  hands  of  inexperienced  young 
princes,  he  poured  his  troops  into  Mesopotamia,  and  for  some 
years  the  Roman  annals  had  only  to  tell  of  armies  defeated, 
and  towns  besieged  or  taken  by  the  Persian  monarch.  In 
the  battle  of  Singara,  (348,)  the  Roman  legions  routed  the 
troops  of  Persia,  and  drove  them  to  their  camp ;  as  the  night 
was  at  hand,  Constantius,  who  commanded  in  person,  sought 
to  restrain  his  men,  and  defer  the  attack  till  the  light  of 
morn.  But,  heedless  of  the  commands  of  their  prince,  the 
soldiers,  eager  for  prey,  pressed  on,  and,  forcing  the  camp, 
spread  themselves  all  over  it  in  search  of  plunder.  In  the 
dead  of  the  night.  Sapor,  who  had  posted  his  troops  on  the 
adjacent  hills,  led  them  to  the  attack  of  the  scattered  and  un- 
prepared enemies;  and  the  Romans  were  routed  with  im- 
mense slaughter.  The  survivors  escaped  with  the  utmost 
difficulty,  and  endured  intolerable  hardships  in  their  retreat. 
This  is  said  to  have  been  the  ninth  victory  over  the  troops  of 
Rome  achieved  by  the  arms  of  Sapor.  But,  though  thus  suc- 
cessful in  the  field,  he  was  unable  to  carry  the  important  city 
of  Nisibis.  Thrice  did  he  lead  his  forces  under  its  walls, 
and  thrice  did  he  employ  in  vain  the  valor  of  his  soldiers 
and  the  arts  of  his  engineers ;  the  gallant  city  still  remained 
unsubdued. 

While  Constantius  was  thus  occupied  in  the  East,  Con- 
stans  had  become  sole  ruler  in  the  West ;  for  Constantine, 
having  required  that  Constans  should  resign  Africa  to  him, 
and  being  irritated  by  the  insincerity  displayed  by  that  prince 
in  the  negotiation,  made  a  sudden  irruption  into  his  domin- 
ions, (340.)  But  in  the  neighborhood  of  Aquileia  he  came 
to  an  engagement  with  the  generals  of  Constans,  and,  being 


320  CONSTANTIUS.  [a.  D.  350. 

drawn  into  an  ambush,  himself  and  all  those  about  him  were 
slain.  Constans  then  took  possession  of  the  whole  of  his  do- 
minions, refusing  to  give  any  share  to  his  remaining  brother, 
who  does  not,  however,  appear  to  have  claimed  it. 

For  about  ten  years  Constans  exercised  every  kind  of  op- 
pression over  his  subjects.  His  hours  were  devoted  to  the 
chase,  and  to  other  pleasures  of  a  less  innocent  nature.  At 
length  (350)  a  conspiracy  was  formed  against  him  by  Mag- 
nentius,  a  Frank,  but  born  in  Gaul,  who  commanded  the 
Jovian  and  Herculian  guards.  Marcellinus,  the  treasurer, 
shared  in  the  conspiracy ;  and  when  the  court  was  at  Autun, 
and  the  emperor  was  taking  the  pleasures  of  the  chase  in  the 
adjoining  forest,  Magnentius  gave,  under  the  pretext  of  cele- 
brating his  son's  birthday,  a  magnificent  entertainment,  to 
which  were  invited  the  principal  officers  of  the  army.  The 
festival  was  prolonged  till  after  midnight,  when  Magnentius 
withdrew  for  a  little  time,  and  then  reappeared  clad  in  the 
imperial  habit.  Those  in  the  secret  instantly  saluted  him 
emperor,  and  the  remainder,  taken  by  surprise,  were  induced 
to  join  in  the  acclamation.  Promises  and  money  were  liber- 
ally scattered,  and  both  the  soldiery  and  the  people  declared 
for  Magnentius.  It  was  hoped  that  they  might  be  able  to 
surprise  Constans  on  his  return  from  the  chase ;  but  he  got 
timely  information,  and  fled  for  Spain.  He  was,  however, 
overtaken  by  those  despatched  in  pursuit  of  him,  at  a  town 
named  Helena,  {Elne,)  at  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees,  dragged 
from  a  church  to  which  he  had  fled  for  refuge,  and  put  to 
death. 


Constantius. 

A.u.  1103—1114.    A.  D.  350—361. 

The  whole  of  the  West,  with  the  exception  of  Illyricum, 
yielded  obedience  to  Magnentius.  The  troops  of  that  country 
were  commanded  by  Vetranio,  an  aged  general  of  simple 
and  upright  manners,  but  so  illiterate  as  to  be  ignorant  of 
even  readmg  and  writing.  At  first  he  professed  allegiance  to 
the  remaining  son  of  Constantine;  but  at  length  he  yielded 
to  the  desires  of  his  legions  and  those  of  the  princess  Con- 
stantina,  the  daughter  of  Constantine,  and  widow  of  Hanni- 
balianus,  who  thus,  perhaps,  sought  to  obtain  vengeance  for 
her  husband,  and  to  recover  her  own  power.     He  consented 


A.  D.  350.]  VETRANIO.  321 

to  accept  of  empire ;  and  Constantina  with  her  o^n  hand 
phiced  tlie  diadem  on  his  head.  Vetranio  soon  i<Jund  it  ex- 
pedient to  accept  of  the  proffered  alliance  of  Magnentius. 

An  opportune  incursion  of  the  Massagetans  into  the 
northern  part  of  his  dominions  having  just  at  tliis  time 
called  Sapor  away  from  the  third  siege  of  Nisibis,  Constan- 
tius  found  himself  at  leisure  to  attend  to  the  aff'airs  of  the 
West.  Leaving  a  sufficient  force  with  his  generals,  he  set 
out,  for  Europe,  to  avenge  the  murder  of  his  brother.  At 
Heraclea  in  Thrace,  he  was  met  by  an  embassy  from  the 
two  emperors  of  the  West,  headed  by  Marcellinus.  It  was 
proposed  that  he  should  acknowledge  them,  marry  the 
daughter  of  Magnentius,  and  give  Constantina  in  marriage 
to  that  prince.  Next  day  he  gave  his  reply  :  the  shade  of  the 
great  Constantine,  embracing  the  corpse  of  his  murdered 
brother,  had,  he  said,  appeared  to  him  in  the  night,  bidden 
him  not  to  despair  of  the  republic,  and  assured  him  of  vic- 
tory. He  dismissed  one  of  the  ambassadors,  put  the  others 
in  irons  as  traitors,  and  then  pursued  his  march. 

His  conduct  toward  Vetranio  was  artful  and  politic. 
While  he  menaced  Magnentius  with  vengeance  as  a  traitor, 
he  acknowledged  the  Illyrian  Augustus  as  a  colleague,  and 
finally  induced  him  to  unite  with  him  against  the  usurper. 
It  was  agreed  that  the  two  emperors  and  their  armies  should 
meet  at  the  town  of  Sardica.  The  troops  of  Vetranio  were 
far  superior  both  in  number  and  strength  to  those  of  the  em- 
peror of  the  East ;  but  the  reliance  of  Constantius  was  on 
the  promises  that  he  had  lavished  on  them,  by  which  most  of 
both  officers  and  men  had  been  secretly  gained  to  his  side. 
The  united  armies  were  assembled  (Dec.  25)  in  a  large 
plain  near  the  city,  and  the  two  emperors  ascended  the  tri- 
bunal to  address  them.  Constantius  spoke  the  first.  He 
inveighed  against  Magnentius ;  he  spoke  of  the  glories  of 
Constantine,  and  of  their  oaths  of  fidelity  to  him.  Those 
who  were  prepared  for  the  purpose,  and  stood  about  the  tri- 
bunal, then  cried  out  that  they  would  have  no  spurious  em- 
perors, and  would  only  serve  under  the  son  of  Constantine; 
and  the  cry  was  repeated  through  all  the  ranks.  Vetranio, 
thus  abandoned  by  his  own  troops,  took  off  his  diadem,  and 
fell  at  the  feet  of  his  imperial  colleague.  Constantius  raised 
him,  and  promised  him  safety.  The  city  of  Prusa  in  Bithynia, 
with  an  ample  revenue,  was  assigned  for  the  place  of  his 
abode;  and  he  there  passed  the  remaining  six  years  of  his 
life  in  ease  and  tranquillity. 

oo 


322  coNSTANTius.  [a.  D.  351-352. 

Early  in  the  spring,  (351,)  Magnentius  took  the  field  with 
a  large  army.  The  advantages  were  on  his  side  throughout 
the  summer,  and  Constantius,  who  shunned  to  meet  him  in 
the  field,  found  it  necessary  to  offer  him  terms  of  peace. 
But  the  haughtiness  of  the  usurpfer,  m  ho  required  him  to  re- 
sign his  purple,  promising  him  life  on  that  humiliating  condi- 
tion, put  an  end  to  all  hopes  of  accommodation;  and  Con- 
stantius resolved  to  trust  to  Heaven,  and  conquer  or  fall  with 
honor.  Magnentius  then  advanced,  and  made  an  attempt  on 
the  town  of  Mursa,  (Essek,)  situated  on  the  River  Drave. 
Constantius  led  his  troops  to  its  defence,  and  the  two  armies 
encountered  (Sept.  28)  on  the  plain  in  which  the  city  stands. 
Leaving  the  command  with  his  generals,  Constantius  retired 
to  an  adjoining  church,  where  he  passed  the  day  in  prayer. 
The  engagement  lasted  till  night,  and  the  victory  of  the  im- 
perial troops,  chiefly  owing  to  the  heavy  cataphract  cavalry, 
was  complete.  The  number  of  men  slain  in  the  battle  is  said 
to  have  been  54,000,  of  whom  more  than  one  half  fell  on  the 
side  of  the  victors.  Magnentius  escaped  with  difficulty  from 
the  emperor's  light  horse,  who  chased  him  to  the  foot  of  the 
Julian  Alps. 

The  winter  passed  away  in  inaction,  and  when  spring  came 
(352)  Magnentius  fixed  his  abode  at  Aquileia,  in  order  to 
oppose  the  farther  advance  of  the  imperial  troops;  but  he 
soon  found  it  necessary,  in  consequence  of  the  defection  of 
the  troops  and  people  of  Italy,  to  abandon  that  position,  and 
retire  into  Gaul.  The  cause  of  this  defection  was  the  cruelty 
used  by  his  ministers,  on  the  occasion  of  the  suppression  of 
an  insurrection  at  Rome,  where  a  youth  named  Nepotianus, 
the  son  of  Eutropia,  the  sister  of  Constantine,  had  armed  a 
band  of  slaves  and  gladiators,  and  assumed  the  purple.  Him- 
self, his  mother,  and  all  connected  with  the  family  of  Con- 
stantine, were  put  to  death ;  all  parts  of  the  city  were  filled 
with  blood,  and  terror  every  where  prevailed.  Communica- 
tions were,  therefore,  opened  with  Constantius  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Mursa,  and  all  Italy  finally  declared  in  his  favor.  It 
was  now,  therefore,  the  turn  of  Magnentius  to  sue.  He  sent 
some  bishops  to  Constantius,  offering  to  resign  the  purple, 
and  to  serve  him  faithfully ;  but  the  emperor  would  listen  to 
no  proposals  on  the  part  of  the  assassin,  though  he  offered 
pardon  to  all  who  would  abandon  him.  The  imperial  fleet 
had,  meantime,  acquired  the  possession  of  Africa  and  S})ain, 
and  landed  an  army  in  the  latter  country,  which  entered  GauJ 
and  advanced  toward  Lyons,  where  Magnentius  was  residing. 


A.  D.  351-354.]        DEFEAT    OF    MAGNENTIUS.V  323 

The  oppressions  exercised  by  this  tyrant  in  orde^  to  obtain 
money  and  supplies  from  the  cities  of  Gaul,  at  length  drove 
the  people  to  desperation  ;  and  a  revolt  commenced  at  Treves, 
where  the  gates  M'ere  shut  against  his  brother  Decentius, 
whom  he  had  made  an  Augustus.  The  Germans,  with  whom 
Constantius  had  formed  an  alliance,  passed  the  Rhine,  and 
besieged  Decentius  in  Sens.  The  imperial  troops  at  length 
forced  the  passage  of  the  Cottian  Alps,  and  a  battle  was 
fought  at  a  place  named  Mount  Seleucus,  in  which  the  usur- 
per was  totally  defeated.  He  fled  to  Lyons,  where,  finding 
that  his  soldiers  were  preparing  to  seize  and  surrender  him, 
he  anticipated  their  design  by  falling  on  his  sword.  Decen- 
tius strangled  himself  when  he  heard  of  his  brother's  death, 
and  Constantius  now  remained  sole  master  of  the  Roman 
world. 

Of  the  male  line  of  Constantine  there  were  now  only  the 
emperor  himself  and  his  cousins,  Gallus  and  Julian,  remaining. 
These  youths,  after  the  massacre  of  their  family,  had  been 
placed  in  different  cities  of  Asia,  where  they  were  surrounded 
and  guarded  by  persons  devoted  to  the  emperor;  but  they 
were  treated  with  care  and  respect,  and  their  education  was 
diligently  attended  to.  At  length,  (351,)  when  the  emperor 
was  preparing  to  avenge  the  murder  of  his  last  remaining 
brother,  he  conferred  on  Gallus,  then  in  his  twenty-fifth  year, 
the  dignity  of  Caesar,  committed  to  him  the  government  of 
the  East,  and  gave  him  in  marriage  the  princess  Conslantina. 
The  new  Caesar  fixed  his  abode  at  Antioch. 

Gallus  was  in  every  way  unfit  to  rule.  He  had  no  experi- 
ence of  the  world,  and  his  natural  temper  was  violent  and  ty- 
rannic. Had  he  been  united  to  a  woman  of  mild  and  amiable 
manners,  his  innate  ferocity  might  perhaps  have  been  mit- 
igated; but  Constantina  was  one  who  actually  delighted  in 
blood  ;  and,  instead  of  restraining,  she  stimulated  her  husband 
to  deeds  of  cruelty.  The  apartments  of  the  palace  were  filled 
with  the  implements  of  death  and  torture ;  all  places,  both 
public  and  private,  were  beset  with  informers;  no  man's  life 
was  secure ;  and  a  general  gloom  pervaded  the  city. 

While  Constantius  was  engaged  in  the  contest  for  his  em- 
pire,  he  had  not  leisure  to  attend  to  the  proceedings  of  his 
Caesar  :  at  length,  however,  (354,)  he  came  to  the  resolution 
of  depriving  him  of  his  rank,  or  of  removing  him  to  Gaul; 
and,  on  the  occasion  of  the  massacre  of  a  nobleman  named 
Theophilus,  by  the  populace  of  Antioch,  in  a  time  of  scarci- 
ty, with  the  connivance  of  Gallus,  he  sent  the  prefect  Domi- 


324  CONSTANTIUS.  [a.  d.  354. 

tian,  with  directions  to  prevail,  by  gentle  means,  if  possible, 
on  Gallus  to  proceed  to  Italy ;  for  he  feared  to  attack  him 
openly,  lest  he  should  assert  his  independence.  But  Domi- 
tian,  on  arriving  at  Antioch,  instead  of  waiting  on  Gallus,  as 
he  should  have  done,  passed  by  the  palace  gate,  and,  on  the 
pretext  of  illness,  remained  at  his  own  house  for  some  days. 
When,  at  last,  he  condescended  to  visit  the  Cajsar,  he  roughly 
ordered  him  to  set  out  for  Italy  at  once,  threatening,  in  case 
of  his  refusal,  to  stop  the  supply  of  provisions  to  the  palace. 
He  then  rose  and  went  away,  and  would  not  appear  any  more 
before  the  Caesar,  though  often  summoned.  This  conduct 
would  have  provoked  a  much  meeker  temper  than  that  of 
Gallus,  who  immediately  set  a  guard  on  the  house  of  the  pre- 
fect. The  quaestor,  Montius,  then  called  together  the  prin- 
cipal officers  of  the  guards,  and,  dilating  on  what  had  occurred, 
hinted  that  Gallus  was  about  to  rebel.  When  this  reached 
the  ears  of  the  Ca;sar,  he  assembled  the  soldiers,  and  called 
on  them  to  protect  him.  They  instantly  seized  Montius, 
who  was  an  infirm  old  man,  and,  tying  his  legs  with  ropes, 
dragged  him  to  the  abode  of  Domitian,  whom  they  likewise 
boulid,  and  then  dragged  them  both  through  the  streets  till 
they  were  dead,  and,  after  insulting  their  bodies  in  a  bar- 
barous manner,  flung  them  into  the  river.  The  cruelty  of 
Gallus  now  redoubled,  and  guilty  and  innocent  suffered 
alike. 

Constantius  and  his  council  were  perplexed  how  to  act ; 
but  they  finally  resolved  to  proceed  with  artifice,  and  draw 
the  Ca3sar  into  their  toils  gently.  The  emperor  wrote  to  him 
in  most  affectionate  terms,  entreating  him  to  come  and  assist 
him  in  managing  the  arduous  affiirs  of  the  West :  in  like 
manner,  he  wrote  to  his  sister,  expressing  a  most  anxious  de- 
sire to  see  her.  Constantina  accordingly  set  out  for  Europe  ; 
but  on  the  way  she  fell  sick,  and  died  at  a  town  in  Bithynia. 
As  it  was  chiefly  on  her  influence  with  her  brother  that  Gal- 
lus relied  for  his  safety,  her  death  threw  him  into  the  utmost 
perplexity.  While  he  was  hesitating,  Scudilo,  a  tribune  of  the 
guards,  arrived,  a  man  who  under  the  guise  of  martial  rough- 
ness and  frankness  concealed  a  most  artful  and  insinuating 
character ;  and  by  his  representations  he  was  induced  to  set 
out  for  Europe.  At  Constantinople  he  imprudently  took  on 
him  to  bestow  a  crown  on  the  victor  in  a  chariot  race,  which 
assumption  of  imperial  power,  as  it  was  deemed,  greatly  con- 
tributed to  exasperate  the  emperor  against  him.  The  soldiers 
were  removed  from  all  the  towns  through  which  he  was  to 


A.  D.  355.]  GALLUS.  325 

pass,  lest  they  should  declare  for  him  —  a  needful /precaution, 
as  it  would  appear ;  for,  when  he  reached  Hadrianople,  the 
Theba^an  legions  which  lay  in  that  neighborliood  sent  to 
offer  him  their  services;  but  their  deputies  were  unable  to 
obtain  access  to  him,  for  he  was  surrounded  by  persons  de- 
voted to  the  court,  who  had  been  sent  to  occupy  all  the  places 
in  his  establishment.  Letters  now  reached  him  requiring  his 
immediate  presence  at  court  ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  set  out 
with  only  a  few  attendants,  and  to  travel  post  with  the  utmost 
speed.  On  reaching  the  town  of  Petobio  {Pc.ttau)  on  the 
Drave,  he  was  lodged  in  a  palace  without  the  walls;  and 
toward  evenincr  it  was  surrounded  with  soldiers,  and  their 
commander,  Barbatio,  entered  and  stripped  the  Caisar  of  his 
royal  dress,  putting  common  raiment  upon  him,  and  then, 
with  oaths  assuring  him  of  safety,  made  him  arise  and  enter  a 
common  carriage,  in  which  he  was  conveyed  to  a  place  near 
Pola  in  Istria,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  the  last  sufferings 
of  the  unhappy  Crispus.  After  being  kept  a  short  time  in 
suspense,  and  having  undergone  an  examination  respecting 
his  conduct  in  the  East,  in  which  he  confessed  his  criminal 
acts,  but  cast  the  entire  blame  of  them  on  his  wife,  he  was 
secretly  beheaded  in  prison. 

The  imperial  family  was  thus  reduced  to  the  emperor  him- 
self and  his  cousin  Julian.  The  eunuchs,  who  were  all-power- 
ful in  the  palace,  labored  hard  for  the  destruction  of  this 
prince,  who  had  been  brought  to  the  court  of  Milan,  and 
charges  of  treason  were  devised  against  him ;  but  though  he 
easily  refuted  all  that  his  enemies  could  allege,  his  innocence 
would  probably  have  availed  him  little  against  the  arts  and 
the  influence  of  those  who  dreaded  him  as  his  brother's  aven- 
ger, had  he  not  found  a  powerful  protectress  in  the  empress 
Eusebia,  a  woman  of  considerable  beauty  and  merit,  who  ex- 
ercised great  power  over  the  mind  of  her  husband.  Julian 
was  at  length  (355)  permitted  to  retire  to  Athens,  to  pursue 
the  literary  studies  in  which  he  delighted.  His  abode  in  that 
seat  of  learning  was,  however,  but  of  brief  duration  ;  for  Con- 
stantius,  finding  himself  totally  unequal  to  the  sole  direction 
of  the  multitudinous  affairs  of  the  empire,  menaced  on  all  its 
frontiers  by  restless  and  powerful  enemies,  yielded  to  the  ar- 
guments and  entreaties  of  the  empress,  who  represented  to 
him  that  Gallus  and  Julian  had  differed  in  character  as  much 
as  the  sons  of  Vespasian,  and  that  from  the  mild,  gentle  tem- 
per of  the  latter  he  might  expect  to  meet  with  nothing  but 
gratitude  and  obedience.     She  thus  induced  him  to  consent 

CONTIN.  28 


326  CONST ANTIUS.  [a.  d.  355. 

to  associate  Julian  in  the  empire ;  and  an  order  was  despatched 
for  that  prince  to  return  immediately  to  court.  Julian  quitted 
Athens  with  deep  and  unfeigned  regret.  He  was  kindly  re- 
ceived at  Milan;  the  only  condition  exacted  from  him  was  a 
marriage  with  the  emperor's  sister  Helena,  a  princess  some 
years  his  senior;  and  on  the  day  in  which  he  entered  his 
twenty-fifth  year,  (Nov.  6,)  Constantius,  in  the  presence  and 
amid  the  acclamations  of  the  army,  bestowed  on  him  the 
dignity  of  Csesar.  He  was  immediately  after  sent  to  take 
the  command  in  Gaul. 

This  country  had  lately  been  the  scene  of  rebellion,  and 
this  circumstance  had  probably  contributed  to  the  elevation 
of  Julian.  Silvanus,  one  of  those  German  officers  who  were 
now  so  numerous  in  the  Roman  service,  had,  by  hi?  opportune 
desertion  just  before  the  battle  of  Mursa,  contributed  not  a 
little  to  the  victory  of  Constantius.  The  command  of  the 
imperial  infantry  was  his  reward,  and  he  enjoyed  the  favor 
of  his  sovereign,  which,  however,  only  exposed  him  the  more 
to  the  hostility  of  the  favorites,  one  of  whom,  Arbetio,  as  the 
surest  means  of  destroying  him,  induced  the  emperor  to  give 
him  the  charge  of  delivering  Gaul  from  the  depredations  of 
the  Germans.  Silvanus  was  not  long  in  that  province,  when 
an  agent,  selected  for  the  purpose,  applied  to  him  for  letters 
of  recommendation  to  his  friends  at  court.  These  he  unsus- 
pectingly gave,  and  they  were  conveyed  to  his  enemies,  who, 
erasing  all  but  the  signature,  filled  them  with  language  calling 
on  his  friends  to  aid  his  designs  on  the  empire.  The  matter 
was  then  laid  before  the  emperor  in  council,  and  orders  were 
given  to  arrest  the  persons  to  whom  the  letters  were  addressed. 
Malaric,  however,  the  conmiander  of  the  foreign  guards,  and 
Silvanus's  countryman,  aided  by  his  brother  officers,  warmly 
asserted  the  innocence  of  the  absent  general ;  and  at  his  in- 
stance a  new  inquiry  was  instituted,  in  which  tlie  forgery  was 
detected.  The  discovery,  however,  came  too  late;  Silvanus, 
indignant  at  the  treatment  he  had  received,  and  seeing  no 
other  prospect  of  security,  had  assumed  the  purple  at  Cologne. 
Treachery  was  then  employed  against  him,  and  Urcisinus,  a 
general  who  had  lately  distinguished  himself  so  much  in  the 
defence  of  the  East,  that  fear  of  his  doing  what  Silvanus  had 
now  done  had  caused  his  recall,  sullied  his  fame  by  becoming 
the  instrument.  He  set  out  for  Gaul,  with  a  few  of  his  friends, 
under  the  pretence  of  avenging  tlie  injuries  which  he  had  re- 
ceived at  court,  and  joined  the  usurper.  He  was  received  with 
kindness  and  confidence,  which  he  repaid  by  seducing  some  of 


A.  D.  357.]  COURT    OF    CONSTANTIUS.  /  327 

the  foreign  troops,  and  causing  Silvnnus  to  be  murdered  after 
a  brief  reign  of  twenty-eight  days.  The  troops  then  returned 
to  their  allegiance. 

The  court  of  Constantius  was  one  in  which  all  the  vices 
which  distinguished  those  of  the  East  Hourished  in  luxuriance. 
There  was  in  it  no  place  for  virtue  and  integrity ;  the  vile 
race  of  eunuchs  (for  such  the  history  of  all  ages  proves  them 
to  be)  were  so  powerful,  that,  as  the  historian  sarcastically 
observes,  Constantius  had  a  good  deal  of  influence  with  the 
chief  of  them,  the  chamberlain  Eusebius.  Their  rapacity 
knew  no  bounds  ;  justice  and  the  honors  of  the  state  were 
set  up  to  sale,  the  complaints  of  the  injured  were  intercept- 
ed, the  honorable  and  the  independent  were  secretly  under- 
mined or  openly  assailed.  But  the  eunuchs  were  not  the 
sole  authors  of  evil  ;  we  find  among  the  pests  of  the  court 
the  general  Barbatio,  and  Paulus  the  notary,  a  crafty  Span- 
iard surnamed  Catena,  from  his  skill  in  entangling  destined 
victims  in  the  meshes  of  dangerous  subtleties.  There  were 
many  others  whose  names  it  boots  not  to  record.  The  char- 
acter of  the  emperor,  jealous  of  his  dignity,  and  barbarously 
cruel  to  all  who  were  even  suspected  of  encroaching  on  it, 
gave  effect  to  the  arts  of  these  men,  and  few  were  safe  from 
their  machinations. 

While  Constantius  remained  in  Italy,  he  paid  a  visit  to  the 
ancient  capital,  (Apr.  2S,  357.)  He  entered  it  in  a  triumphal 
procession,  visited  and  admired  all  its  venerable  monuments, 
and  gave  orders  for  the  transportation  thither  of  an  obelisk 
from  Egypt,  to  commemorate  his  abode  at  Rome.  After  a 
stay  of  only  thirty  days,  he  quitted  it,  never  again  to  return. 

The  cause  of  his  so  speedy  departure  was  the  invasion  of 
the  Illyrian  provinces  by  their  ancient  devastators,  the  Q,ua- 
dans  and  their  allies.  He  took  the  field  in  person  against 
them,  cut  their  armies  to  pieces,  ravaged  their  country  far 
and  wide,  and  compelled  them  to  sue  for  peace.  At  this 
time  also  he  listened  to  the  entreaties  of  the  Sarmatians,  and 
consented  to  turn  his  arms  against  their  rebellious  slaves. 
On  his  approach,  the  Limigantes  offered  to  pay  an  annual 
tribute,  and  to  furnish  recruits  for  the  army  ;  but  they  ex- 
pressed their  determination  not  to  quit  their  country.  When, 
however,  they  found  tliemselves  attacked  on  different  sides 
by  the  Roman  legions,  tlieir  former  masters,  and  the  Gothic 
Taifalans,  their  dwellings  fired,  and  their  country  ravaged  in 
all  directions,  their  spirit  abated,  and  they  came,  with  their 
wives  and  children,  to  the  Roman  camp,  and  consented  to  re- 


328  CONSTANTIUS.  [a.  d.  359. 

move  whithersoever  it  should  please  the  emperor  to  appoint 
their  abode.  Lands  were  accordingly  assigned  them  at  some 
distance  from  the  river ;  and,  the  war  being  thus  to  all  ap- 
pearance terminated,  Constantius  retired  to  Sirmium  for  the 
winter.  Early,  however,  in  the  following  year,  (359,)  intel- 
ligence that  the  Limigantes  had  returned,  and  were  about  to 
cross  the  Danube  and  ravage  the  provinces,  obliged  him 
again  to  take  the  field.  When  he  reached  the  banks  of  the 
river,  the  Limigantes  were  quite  submissive,  craved  permis- 
sion to  be  allowed  to  pass  over  and  state  their  grievances, 
and  to  have  lands  assigned  them  within  the  Roman  frontiers, 
where  they  might  dvvell  as  peaceful  subjects.  Constantius 
gave  a  cheerful  consent;  his  tribunal  was  erected  on  a  mound 
near  the  river;  the  Limigantes  surrounded  it;  he  stood  up, 
and  was  preparing  to  address  them,  when  one  of  them  flung 
his  shoe,  at  the  tribunal,  and  raised  their  war-cry,  Marha 
marha.  Instantly  a  rush  to  the  tribunal  was  made  by  the 
multitude  ;  the  emperor  had  only  time  to  mount  a  fleet  horse, 
and  fly  to  the  camp ;  his  guards  were  cut  to  pieces,  and  the 
tribunal  was  destroyed.  But  when  the  Roman  troops  learned 
the  danger  to  which  their  emperor  had  been  exposed,  they 
hastened  to  take  vengeance  on  the  traitors;  and  they  speedily 
massacred  the  entire  multitude  of  the  Limigantes.  For  his 
successes  against  this  people,  Constantius  took  the  title  of 
Sarmaticus. 

The  war  on  the  Illyrian  frontier  being  thus  terminated,  the 
emperor  found  it  necessary  to  proceed  to  the  East,  where 
Sapor  had  once  more  crossed  the  Tigris,  and  poured  his 
troops  over  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia.  The  director  of  the 
campaign  was  a  Roman  subject  named  Antoninus,  who  had 
been  forced  to  seek  at  the  court  of  Persia  a  refuge  from  op- 
pression. His  plan  was  to  neglect  the  fortresses,  push  on 
for  the  Euphrates,  and  tliink  only  of  the  conquest  and  i)lun- 
der  of  Antioch;  but  the  country  was  destroyed  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  the  river,  Imjipening  to  swell  at  this  time,  could  not 
be  passed  at  the  usual  places.  The  march  of  the  Persian 
army  was  therefore  directed  toward  the  head  of  the  stream  ; 
but,  as  it  was  passing  under  the  walls  of  the  strong  city  of 
Amida,  Sapor  halted  and  summoned  it  to  surrender.  A  dart 
flung  from  the  walls  chanced  to  graze  his  tiara;  and  the 
haughty  despot,  heedless  of  the  remonstrances  of  his  minis- 
ters, resolved  to  avenge  the  insult  by  the  destruction  of  the 
city.  His  army,  which  counted  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
invested  it  after  a  general  assault  had  been  tried  and  failed. 


A.  D.  360.]  PERSIAN    WAR. 


329 


The  works  of  the  besiegers  were  carried  on  under  the  direo 
tion  of  the  Roman  deserters,  and,  after  a  gallant  defence  of 
seventy-three  days,  the  city  was  taken  by  storm,  and  all  but 
those  who  had  contrived  to  escape  by  the  gate  most  remote 
from  the  point  of  attack  were  ruthlessly  massacred.  But  the 
Persians  purchased  their  conquest  with  the  loss  of  nearly  the 
third  part  of  their  host. 

The  capture  of  Amida  terminated  the  campaign.  In  the 
following  spring,  (3G0,)  Sapor  again  crossed  the  Tigris.  He 
besieged  and  took  the  cities  of  Singara  and  Bezabde ;  the 
former  of  which  he  dismantled,  as  it  lay  in  a  sandy  plain ;  but 
in  the  latter,  which  occupied  a  peninsula  on  the  Tigris,  he 
placed  a  strong  garrison.  Having  failed  in  an  attempt  on 
Virtha,  a  strong  fortress  of  the  independent  Arabs,  he  led  his 
troops  back  to  Persia.  In  the  autumn,  Constantius,  who  had 
at  length  arrived  in  the  East,  passed  the  Euphrates,  and,  hav- 
ing assembled  his  troops  at  Edessa,  and  wept  over  the  ruins  of 
Amida,  advanced  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  Bezabde ;  but 
all  his  efforts  to  take  it  having  failed,  and  the  weather  be- 
coming tempestuous,  he  abandoned  the  siege,  and  returned 
to  Antioch  for  the  winter. 

It  is  now  time  that  we  should  direct  our  attention  to  the 
conduct  of  the  Caesar  Julian  in  his  administration  of  the 
Gallic  provinces.  The  Franks  and  Alemans  had  been  of  late 
almost  the  undisputed  masters  of  the  country  to  an  extent  far 
westward  of  the  Rhine  ;  forty-five  cities,  among  which  were 
those  bearinor  the  modern  names  of  Toncrres,  Treves,  Worms, 
Spire,  and  Strasburg,  beside  numerous  towns  and  villages,  had 
been  pillaged  or  burnt  by  them;  and  the  Caesar  received  at 
Turin,  on  his  road,  the  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  the 
flourishing  colony  of  Cologne.  He  passed  the  winter  at  Vienne, 
and  early  in  the  summer  (356)  he  proceeded  to  Autun,  which 
had  lately  gallantly  repelled  an  attack  of  the  barbarians.  He 
thence  made  his  way  through  a  country  occupied  by  the  en- 
emy to  Rheims,  where  he  had  ordered  his  troops  to  assemble. 
After  two  encounters  with  the  Alemans,  in  one  of  which  he 
was  successful,  he  penetrated  to  the  Rhine,  and,  having  sur- 
veyed the  ruins  of  Cologne,  and  formed  a  just  conception  of 
the  difficulties  he  would  have  to  encounter,  he  led  his  troops 
back  to  their  winter  quarters  in  Gaul.  He  fixed  his  own 
abode  in  the  city  of  Sens,  where  for  thirty  days  he  was  be- 
sieged by  the  Alemans  ;  but  he  defended  the  town  with  skill 
and  courage,  and  the  barbarians  were  forced  to  retire. 

Julian  himself,  in  his  extant  writings,  speaks  slightingly  of 
28*  pp 


330  CONSTANTIUS.  [a.  d.  357. 

his  first  campaign.  It  was  the  initiation  of  a  retired  student 
in  the  affairs  of  actual  life;  and  the  love  of  honest  fame,  and 
the  lessons  of  solid  wisdom  which  he  had  derived  from  the 
works  of  those  men  of  mighty  intellect  who  had  flourished  in 
ancient  Greece,  combined  with  his  natural  talent,  soon  en- 
abled him  to  acquire  the  character  of  an  able  general.  His 
next  campaign  therefore  proved  a  glorious  one.  A  principal 
cause  of  his  success  was  the  removal  of  the  impediments 
which  the  eunuchs  had  prepared  for  him  in  his  own  army, 
where  they  had  caused  the  command  of  the  cavalry  to  be 
given  to  Marcellus,  a  man  who  seemed  to  think  his  only  duty 
to  be  that  of  thwarting  the  Caesar.  As,  however,  though 
near  at  hand,  he  had  not  come  to  his  aid  when  he  ran  such 
risk  at  Sens,  he  was,  on  Julian's  complaint,  supported  prob- 
ably by  the  empress,  removed  from  his  command,  and  an 
officer  named  Severus,  of  a  very  different  character,  sent  in 
his  stead.  Marcellus  proceeded  to  the  court,  and  was  com- 
mencing a  course  of  insinuations  against  the  loyalty  of  Julian, 
when  the  prince's  chamberlain  Eutherius,  who  had  been  de- 
spatched for  the  purpose,  arrived.  This  noble-minded  eu- 
nuch* demanded  an  audience  of  the  emperor,  and,  when  ad- 
mitted, he  boldly  asserted  the  innocence  of  his  master,  and 
proved  the  culpable  conduct  of  Marcellus,  who  was  obliged 
to  retire  in  disgrace  to  his  native  country,  Pannonia. 

Julian,  now  master  of  his  actions,  prepared  to  commence 
operations,  (357.)  The  plan  of  the  campaign  was,  that,  while 
he  should  advance  from  Rheims  on  the  one  side  with  the 
troops  of  Gaul,  Barbatio,  the  general  of  the  imperial  infantry, 
should  lead  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  from  Italy,  and 
cross  the  Rhine  near  Basil,  (Rauraci,)  so  that  the  Alemans, 
attacked  on  both  sides,  should  be  forced  to  abandon  the  left 
bank  of  the  river.  Julian's  first  care  was  to  restore  the 
fortifications  of  the  city  of  Saverne,  in  the  heart  of  the 
country  occupied  by  the  enemy  ;  but,  while  he  was  thus  en- 
gaged, a  large  body  of  the  Alemans  passed  unobserved  be- 
tween the  two  Roman  armies,  and  made  an  attempt  on  the 
city  of  Lyons,  which  having  failed,  they  fell  to  plundering 
the   surrounding   country.     Julian  immediately  sent  bodies 

*  Ammianus  (xvi.  7)  is  justly  lavish  in  his  praise  of  this  excellent 
man.  He  commences  by  obsorviug,  that  what  he  said  would  hardly 
be  credited,  "  ea  re  quod  si  Numa  Pompilius  vcl  Socrates  bona  quce- 
dam  dicerent  de  spadone,  dictisque  religionum  adderent  fideni,  a  veri- 
tate  dcscivisse  arguerentur.  Sed  inter  vcpres  roscB  nascuntur,  et  inter 
feras  nonnuUoB  mitescunt." 


A.  D.  357.]  JULIAN    IN    GAUL.  [  331 

of  horse  to  occupy  the  roads  by  which  they  must  return,  and 
the  booty  was  thus  recovered,  and  all  the  plunderers  cut  to 
pieces,  except  those  who  were  permitted  to  pass  unmolested 
under  the  very  ramparts  of  Barbatio's  camp.  When  Julian, 
soon  after,  being  anxious  to  drive  the  barbarians  out  of  the 
islands  which  they  occupied  in  the  Rhine,  applied  to  Bar- 
batio  for  seven  of  the  boats  which  he  had  collected  to  form  a 
bridge  over  the  Rhine,  the  latter  forthwith  burned  the  whole 
of  them,  sooner  than  aid  his  operations.  Julian,  however,  by 
means  of  the  shallows  in  the  river,  caused  by  the  summer 
heat,  passed  over  a  body  of  troops,  and  destroyed  or  expelled 
the  barbarians.  He  then  set  his  troops  to  restore  the  fortifi- 
cations of  the  town  of  Zabern,  ( Tabcrna: ;)  and  while  they 
were  thus  engaged,  Barbatio,  as  a  further  means  of  injuring 
Julian,  seized  the  corn  provided  for  them,  consumed  a  part 
of  it,  and  burned  the  remainder.  Shortly  after,  he  was  sud- 
denly fallen  on  by  the  barbarians,  defeated,  and  driven  to 
Basil.  Then,  as  if  he  had  gained  a  victory,  he  put  his  troops 
into  winter  quarters,  and  returned  to  court,  to  follow  his  usual 
course  of  maligning  the  Caesar. 

Chnodomar,  the  Alemannic  king,  supported  by  six  other 
kings  and  ten  princes  of  royal  lineage,  now  prepared  to  at- 
tack the  CcEsar,  whose  forces,  as  he  learned  from  a  desert- 
er, were,  by  the  departure  of  Barbatio,  reduced  to  thirteen 
thousand  men.  The  Germans  occupied  three  days  and  nights 
in  passing  the  Rhine ;  and  an  army  of  thirty-five  thousand 
of  their  warriors  was  thus  assembled  at  Strasburg,  {Argcn- 
toratum.)  Julian,  who  was  encamped  at  a  distance  of  twen- 
ty-one miles  from  that  place,  advanced  to  attack  them;  his 
troops  being  arranged  in  two  divisions,  the  one  of  horse,  the 
other  of  foot.  It  was  so  late  in  the  day  when  they  came  in 
view  of  the  enemy,  that  he  wished  to  defer  the  attack  till  the 
morning;  but  the  impatience  of  his  troops  was  not  to  be 
restrained.  Placing  himself,  therefore,  at  the  head  of  his 
guards,  he  went  round  encouraging  tlie  men  to  figlit  valiantly. 
The  battle  then  began ;  the  Roman  cavalry  which  was  on  the 
right  fought  at  first  in  a  manner  worthy  of  its  fame ;  but, 
as  the  Germans  had  mingled  footmen  through  their  cavalry, 
the  heavy  cuirassiers  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  re- 
treated. Julian  immediately  rode  up  and  rallied  them,  and 
the  combat  of  cavalry  was  renewed.  The  Roman  infantry, 
led  by  Severus,  though  vigorously  opposed,  was  at  length 
completely  successful ;  and  the  barbarians  quitted  the  field 
with  a  loss  of  six  thousand  men,   and   many   more   were 


332  coNSTANTius.  [a.  D.  358-359. 

drowned  in  the  Rhine,  or  slain  by  the  darts  of  their  pursuers 
as  they  were  swimming  across.  Chnodomar  himself  was  ta- 
ken while  attempting  to  escape,  and  conducted  to  the  Caesar, 
by  whom  he  was  treated  with  kindness.  He  was  afterwards 
sent  to  the  emperor,  who  assigned  him  a  residence  at  Rome, 
where  he  ended  his  days.  In  this  glorious  and  important 
victory,  the  loss  of  the  Romans  had  been  only  four  tribunes 
and  two  hundred  and  forty-three  men. 

Julian  resolved  to  follow  up  his  success,  passed  the  Rhine 
near  Mentz,  and  advanced  for  a  space  of  ten  miles  into  the 
hostile  territory,  wasting  the  lands  and  burning  the  houses. 
The  impediment  of  a  deep,  dark  forest,  occupied  by  the  con- 
cealed bands  of  the  Germans,  and  the  appearance  of  the 
snow,  which  now  began  to  cover  the  ground,  it  being  past  the 
time  of  the  autumnal  equinox,  warning  him  of  the  imprudence 
of  any  farther  advance,  he  decided  to  repass  the  river.  Be- 
fore, however,  he  quitted  the  soil  of  Germany,  he  repaired 
and  garrisoned  a  fortress  which  Trajan  had  erected  ;  and, 
having  granted  the  Alemans  a  truce  for  ten  months,  he 
departed. 

The  following  summer,  (358,)  Julian  turned  his  arms 
against  the  Franks.  By  the  celerity  of  his  movements,  he 
anticipated  all  resistance,  and  their  tribes  submitted  to  such 
terms  as  he  thought  fit  to  dictate.  Then,  as  the  truce  with 
the  Alemans  had  expired,  he  crossed  the  Rhine  for  the  sec- 
ond time.  Suomar,  one  of  the  most  potent  of  the  Alemanic 
princes,  submitted  at  his  approach.  The  territories  of  an- 
other, named  Hortorius,  were  wasted  with  fire  and  sword, 
and  he  was  forced  to  sue  for  mercy.  Both  princes  were 
obliged  to  restore  all  the  captives  in  their  hands,  and  to  sup- 
ply materials  for  the  restoration  of  the  towns  which  they 
had  destroyed. 

As  the  princes  who  dwelt  beyond  the  territories  of  Suomar 
and  Hortorius  had  likewise  shared  in  the  war,  Julian  pre- 
pared to  cross  the  Rhine  a  third  time,  in  order  to  chastise 
them,  (359.)  As  he  was  about  to  construct  a  bridge  at  Mentz, 
the  German  princes  marched  with  all  their  forces,  and  oc- 
cupied the  farther  bank  of  the  river.  Their  vigilance  was 
such  that  there  seemed  but  little  prospect  of  the  Romans 
being  able  to  construct  a  bridcre  ;  but  Julian  caused  three 
hundred  men  to  drop  down  the  stream  one  night  in  small 
boats,  who  very  nearly  succeeded  in  capturing  the  German 
princes,  as  they  were  returning  late  from  a  banquet  given  by 
Hortorius,  and  their  troops  immediately  dispersed  to  secure 


A.  D.  360.]  JULIAN    IN    GAUL.         (  333 

tlieir  families  and  property.  The  Romans  then  crossed  the 
river  unopposed,  and  wasted  the  lands  in  the  usual  manner; 
and  the  Aleinannic  kiriffs,  six  in  number,  were  glad  to  obtain 
peace  on  the  conqueror's  own  terms.  The  number  of  Ro- 
man subjects  delivered  from  captivity  by  this  and  the  pre- 
ceding  treaties  was  not  less  tlian  twenty  thousand. 

Julian's  civil  administration  rivalled  his  military  exploits. 
The  ruined  cities  were  restored,  and,  as  the  agriculture  of 
Gaul  had  suffered  severely  from  the  events  of  late  years,  a 
fleet  of  six  hundred  large  vessels  was  built  for  the  regular 
importation  of  corn  from  the  better  cultivated  isle  of  Britain, 
in  order  to  supply  tlie  towns  and  fortresses  along  the  Rhine, 
the  free  navigation  of  which  stream  to  the  sea  Julian  had 
forced  the  Franks  to  concede.  Julian  also  attended  strictly 
to  the  administration  of  justice  ;  and  he  alleviated,  as  far  as 
was  in  his  power,  the  burden  of  excessive  taxation  under 
which  the  people  groaned.  The  usual  residence  of  the 
Ca3sar  during  tiie  winter  was  Lutetia  or  Paris,  (Parisii,)  a 
town  built  on  an  island  in  the  Seine,  and  approached  by  two 
wooden  bridges ;  while  a  suburb,  in  which  stood  the  imperial 
palace,  spread  over  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  For  this  city 
Julian  had  an  extreme  partiality;  and  we  find  him  amid  the 
luxury  and  profligacy  of  Antioch  dwelling  on  its  memory 
with  tender  affection.* 

At  the  court  of  Constantius,  Julian  and  hi.s  exploits  were 
at  first  merely  subjects  of  merriment  to  the  eunuchs  and  the 
other  favorites.  His  personal  appearance  and  his  manners 
were  ridiculed  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor.  He  was 
called  a  she-goat,  and  no  man,  (in  allusion  to  the  philosophic 
beard  which  he  cherished,)  a  chattering  mole,  an  ape  in  pur- 
ple, and  so  forth  ;  nay,  so  far  did  courtly  adulation  and  im- 
perial folly  proceed,  that,  in  the  laurelled  letters  sent  to  the 
provinces  to  announce  the  victory  at  Strasburg,  Constantius 
was  actually  declared  to  have  gained  it  in  person  !  But  the 
fame  of  Julian  was  not  to  be  obscured  by  petty  arts  like 
these  ;  and  the  plan  was  adopted  of  alarming  the  jealousy  of 
the  emperor  by  dwelling  on  the  talents  and  virtues  of  the 
CiBsar,  and  hinting  at  the  probability  of  his  casting  off  his 
allegiance.  As  this  was  the  subject  on  which  Constantius 
was  most  susceptible  of  alarm,  their  stratagem  easily  suc- 
ceeded ;  and  a  scheme  for  depriving  him  of  the  power  to 
rebel  was  devised.     In  the  spring  of  360,  a  tribune  and  a 

*  Misopogon,  p.  340. 


334  CONSTANTIUS.  [a.  D.  360. 

notary  arrived  at  Paris  with  orders  for  four  entire  divisions 
of  the  auxiliaries,  and  drafts  of  three  hundred  men  each  from 
the  other  corps,  to  proceed  without  delay  to  join  the  imperial 
standard  in  the  East.  Julian  represented  in  vain  that  the 
Germans  had  entered  the  Roman  service  on  the  express  con- 
dition of  not  being  sent  beyond  the  Alps,  and  that  a  breach 
of  faith  like  this  might  put  a  total  end  to  further  enlistments: 
he  also  urged  the  unprotected  condition  in  which  Gaul  would 
be  left  by  the  withdrawal  of  so  large  a  portion  of  the  troops 
belonging  to  it ;  the  imperial  envoys  would  hear  of  nothing 
but  obedience,  and  Julian  was  obliged  to  issue  his  orders  for 
the  march  of  the  troops.  His  judicious  advice  that  they 
should  not  march  through  Paris  was  also  despised,  and  ere 
long  they  approached  that  city.  Julian  went  forth  to  meet 
them;  he  addressed  them,  extolling  their  former  exploits,  and 
urging  them  to  yield  a  cheerful  obedience  to  the  imperial 
commands.  He  then  invited  the  principal  officers  to  an  en- 
tertainment, from  which  they  departed  sad  and  dejected  at 
the  idea  of  quitting  their  lenient  prince,  and  their  natal  soil. 
At  the  approach  of  night,  the  discontent  of  the  troops  broke 
out  into  action ;  they  seized  their  arms,  and,  surrounding 
the  palace,  with  loud  shouts  proclaimed  Julian  Augustus. 
During  the  night,  the  entrances  of  the  palace  were  secured 
against  them;  but  at  dawn  Julian  was  obliged  to  come  forth. 
His  resistance,  his  menaces,  his  entreaties,  his  arguments, 
were  of  no  avail ;  he  was  forced  to  yield  to  their  violence, 
and  accept  the  proffered  dignity.  They  raised  him  triumph 
antly  on  a  shield,  they  proclaimed  him  Augustus,  and  then 
desired  him  to  produce  a  diadem.  On  his  saying  that  he 
did  not  possess  one,  they  called  for  his  wife's  collar  or  brace- 
let; but  Julian  deemed  a  female  ornament  inauspicious,  and 
refused  to  use  it;  for  a  similar  reason  he  rejected  a  horse- 
trapping.  At  length,  a  standard-bearer  took  a  collar  from 
his  own  neck,  and  placed  it  on  the  head  of  the  Caesar,  who, 
having  promised  a  donative  of  five  gold  pieces  and  a  pound 
of  silver  to  each  man,  was  at  length  permitted  to  retire  into 
the  palace. 

In  the  manifesto  which  Julian  some  time  after  addressed  to 
the  Athenians,  he  declared  in  the  most  solemn  manner  that  he 
was  totally  ignorant  of  the  designs  of  the  army;  and  he  was 
a  man  of  so  much  probity,  and  had  such  a  veneration  for  truth, 
that  it  is  difiicult  to  refuse  him  our  belief  That  judicious 
and  honest  historian  Ammianus,  who  was  a  contemporary, 
hints  not  a  suspicion  on  the  subject ;  yet,  when  we  consider 


A.  D.  361.]  JULIAN    IN    GAUL.  \  335 

the  ordinary  conduct  of  men  in  such  circumstances,  and  rec- 
ollect that  Julian  must  have  been  aware  that  the  assumption 
of  empire  was  almost  the  only  security  against  his  sharing 
the  fate  of  his  brother,  we  find  it  impossible  not  to  feel  some- 
what incredulous.  The  question  is,  therefore,  one  of  the 
many  which  must  remain  forever  uncertain.  That  Julian 
was  determined  to  retain  the  empire  which  he  had  accepted 
is  beyond  doubt;  but  he  was  most  anxious  to  shun  the  guilt 
of  the  effusion  of  blood  in  civil  war.  On  the  day  following 
that  of  his  elevation,  he  assembled  the  troops,  and,  addressing 
them  with  his  usual  eloquence,  obtained  from  them  an  as- 
surance, that,  if  the  emperor  of  the  East  would  acknowledge 
him,  they  would  remain  quietly  in  Gaul :  he  at  the  same 
time  pledged  himself,  that  promotion,  both  civil  and  military, 
should  henceforth  go  by  merit,  and  not  by  favor.  Those 
officers  who  were  known  to  be  attached  to  Constantius  were 
deposed  and  secured,  but  no  blood  was  shed.  Julian  wrote 
to  that  emperor,  excusing  what  had  occurred,  and  requiring 
the  confirmation  of  his  dignity,  but  offering  to  acknowledge 
the  supremacy  of  the  elder  emperor,  and  to  supply  him  an- 
nually with  Spanish  horses  and  with  barbarian  recruits. 

While  Julian  was  waiting  the  return  of  his  ambassadors 
from  the  East,  he  increased  his  army  by  proclaiming  a  gene- 
ral pardon  to  the  bands  of  outlaws  which  had  arisen  in  conse- 
quence of  the  persecution  of  the  adherents  of  Magnentius, 
and  they  cheerfully  accepted  it,  and  crowded  to  his  standard. 
He  then  crossed  the  Rhine  for  the  fourth  time,  to  chastise  the 
perfidy  of  the  Attuarians,  a  Frankish  tribe;  and,  this  object 
being  effected,  he  marched  southwards,  and  took  up  his  win- 
ter quarters  at  Vienne.  As  this  city  was  full  of  Christians, 
and  a  great  part  of  his  army  followed  the  Christian  creed, 
Julian,  who,  as  we  shall  presently  show,  had  long  since  adopt- 
ed a  different  faith,  condescended  to  play  the  hypocrite  for 
probably  the  last  time,  and  went  publicly  to  the  church  on 
Christmas  day. 

Early  in  the  spring,  (361,)  Julian  learned  that  Vadomar,  an 
Alemannic  prince,  had  committed  ravages  to  the  south  of  the 
Danube;  and  there  appeared  reason  for  believing  that  the 
German  was  acting  in  obedience  to  secret  instructions  from 
Constantius,  who  wished  to  find  occupation  for  his  rival  in 
Gaul.  Julian  resolved  to  employ  artifice;  and  he  sent  the 
notary  Philagrius,  furnished  with  secret  instructions  to  entrap 
the  German  prince.  When  Philagrius  came  to  the  Rhine, 
Vadomar,  thinking  his  proceedings  unknown,  passed  over  to 


336  CONSTANTIUS.  [a.  D.  361. 

visit  him,  and  readily  accepted  an  invitation  to  a  dinner. 
When  he  came,  Philagrius  retired  to  read  his  instructions, 
and,  in  obedience  to  them,  he  seized  Vadoniar,  and  foi  warded 
him  to  the  camp  of  Julian,  where,  being  convicted  by  his  own 
letter  to  Constantius,  which  had  been  intercepted,  he  was  sent 
a  prisoner  into  Spain.  Julian,  then  putting  himself  at  the 
head  of  some  light  troops,  crossed  the  Rhine  in  the  dead  of 
the  night,  and  so  terrified  the  Germans,  that  they  sought  most 
humbly  for  pardon  and  peace. 

The  ambassadors  of  Julian  had  met  with  so  many  obstacles 
and  delays,  that  they  did  not  overtake  Constantius  till  he  had 
reached  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  on  his  way  for  the  Persian 
war.  The  empress  Eusebia  and  the  princess  Helena,  whose 
influence  might  have  prevented  a  rupture,  were  both  dead; 
and  Constantius,  left  to  his  own  passions  and  the  suggestions 
of  his  flatterers,  returned  a  haughty  answer,  requiring  Julian 
to  renounce  his  usurped  title,  and  accept  a  pardon  on  certain 
conditions.  Julian  caused  the  letter  to  be  read  out  in  pres- 
ence of  the  army,  with  whose  consent  he  declared  himself 
ready  to  resign  his  dignity;  but  the  loud  shouts  of  Julian  Au- 
gustus, which  rose  on  all  sides,  inspired  him  with  resolution, 
and  he  dismissed  the  imperial  envoy  with  a  letter  of  defiance. 
These  transactions,  it  may  be  observed,  had  taken  place  at 
Paris  in  the  preceding  year,  just  before  Julian's  expedition 
against  the  Attuarians. 

Aware  of  the  importance  of  bold  and  decisive  measures  in 
civil  contests,  and  fearful  of  the  arts  of  Constantius  among  the 
Germans,  Julian  resolved  to  advance  at  once  into  Illyricum. 
His  soldiers  readily  agreed  to  follow  him  ;  and  at  Basil  he  di- 
vided his  army  into  three  divisions,  of  which  one,  under  two 
officers  named  Jovius  and  Jovinus,  was  to  go  through  the  Alps 
and  northern  Italy  ;  another,  under  Nevitta,  the  commander  of 
the  cavalry,  was  to  proceed  through  Noricum ;  while,  at  the 
head  of  the  third,  Julian  himself,  entering  the  Black  Forest, 
should  make  for  the  Danube,  and  go  down  that  river  in  boats. 
This  daring  and  judicious  plan  proved  perfectly  successful. 
Julian  landed  unexpectedly  at  Bononia,  within  nineteen  miles 
of  Sirmium,  and  seized  Lucilian,  the  general  of  the  cavalry, 
who  was  preparing  to  oppose  him.  At  Sirmium  he  was  joy- 
fully received,  and,  being  immediately  joined  by  his  remain- 
ing divisions,  he  advanced  and  secured  the  pass  of  Succi  in 
Mount  Haimus.  When  Constantius  heard  of  the  advance  of 
Julian,  he  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  the  Persian  war  for  the  pres- 
ent, and  prepared  to  return  and  combat  for  his  empire.     But 


AD.  361.]  JULIAN.  337 

on  his  way  he  was  attacked  by  a  fever,  caused,  probably,  by 
tlie  agitation  of  his  spirits,  and  he  breathed  his  last  at  a  little 
town  near  Tarsus,  named  Mopsucrena;,  in  the  forty-fifth  year 
of  his  age,  naming,  it  is  said,  Julian  for  his  successor. 


CHAPTER    IV.* 

JULIAN,    JOVIAN. 

A.  u.  1 1 14—1 117.     A.  D.  361—364. 

REFORMATIONS     OF     JULIAN. HIS     RELIGION. IIIS     TOLER- 
ANCE.  JULIAN     AT      ANTIOCH.  ATTEMPT     TO     REBUILD 

THE     TEMPLE     AT     JERUSALEM.  THE      PERSIAN     WAR.  

DEATH    OF    JULIAN.  ELECTION    OF    JOVIAN. SURRENDER 

OF     TERRITORY      TO     THE      PERSIANS. RETREAT     OF     THE 

RO.MAN    ARMY.  DEATH    OF    JOVIAN. 

Julian. 
A.  u.  1114—1116.     A.  D.  361—363. 

Julian  was  at  Naissus  when  two  officers  of  rank  arrived, 
to  inform  him  of  the  death  of  Constantius,  and  of  his 
nomination  to  the  empire.  He  therefore  passed  Mount 
Hccmus  without  delay,  marched  by  Philippopolis  to  Perin- 
thus,  and,  on  the  11th  of  December,  he  entered  the  capital 
amid  the  loud  and  joyful  acclamations  of  the  people. 

The  imperial  palace,  like  the  abode  of  an  Eastern  monarch, 
swarmed  with  eunuchs  and  other  ministers  of  luxury.  The 
emoluments  of  these  men  were  enormous,  and  their  salaries 
and  allowances  formed  an  article  of  no  trifling  magnitude  in 
the  accounts  of  the  treasury.  We  are  told  that,  one  day  when 
Julian  called  for  a  barber  to  trim  his  hair,  he  saw  a  man  most 
splendidly  dressed  enter  the  apartment.  The  emperor,  in  af- 
fected amazement,  exclaimed,  "It  was  a  barber,  and  not  a 
receiver-ffeneral  of  the  finances,  that  I  sent  for."  He  then 
inquired  of  him   respecting  his  salary  and  perquisites,  and 

*  Authorities:  Zosimus,  Ammianus,  Julian,  Libanius,  the  Epitom- 
ators,  and  the  Ecclesiastical  Historians. 

CONTIN.  29  Q  Q 


338  JULIAN.  [a.  D.  361. 

found  that,  independently  of  a  large  salary  and  considerable 
perquisites,  he  had  an  allowance  of  twenty  loaves  a  day,  and 
fodder  for  an  equal  number  of  horses.  Julian,  regardless 
of  justice,  and  of  the  claims  of  long,  and,  in  some  cases, 
faithful  service,  resolved  on  making  a  general  clearance  of 
the  palace;  and  barbers,  cooks,  cujjbearers,  and  others,  to 
the  number  of  some  thousands,  got  leave  to  go  whither  they 
would,  many  probably  to  starve.  The  emperor  was  also 
resolved  that  those  who  had  been  the  instigators  or  instru- 
ments of  the  cruelties  and  oppressions  exercised  under  the 
late  reign,  should  not  escape  with  impunity.  A  commission 
composed  of  two  civilians,  Sallust,  the  upright  prefect  of  the 
East,  and  Mamertinus,  the  consul  elect,  and  of  four  generals, 
Nevitta,  Agilo,  Jovinus,  and  Arbetio,  was  appointed  to  sit 
at  Chalcedon,  to  hear  charges  and  pass  sentences.  As  the 
number  of  the  military  men,  some  of  whom  were  barbarians 
by  birth,  predominated  in  the  tribunal,  the  decisions  were  as 
often  the  result  of  prejudice  and  faction  as  of  ju.stice.  No 
one  can  condemn  the  execution  of  the  chamberlain  Euse- 
bius,  or  of  Apodemius,  one  of  the  chief  agents  in  the  de- 
struction of  Silvanus  and  Gallus,  or  of  Paulus  Catena,  which 
last  was  burnt  alive ;  but  Justice  herself  seemed  to  Ammia- 
nus  to  have  bewept  the  death  of  Ursulus,  the  treasurer,  and 
to  have  convicted  the  emperor  of  ingratitude  ;  for,  when  he 
was  sent  into  Gaul,  in  want  of  almost  every  thing,  Ursulus  had 
directed  the  treasurer  there  to  supply  him  with  all  that  he 
should  require.  Julian  made  a  futile  effort  to  get  rid  of  the 
charge,  by  averring  that  Ursulus  was  put  to  death  without 
his  knowledge.  As  little  can  the  banishment  of  Taurus, 
the  ex-prHBtorian  prefect,  be  justified,  whose  only  offence 
was  loyalty  to  the  prince  whom  he  served.  On  the  whole, 
however,  the  number  of  those  who  suffered  death  or  ban- 
ishment was  not  considerable,  and  most  of  them  deserved 
their  fate. 

The  love  of  justice,  and  the  correct  sense  of  the  duties  of 
a  ruler,  which  Julian  had  displayed  when  a  Caesar  in  Gaul, 
did  not  desert  him  on  the  imperial  throne  in  Constantinople ; 
and,  had  it  not  been  for  one  fatal  circumstance,  he  might 
have  been  the  object  of  general  applause  and  admiration. 
But  Julian  had  renounced  the  religion  of  the  empire,  and 
adopted  that  of  ancient  Greece,  which  he  entertained  the 
chimerical  idea  of  restoring  to  its  primitive  importance; 
and,  in  the  pursuit  of  this  object,  he  did  not  attend  suf- 
ficiently to  the  principles  of  justice  and  equity.     From  his 


A.  D.  361.]  RELIGION    OF    JULIAN.  339 

change  of  faith  he  has  been  styled  the  Apostate,  unjustly,  as 
appears  to  us,  for  of  his  sincerity  there  can  be  no  doubt; 
and,  however  we  may  lament  tor,  pity,  or  even  despise  those 
who  change  from  conviction,  we  are  not  justified  in  con- 
demning or  revilincr  tliein. 

Gallus  and  Julian,  after  the  massacre  of  their  relatives, 
had  been  committed  to  the  charge  of  Eusebius,  the  bishop 
of  Nicornedia.  They  were  instructed  in  the  articles  of  faith 
and  practice  then  prevalent,  with  all  of  which  they  complied 
without  any  hesitation;  and  Julian,  it  was  remembered,  had 
publicly  read  the  Holy  Scriptures  in  the  church  of  that  city. 
But,  wliile  the  rude,  sullen  Gallus  became  a  steady  and  big- 
oted believer,  the  milder  and  more  plulosophic  and  studious 
Julian  took  a  distaste  to  the  religion  ui  which  he  was  in- 
structed. He  had  been  made  familiar  with  the  great  writers 
of  ancient  Hellas  by  his  tutor,  the  eunuch  Mardonius;  and 
the  admiration  he  felt  for  the  works  of  Homer  and  other 
eminent  poets,  the  veneration  for  antiquity,  and  the  brilliant 
colors  with  which  the  ancient  poetic  Olympus  stood  invested, 
as  contrasted  with  the  grovelling  superstition  with  which  he 
was  surrounded ;  and  the  noble  spirit  and  glorious  deeds  of 
the  believers  in  the  ancient  creed,  compared  with  the  base 
arts  and  paltry  actions  of  the  men  of  his  own  time,  —  all 
combined  to  operate  on  the  mind  of  the  young  prince,  and 
he  became  a  believer  in  the  theology  of  Homer  and  Hesiod. 
But  it  was  not  the  charming  poetic  creed  of  the  early  and 
best  days  of  Hellas  that  Julian  adopted ;  it  was  the  absurd, 
contemptible  mysticism  of  the  New  Platonists ;  and  as,  in 
his  Christianity,  he  neglected  the  beautiful  simplicity  of 
the  gospel,  confounding  it  with  the  intricate  metaphysics 
and  abject  superstition  which  then  prevailed  in  the  church, 
so,  in  his  paganism,  he  lost  the  poetic  creed  of  the  old  times 
in  the  tasteless,  unsubstantial  vagaries  and  allegories  of  the 
school  of  Alexandria.  In  fact,  he  had  not  that  original 
vigor  of  intellect  which  would  have  emancipated  him  from 
the  spirit  of  the  age.  Superstition  was  the  prevailing  senti- 
ment, and  the  philosophic  emperor  was  in  his  way  as  deeply 
immersed  in  it  as  the  most  jurovelliniT  ascetic. 

According  to  the  emperor's  own  account,  he  was  a  Chris- 
tian till  he  reached  his  twentieth  year.  He  then,  after  being 
instructed  by  various  sophists,  was,  by  the  archimage  Maxi- 
mus,  secretly  initiated  at  Epliesus  with  all  those  ceremonies 
which  imposture  and  superstition  had  imported  from  Asia, 
and  incorporated  with  the  mythic  faith  of  Hellas.     During 


340  JULIAN.  [a.d.  361. 

his  short  abode,  some  years  after,  at  Athens,  Julian  was  sol- 
emnly initiated  in  the  mysteries  of  Eleusis.  Still  he  was  to 
outward  appearance  a  Christian,  and  the  empress  Eusebia 
had  not  probably  a  shade  of  doubt  respectmg  the  faith  of 
her  distinguished  protege.  In  Gaul  he  appears  to  have  still 
dissembled,  and  to  have  openly  assisted  at  the  Christian  wor- 
ship, while  in  his  closet  he  otfered  his  homage  to  the  Sun 
and  Hermes.  When  he  assumed  the  imperial  dignity,  he 
disdained  all  further  concealment  of  his  sentiments,  and 
boldly  proclaimed  himself  a  votary  of  the  ancient  gods. 

It  may  be,  perhaps,  laid  down  as  an  axiom  in  history,  that 
when  once  a  religious  or  political  system  has  gone  out  of 
use  among  any  people,  its  permanent  restoration  is  an  im- 
possibility. The  power  of  a  monarch  or  of  a  political  party 
may  reestablish  it  for  a  time,  but  when  the  hand  that  sus- 
tained it  is  gone,  it  sinks  back  into  its  previous  state  of 
neglect  and  impotence.  The  efforts  of  Julian  to  restore 
paganism,  must,  therefore,  even  had  his  life  been  prolonged, 
have  proved  utterly  abortive.  The  system  had  long  been 
crumbling  to  pieces  from  internal  feebleness  and  decay  ;  the 
theism  on  which  it  was  founded,  and  of  whose  various  forms 
its  beautiful  mythes  were  merely  the  expositions,*  had  long 
been  unknown;  and  the  mystic  views  of  the  New  Platonists" 
which  Julian  had  adopted,  were  totally  opposite  to  its  spirit. 
To  this  should  be  added,  that  Christianity,  corrupt  as  it  then 
was,  had,  by  its  noble  spirit  of  benevolence  and  charity,  by 
the  sublimity  of  its  original  principles,  and  by  the  organiza- 
tion of  its  hierarchy,  a  moral  power  such  as  the  old  religion 
had  not  possessed  at  any  period  of  its  prevalence.  Whea 
we  view  the  attempt  of  Julian  in  this  light,  we  may  feel 
disposed  to  pity,  while  we  deride  the  folly  of  the  imperial 
fanatic. 

Julian  was  by  nature  just  and  humane;  he  was  also  a 
philosopher  and  statesman  enough  to  know  that  persecu- 
tion, if  it  does  not  go  the  full  length  of  extermination,  adds 
strength,  and  numbers,  and  energy,  to  the  persecuted  and 
irritated  party,  lie,  therefore,  instead  of  imitating  Diocle- 
tian, proclaimed  a  general  toleration.  The  pagans  were 
directed  to  open  their  temples,  and  offer  victims  as  hereto- 
fore ;  the  contending  sects  of  Christians  were  commanded 
to  abstain  from  harassing  and  tormenting  each  other.  The 
catholic  prelates  and  clergy,  whom  the  Arian  Constantius 

•  See  the  author's  Mythology  of  ancient  Greece  and  Italy. 


A.  D.  361.]  REFORM    IN    PAGANISM.  341 

had  banished,  were  accordingly  restored  to  their  sees  and 
churches.*  The  real  object  of  all  this  moderation,  we  are 
assured  by  Ammianus,  was  to  increase  the  mutual  animosity 
of  the  Christian  sects,  by  giving  free  course  to  their  contro- 
versial spirit  while  depriving  them  of  the  power  of  extermi- 
nating each  other,  and  thus  to  prevent  their  uniting  in  op- 
position to  his  ulterior  projects. 

We  can  hardly  blame  Julian  for  giving  a  preference  to 
his  fellow-believers  in  civil  and  military  employments.  This 
mild  form  of  persecution  is  the  fate  of  religious  and  political 
parties  in  all  ages.  But  even  his  most  partial  admirers  can- 
not (Ammianus  does  not)  justify  the  edict  which  prohibited 
the  Galila;ans,  as  he  affected  to  style  the  Christians,  from 
teaching  the  arts  of  grammar  or  rhetoric,  i.  e.  from  being 
schoolmasters.  By  means  of  this,  he  expected  that  the 
Christian  youth  would  either  frequent  the  schools  of  the 
pagan  teachers,  and  thus  probably  be  converted,  or  they 
would  abstain  from  them,  and  thus  grow  up  in  ignorance, 
and  the  church,  losing  the  advantages  of  learning  and  cul- 
tivation, sink  into  contempt.  A  far  more  legitimate  and 
laudable  mode  of  warfare  was  his  effort  to  reform  paganism 
on  the  model  of  Christianity,  by  introducing  into  it  those 
rules  and  practices  to  which  the  latter  seemed  to  him  in- 
debted for  its  success.  He  thus  desired  that  the  priesthood 
in  every  city  should  be  composed  of  persons,  without  dis- 
tinction of  birth  or  wealth,  eminent  for  the  love  of  gods  and 
men ;  that  the  priest  should  be  undefiled  in  mind  and  body, 
his  reading  be  solely  of  a  serious  and  instructive  nature,  and 
the  theatre  and  the  tavern  be  alike  unvisited  by  him.  He 
required  that  hospitals  should  be  erected  in  each  town ;  "  for 
it  is  shameful  to  us,"  said  he,  "  that  no  beggar  should  be 
found  among  the  Jews,  and  that  the  impious  Galilceans 
should  support  not  only  their  own  poor,  but  ours  also,  while 
these  last  appear  destitute  of  all  assistance  from  ourselves." 
These  were  his  advice  and  exhortations  to  the  sacerdotal 
bodies  of  the  temples  of  Asia  Minor,  in  which  country  alone 
such  were  to  be  found.  It  can  be  only  these,  we  may  ob- 
serve, that  are  meant,  when  the  hostility  of  the  priests  of 
the  heathen  to  the  Christian  religion  is  noticed. 

While  Julian  abode  at  Constantinople,  ambassadors  ar- 
rived from  distant  countries,  even  from  India  and  the  isle  of 
Serendib  or  Ceylon,  with  which  the  subjects  of  the  empire 

*  See  below,  Chapter  VI. 

29* 


342  JULIAN.  [a.  d.  362. 

had  now  commercial  relations.  All  was  tranquil  on  the 
banks  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube,  and  the  Persian  mon- 
arch had  made  proposals  of  peace.  It  might  therefore  have 
been  expected  that  a  philosopher  in  principle  and  a  devotee 
in  religion,  such  as  the  emperor  was,  would  have  been  satis- 
fied to°apply  his  whole  time  and  thoughts  to  the  promotion 
of  the  welfare  of  his  subjects  and  the  extension  of  his  re- 
ligious creed.  But  Julian,  when  in  Gaul,  had  been  smit- 
ten with  the  passion  for  military  glory ;  and  the  example 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  which  had  fascinated  even  Juliu:- 
Caesar,  urged  him  to  aspire  to  the  conquest  of  the  East. 
He  therefore  returned  a  haughty  reply  to  the  envoys  of 
Sapor,  and,  in  the  end  of  the  spring,  (:3G2,)  he  passed 
over  to  Asia  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  army.  He  made 
little  delay  on  the  road;  his  piety,  however,  induced  him 
to  turn  aside  and  offer  his  devotions  to  the  Mother  of  the 
Gods  at  Pessinus,  the  ancient  seat  of  her  worship.  He 
arrived,  toward  the  end  of  the  month  of  June,  at  Antioch, 
where  he  resolved  to  remain  till  the  following  spring,  when 
he  should  be  prepared  to  open  the  campaign  with  vigor  in 
Mesopotamia. 

The  people  of  Antioch  received  the  emperor  with  loud 
demonstrations  of  joy.  Julian  now  divided  bis  thoughts  be- 
tween preparations  for  war,  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  what  he  regarded  as  his  religious  duties.  Each  day 
numerous  victims  were  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  for  which 
purpose  birds  of  white  plumage  were  brought  even  from 
considerable  distances;  for,  in  the  creed  of  Julian,  the  gods 
derived  pleasure,  if  not  nourishment,  from  the  holy  steam 
which  ascended  from  the  altars  on  which  the  flesh  of  victims 
was  consumed.  He  himself  frequently  slaughtered  the  sa- 
cred beasts  with  his  own  hands,  and  he  sought,  in  their  reek- 
ing entrails,  to  discover  future  events.  Faithful  in  the  dis- 
ch°arge  of  all  his  religious  duties,  the  pious  emperor  might 
be  seen  gravely  moving  along  in  religious  procession  amid  a 
crowd  of  those  persons  of  both  sexes  who  led  lives  of  infamy 
in  the  service  of  the  licentious  religions  of  the  East. 

The  grove  of  Dajjhne,  about  five  miles  from  Antioch,  in 
which  stood  a  stately  temple  of  Apollo,  raised  by  the  kings 
of  Syria,  had  long  been  celebrated  as  the  scene  of  acts  of 
licentiousness  most  alien  from  the  character  of  Phoebus 
Apollo,  the  purest  object  of  Grecian  worship,  and  Daphnic 
mannvrs  had  long  been  proverbial.  But  since  the  triumph 
•of  Christianity,  the  sanctity  of  the  temple  of  Daphne  had 


A.  D.  362.]  JULIAN    AT    AXTIOCH.  343 

greatly  declined ;  and  on  the  day  of  the  festival  of  the  god, 
Julian,  who  seemed  to  estimate  piety  by  the  number  of  vic- 
tims, was  mortified  to  find  that  the  only  animal  that  bled  on 
the  altar  of  the  lord  of  light  was  a  solitary  goose,  provided 
at  the  cost  of  the  sole  remaining  priest,  whose  means  proba- 
bly did  not  reach  to  the  purciiase  of  a  swan.  The  glory  of 
Da])hne  had  indeed  departed  ;  the  emperor's  own  brotlier, 
Gallus,  had  caused  the  bones  of  the  bishop  Babylas,  who  had 
died  in  prison  in  the  time  of  Decius,  to  be  transported  into 
the  sacred  precincts,  and  a  stately  church  to  be  erected  over 
them;  and  the  grove  of  Daphne  thus,  in  accordance  with 
the  superstition  then  prevalent,  became  a  fivorite  burial- 
place  lor  the  Christian  inliabitants  of  Antioch.  But  Julian 
resolved  to  remove  the  profanation,  and  restore  the  temple  to 
its  pristine  sanctity  and  magnificence.  The  church  of  St. 
Babylas  was  demolished,  and  the  Christian  bodies  were  re- 
moved. On  this  occasion,  the  body  of  the  saint  was  con- 
veyed to  Antioch  in  a  lofty  car,  amid  the  loud  singing  of 
psalms  by  an  immense  multitude;  and  that  very  night  the 
temple  of  Daphne  was  consumed  by  lightning  sent  from 
Heaven  at  the  prayer  of  the  offended  saint,  according  to  the 
Christians  of  Antioch;  by  fire  applied  to  it  by  tiiemselves  in 
the  opinion  of  the  emperor,  who  in  return  shut  up  their  prin- 
cipal church,  and  seized  its  wealth.  Several  of  the  Christians 
were  tortured,  and  a  presbyter,  named  Theodoret,  was  be- 
headed;  but  no  persecution,  properly  speaking,  touk  place. 
It  was  different,  however,  elsewhere;  and  in  Gaza,  Cajsarea, 
and  other  towns,  the  now  triumphant  pagans  exercised  the 
most  atrocious  cruelties  on  the  devoted  Christians;  and  the 
emperor  only  gently  condemned  their  excesses. 

The  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Antioch  were  Chris- 
tians in  rites  and  doctrines;  but  in  practice  they  were  very 
remote  from  the  standard  of  gospel  perfection,  and  Antioch 
had  long  been  noted  as  the  most  luxurious  and  dissipated 
city  of  the  East.  The  strict  and  austere  morals  of  the  em- 
peror were  therefore  fully  as  distasteful  to  the  Antiochians 
as  his  pagan  superstition  ;  and,  as  they  were  a  witty  and  in- 
genious people,  they  assailed  him  with  the  darts  of  ridicule. 
They  mocked  at  his  sacerdotal  exercises ;  tliey  derided  his 
short  stature  and  his  efforts  to  make  his  shoulders  appear 
broad,  and  his  long  strides  in  walking.  But  the  grand  butt 
of  their  shafts  was  his  hu»hy,  populous  beard,  which,  in  his 
character  of  philosopher,  he  sedulously  nourished.  lie  took 
his  revenge  by  writing  a  satire  on  the  Antiochians,  which 


344  JULIAN.  [a.  d.  362. 

he  named  the  Beardhater,  [Misopogon ;)  but  he  never  for- 
gave them,  and  he  publicly  declared  his  intention  not  to  re- 
visit their  city. 

At  the  same  time,  in  order  to  win  the  favor  of  the  common 
people,  Julian  adopted  a  very  questionable  policy.  The  har- 
vest having  been  deficient,  the  natural  consequences  had 
followed ;  corn  was  at  a  monopoly-price,  and  capitalists 
made  it  a  matter  of  speculation.  To  remedy  this  evil,  the 
emperor,  by  an  edict,  fixed  a  maximum,  or  highest  price,  at 
which  corn  might  be  sold;  and  he  poured  into  the  market 
422,000  measures  of  corn  drawn  from  the  granaries  of  other 
towns,  and  even  from  Egypt.  This  corn,  as  might  easily 
have  been  foreseen,  was  all  bought  up  by  the  capitalists ;  the 
supply  was  kept  back  as  before,  and  the  small  quantities 
that  were  brought  into  the  market  were  sold  underhand  at 
a  price  beyond  the  maximum.  Julian  was  perplexed ;  he 
would  not  or  could  not  be  made  to  see  the  policy  of  leaving 
trade  to  regulate  itself;  he  was  persuaded  that  the  scarcity 
was  entirely  artificial,  and  produced  by  the  conduct  of  the 
wealthy  land-owners ;  and  on  one  occasion  he  arrested  and 
sent  to  prison  the  whole  sen-ate  of  Antioch,  consisting  of 
two  hundred  members.  They  were,  however,  released  in  the 
evening,  but  cordiality  was  never  restored  between  them  and 
the  emperor;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  they  lampooned  and  rid- 
iculed him,  and  he  satirized  them  in  return. 

Julian,  while  at  Antioch,  as  a  means  of  mortifying  the 
Christians,  whom  he  hated,  resolved  on  restoring  the  Jews 
to  their  country,  and  rebuilding  the  temple  of  Jehovah,  whom 
lie  regarded  with  respect  as  a  national  god.  He  committed 
the  task  to  Alypius,  an  able  and  learned  Antiochian,  who 
had  been  governor  of  Britain  ;  and  this  officer,  being  second- 
ed by  the  governor  of  the  province,  set  at  once  about  clear- 
ing away  the  ruins  on  Mount  Moriah  ;  but  a  tempest  and 
earthquake,  and  flames  which  burst  from  the  ground  and 
scorched  and  burned  the  workmen,  prevented  the  progress 
of  the  work,  and  the  death  of  the  emperor  put  an  end  to 
all  thoughts  of  resuming  it. 

The  Christians  of  the  time  viewed  in  this  event  the  direct 
interference  of  Heaven  ;  and  many  modern,  even  Protestant, 
writers  take  the  same  view.  By  so  doing,  no  concession  cer- 
tainly is  made  to  the  false  miracles  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
and  we  are  very  far  from  holding,  that  Providence  miglit  not 
see  fit  to  interpose  in  a  case  of  extraordinary  importance. 
But  we  deny  such  to  have  been  the  case  in  the  present  in- 


A.  D.  363.]       TEMPLE  OF  JERUSALEM.  345 

Stance  ;  the  futility  of  Julian's  efforts  against  Christianity, 
and  the  fate  which  so  soon  awaited  him,  could  not  be  un- 
known to  Omniscience,  and  a  miracle  seems  therefore  to 
have  been  superfluous.  Tiie  present  one  is,  moreover,  ex- 
plicable perhaps  by  natural  causes.  We  know  how  prone  the 
ecclesiastical  writers  were  to  convert,  partly  from  ignorance, 
partly  from  design,  natural  events  into  miracles,  and  also 
how  a  tale  gains  in  its  progress.  Rejecting  therefore  thfe 
storm  and  earthquake,*  and  confining  ourselves  to  the  fiery 
ex[)losi()ns  to  which  wc  have  the  testimony  of  Ammianus,  it 
has  been  supposed,  with  some  degree  of  probability,  that  the 
phenomenon  may  come  under  the  head  of  choke-damp,  with 
the  cause  and  effects  of  which  we  are  now  so  familiar,  and 
that  the  workmen  may  have  been  injured  by  the  air,  which 
had  now  been  confined  for  three  centuries  in  the  vaults  and 
cavities  beneath  the  site  of  the  temple.  Still  this  explana- 
tion is  not  without  its  difficulties;  and,  though  we  ourselves 
cannot  regard  the  event  as  supernatural,  we  leave  the  reader 
to  form  his  own  judgment,  and  return  to  the  plain  path  of 
history. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  363,  Julian  departed  from  Anti- 
och,  and  proceeded  to  Bercea,  (Aleppo,)  and  thence  marched 
to  Hierapolis,  not  far  from  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  at 
which  town  the  troops  had  been  ordered  to  rendezvous.  The 
river  was  passed  without  delay;  and,  as  it  seems  to  have  been 
the  emperor's  design  to  enter  the  enemy's  country  by  Nisibis 
and  Armenia,  the  army  advanced  to  Carrhae.  But,  circum- 
stances having  caused  him  to  alter  his  views,  he  detached 
his  relative,  Procopius,  with  Sebastian,  ex-duke  of  Egypt, 
and  thirty  thousand  select  troops,  directing  them  to  join 
Arsaces,  king  of  Armenia,  and,  having  ravaged  the  adjacent 
parts  of  Media,  to  be  prepared  to  cooperate  with  him  on  the 
Tigris  when  he  should  have  reached  that  river.  lie  him- 
self, having  directed  his  march,  as  it  were,  for  that  river, 
suddenly  turned  to  the  right,  and  reached  Callinicum  on 
the  Euphrates,  along  which  he  proceeded  till  he  came  to 
Circesium,  the  southern  liu)it  of  the  Roman  dominion  be- 
yond the  river,  built  at  the  confluence  of  the  Aboras  and 
the  Euphrates. 

The  imperial  army,  the  largest  ever  led  by  a  Roman 
emperor  against  Persia,   counted   sixty-five  thousand   men. 

*  Yet,  according  to  Ammianus,  (xxiii.  1,)  a  shock  of  an  earthquake 
was  felt  at  Constantinople  at  this  Very  time. 

R  R 


346  JULIAN.  [a.  d.  363 

It  was  composed  of  the  veteran  troops  of  the  East  and  the 
West,  of  Scythian  [i.  e.  Sarmatian)  auxiliaries,  and  of  bodies 
of  the  Saracens  or  Bedovveen  light  horse,  who  had  joined 
the  emperor  since  his  passage  of  the  Euphrates.  Parallel  to 
the  march  of  the  army,  a  fleet  moved  along  the  river,  com- 
posed of  fifty  war-galleys,  an  equal  number  adapted  for  the 
formation  of  bridges,  and  one  thousand  vessels  of  various 
kinds,  carrying  provisions,  arms,  and  warlike  machines.  On 
leaving  Circesium,  the  army  entered  the  hostile  territory,  and 
moved  southwards  along  the  Euphrates.  It  marched  in 
three  parallel  columns :  the  infantry,  which  formed  the 
strength  of  the  army,  led  by  the  emperor  in  person,  occu- 
pied the  centre  ;  Nevitta,  at  the  head  of  some  legions,  moved 
along  the  bank  of  the  river  on  the  right ;  while  the  cavalry, 
under  an  officer  of  high  rank  in  the  East,  named  Arinthceus, 
and  the  Persian  prince  Hormisdas,  (Hoormuz,)*  was  placed 
on  the  left,  where  the  assaults  of  the  enemy  were  most  to  be 
apprehended  ;  and  the  charge  of  the  rear-guard  was  com- 
mitted to  Dagalaiphus,  Victor,  and  Secundinus,  duke  of 
Osrhoene.  The  whole  line  of  march  extended  nearly  ten 
miles  in  breadth.  The  country  over  which  the  army  passed 
was  a  level,  sandy  plain,  in  which  were  only  to  be  seen  the 
wild  ass  and  antelope,  the  ostrich  and  the  bustard.  It  was 
destitute  of  trees,  and  its  only  plants  were  wormwood  and 
aromatic  reeds  and  shrubs.  On  the  evening  of  the  sixth  day, 
the  army  reached  Anatha,  (Annah,)  a  town  situated  on  an 
island  of  the  Euphrates,  the  people  of  which  at  first  prepared 
to  resist ;  but  they  yielded  to  the  instances  of  Prince  Hor- 
misdas, and  opened  their  gates.  The  next  town  to  which 
the  army  came  stood  also  in  an  island:  it  was  named  Thilu- 
tha,  and  was  so  strong  that  the  emperor  judged  it  prudent  to 
be  content  with  the  promise  of  the  inhabitants  to  surrender 
when  he  should  have  conquered  the  interior  country.  The 
people  of  the  next  town  made  a  similar  promise  ;  the  re- 
maining towns  on  the  route  were  found  deserted,  and  were 
pillaged  and  burnt;  and  at  length  the  army,  in  about  fifteen 
days  after  its  departure  from  Circesium,  arrived  at  Mace- 
practa,  the  frontier  town  of  the  ancient  Assyria.  During 
the  latter  days  of  the  march,  the  Persian  Surena,  and  Rho- 

*  Hormisdas  was  a  member  of  the  royal  family  of  Persia,  who  made 
his  escape  I'roin  prison  in  the  troubles  which  occurred  durinjr  the  minor- 
ity of  Sapor.  He  sought  refuge  at  the  court  of  Constanlius,  and  rose 
to  high  rank  in  the  Roman  army.     He  was  a  Christian. 


A.  D.  363]  PERSIAN    WAR.  347 

dosaces,  the  emir  of  the  tribe  of  Gassan,  {Assanitaium,)  had 
been  hovering  about  the  army  with  their  light  cavalry;  and 
on  one  occasion  Hormisdas  narrowly  escaped  becoming 
their  captive. 

The  army  now  entered  Assyria,  and,  having  surmounted 
the  impediments  caused  by  the  numerous  canals  with  which 
that  province  was  intersected,  arrived  at  a  strong  city  named 
Perisabor,  {Anbar,)  situated  close  to  the  Euphrates.  The 
garrison  having  despised  the  summons  to  surrender,  the 
town  was  invested.  A  breach  was  soon  effected  in  a  tower 
at  one  of  the  angles  of  the  wall,  and  the  garrison,  abandon- 
ing the  town,  retired  into  the  citadel  which  overhung  the 
river.  The  Romans  entered  and  burned  the  town,  and  then 
erected  their  machines  against  the  citadel.  The  garrison 
made  a  gallant  defence  till  they  saw  a  HelepoUs,  or  moving 
tower,  advancing  against  the  walls.  They  then  demanded  a 
conference  with  Hormisdas,  and,  the  governor  being  let  down 
from  the  walls  for  the  purpose,  the  terms  of  surrender  were 
arranged.  The  inhabitants,  two  thousand  five  hundred  in 
number,  (for  the  greater  part  had  made  their  escape  over  the 
river,)  were  allowed  to  retire,  and  the  fort  was  then  reduced 
to  ashes. 

Quitting  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  the  emperor  now 
directed  his  course  toward  those  of  the  Tigris.  When  the 
army  had  marched  about  fourteen  miles,  they  found  the  land 
covered  with  water,  the  natives  having  opened  the  sluices  by 
which  they  were  used  to  turn  the  waters  over  their  fields. 
The  canals  were  also  full,  and  it  was  found  necessary  to  halt 
a  day  in  order  to  construct  bridges  of  skin-bags,  and  leathern 
boats,  and  of  the  palm-trees  which  grew  so  abundantly  in 
that  region.  The  difficulties  of  the  route  being  thus  sur- 
mounted, the  army  reached  a  large  town  named  Maogamal- 
ca,  distant  only  eleven  miles  from  the  suburbs  of  Ctesiphon. 
As  this  strong  fortress  could  not  be  safely  left  in  their  rear, 
an  immediate  siege  was  resolved  on.  The  emperor  himself 
advanced  on  foot  with  a  few  of  his  guards  to  reconnoitre  the 
site  of  the  town,  when  suddenly  they  were  fallen  on  by  ten 
Persians  who  had  stolen  out  by  a  postern  gate,  and  had  crept 
round  through  the  adjacent  hillocks.  Two  of  them  singled 
out  the  emperor,  and  attacked  him  sword  in  hand;  but  he 
received  their  strokes  on  his  shield,  and  ran  one  of  them 
through,  and  the  other  was  slain  by  the  guards  who  came  to 
his  relief.  The  next  day,  the  canal  which  lay  between  the 
army  and  the  town  was  passed  by  means  of  bridges,  and  a 


348  JULIAN,  [a.  d.  363. 

camp  was  formed,  secured  by  a  double  rampart,  against  tbe 
attacks  of  the  Surena,  and  his  numerous  cavalry.  At  the 
same  time,  the  Roman  horse,  under  the  command  of  Victor, 
was  directed  to  scour  the  country  as  far  as  the  suburbs  of 
Ctesiphon.  The  siege  was  then  commenced  in  form.  The 
garrison  defended  themselves  gallantly,  but  they  were  not 
aware  of  their  walls,  while  openly  assailed  by  rams  and  other 
engines,  being  secretly  undermined ;  and,  while  they  were 
exerting  all  their  power  against  the  enemy,  whom  they  saw, 
fifteen  hundred  Roman  soldiers  emerged  from  the  floor  of 
one  of  the  temples,  and,  slaughtering  all  whom  they  met, 
opened  the  gates  to  their  companions.  A  general  massacre 
ensued ;  rage  and  lust  burst  all  restraints ;  neither  age  nor 
sex  was  spared,  and  the  governor*  and  eighty  of  his  guards, 
and  some  of  the  women,  seem  alone  to  have  been  spared. 
The  town  was  razed,  and,  it  being  ascertained  that  a  party 
of  the  enemy  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  aitificial  cav- 
erns, which  were  numerous  in  those  parts,  with  the  intention 
of  falling  on  the  rear  of  the  army  as  it  was  departing,  fires 
of  straw  and  wood  were  made  at  the  mouths  of  the  caverns, 
and  they  were  thus  either  smothered,  or  forced  to  come  out 
and  be  slain. 

The  march  being  resumed,  the  army  came  to  a  paradise, 
or  royal  park  walled  in,  and  abundantly  stocked  with  lions, 
bears,  and  other  kinds  of  Oriental  game.  The  walls  were 
instantly  broken  down,  and  the  soldiers  amused  themselves 
with  slauffhterincr  the  savage  denizens. 

At  length  the  Roman  army  beheld  the  walls  and  towers 
of  Ctesiphon  crowning  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Tigris, 
while  its  suburb  of  Cochet  lay  not  far  from  their  camp.  To 
form  the  siege  of  the  latter  while  it  could  be  so  easily  suc- 
cored from  the  city  on  the. opposite  side  of  the  river,  seemed 
a  needless  and  a  tedious  task ;  and  to  pass  the  army  over  for 
the  attack  on  the  capital,  the  fleet  from  the  Euphrates  would 
be  requisite.  The  Nahar-malca,  or  royal  canal,  which  poured 
the  waters  of  that  river  into  the  Tigris,  was  at  hand,  but  it 
discharged  itself  below  Coche,  while  the  army  was  encamped 
above  that  city.  Julian,  however,  was  aware  that  Trajan  and 
Severus  had  opened  a  new  course  for  that  canal,  which  had 
been  afterwards  dammed  up,  and  efi'aced  by  the  Persians; 
and  among  the  prisoners  there  chanced  to  be  an  old  man 

*  His  name  was  Nabdates ;  be  was  burnt  alive  a  few  days  after  for 
having  used  insulting  language  to  Prince  Hormisdas. 
t  Formerly  called  Seleucia. 


A.  D.  363.]  PERSIAN    WAR.  349 

who  recollected  and  pointed  out  its  situation.  The  army 
was  immediately  set  to  work,  and  the  Roman  fleet  speedily 
rode  on  the  Tigris.  The  broad  Nahar-malca  was  passed 
by  a  bridge  of  boats,  and  the  army,  approaching  Coche,  en- 
camped at  a  stately  palace  adorned  with  paintings  of  the  royal 
hunts,  and  surrounded  with  rich  and  well-planted  fields. 

It  was  at  this  spot  that  .fuiian  resolved  to  attempt  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Tigris.  The  (lifHculties  he  knew  to  be  great; 
the  stream  is  rapid,  the  banks  are  high ;  they  were  occupied 
by  a  strong  force  of  cavalry,  infantry,  and  elephants,  and  the 
city  of  Ctesiphon,  with  its  numerous  population  and  garri- 
son, was  at  hand.  But  Julian  relied  on  fortune,  who  so  lonsr 
had  stood  his  friend;  and,  having  previously  caused  some  of 
the  strongest  of  the  vessels  that  carried  the  provisions  and 
machines  to  be  unladen,  and  eighty  soldiers  to  embark  in 
each  of  them,  he  summoned  his  generals  to  council,  and  in- 
formed them  of  his  intention  of  attempting  the  passage  that 
very  night.  They  all  remonstrated  against  it,  but  in  vain ; 
and  Victor,  to  whom  the  task  was  committed,  prepared  to 
obey.  As  soon  as  the  word  was  given,  five  of  the  vessels 
started,  and,  running  down  with  the  current,  made  for  the 
opposite  shore.  When  they  reached  it,  the  enemy  attacked 
them,  and  set  them  on  fire.  Julian,  on  beholding  the  flame, 
though  aware  of  the  truth,  cried  out  that  it  was  the  appoint- 
ed signal,  and  that  the  landing  had  been  effected.  Instantly 
every  vessel  pushed  off*  and  swept  down  the  stream  with  such 
speed,  that  they  arrived  in  time  to  save  both  the  men  and 
the  vessels.  Many  soldiers,  in  their  ardor,  trusted  themselves 
on  their  broad  shield  to  the  current ;  the  banks  were  speed- 
ily won,  and  the  troops  formed.  They  were  joined  by  the 
emperor,  and,  after  a  contest  of  about  twelve  hours'  duration, 
the  Persians  fled  to  Ctesiphon,  which  the  Romans  might 
have  entered  pell-mell  with  them  but  for  the  caution  of  Vic- 
tor, who  feared  that  they  might  be  overwhelmed  by  the  mul- 
titude of  the  people.  The  loss  of  the  Persians  was  said  to 
be  two  thousand  five  hundred,  that  of  the  Romans,  only 
seventy  men.  The  emperor  distributed  civic,  naval,  and 
castrensic  crowns  to  those  who  had  most  distinguished  them- 
selves; and  he  prepared  to  offer  numerous  victims  to  Mars 
the  Avenger.*  But  of  ten  oxen  of  eminent  beauty  selected 
for  this  purpose,  nine  fell  to  the  ground  in  melancholy  mood 

*  Perhaps  because  Augustus  liad  built  a  temple  to  this  god  afler  the 
recovery  of  the  standards  from  the  Parthians.     See  above,  p.  10. 

CONTIN.  30 


350  JULIAN.  [a.  d.  363. 

before  they  approached  the  altars,  and  the  tenth  burst  his 
bonds  and  escaped;  and  when  he  was  cauglit  and  slain,  the 
signs  in  his  entrails  were  of  ill  omen.  At  the  sight,  Julian, 
in  indignation,  took  Jove  to  witness  that  he  would  never 
again  sacrifice  to  Mars.* 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  the  siege  of  Ctesiphon, 
a  city  which  had   thrice  surrendered  to  the  Roman  arms, 
would  now  be  commenced  without  delay.     But  in  the  coun- 
cil which  was  held  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  to  delib- 
erate  on   the  question,  it  was  unanimously  agreed   that   it 
would  be  highly  imprudent  to  undertake  it ;  and  Julian  him- 
self fully  concurred  in  the  opinion  of  the  council.     Intelli- 
gence also  arrived,  that,  on  account  of  the  treacherous  con- 
duct of  the  king  of  Armenia,  and  the  dissension  of  the  Ro- 
man generals,  there  was  now  no  chance  of  his  being  joined 
by  the  troops  sent  from  Carrhae.     To  retreat  might  be  dis- 
graceful;   but  prudence  counselled   that  a  minister,  whom 
Sapor   had   secretly  sent  to  Prince  Hormisdas,  to  propose 
terms  of  peace,  should  be  admitted  to  an  audience.     Unhap- 
pily, Julian    recollected    that    his   Macedonian    model    had 
always  rejected  the  propositions  of  Darius;  and  Hormisdas 
was  ordered  to  dismiss  the  envoy  before  the  soldiers  should 
know  of  his  arrival.     Julian  also  resolved,  like  Alexander, 
to  advance  and  pursue  his  rival ;  and  he  was  encouraged  in 
this  design  by  the  arrival  of  a  Persian  nobleman,  who,  with 
a  train  of  his  followers,  came,  pretending  to  seek  refuge  and 
protection  from   the   cruelty  of  Sapor  ;  and  describing  the 
discontent  of  the  people,  and  the  weakness  of  the  govern- 
ment, offered  to  be  the  guide  of  the  Romans.     As  it  would 
be  necessary  to  quit  the   banks  of  the  Tigris,  and  the  ships 
and  stores,  if  left  behind,  must  inevitably  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  Julian  issued  orders  for  the  whole  to  be  burnt, 
except  twelve  of  the  smaller  ones,  which  should  be  conveyed 
with  the  army,  for  the  construction  of  bridges.     The  discon- 
tent and  fears  of  the  troops,  however,  caused  an  attempt  to 
be  made,  when  too  late,  to  extinguish  the  flames  ;  and  men, 
judging  by  the  event,  have  condemned  the  conduct  of  the 
emperor,  whose  real  error  was  of  a  very  different  kind. 

Quitting,  therefore,  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  the  Roman 
army  entered  on  the  fertile  country  to  the  east  of  that  river. 
At  first,  supplies  were  had  in  plenty ;  but,  as  they  advanced, 
they  found  the  villages  deserted,  and  the  grass  and  standing 

*  Probably  in  imitation  of  Augustus.    See  History  of  Rome,  p.  467. 


A.  D.  363.]  PERSIAN    WAR.  3-51 

corn  in  flames.  They  were  frequently  obliged  to  encamp  till 
the  flames  had  subsided  on  the  ground  over  which  they  were 
to  march:  the  Persian  cavalry  now  began  to  show  itself 
more  boldly  ;  and  the  treacherous  guide,  having  obtained  his 
object,  disappeared.  Any  farther  advance  was  now  hope- 
less; the  only  question  was,  what  line  of  retreat  should  be 
adopted.  The  soldiers  were  clamorous  for  returning  by  the 
route  by  which  they  had  come ;  but  the  emperor  and  their 
officers  proved  to  them  that  the  wasted  state  of  the  country, 
the  inundation  of  the  river,  (now  swollen  by  the  melting  of 
the  snows  in  the  mountains,)  and  the  quantity  of  mosquitoes 
and  other  insects,  from  which  they  had  already  suffered  most 
severely,  would  render  a  retreat  by  that  route  nearly  imprac- 
ticable. It  was  therefore  resolved  to  turn  northwards,  and 
endeavor  to  gain  the  trans-Tigrian  Roman  province  of  Cor- 
duene.  As  soon  as  the  retreat  commenced,  the  Persians, 
who  had  hitherto  only  shown  themselves  in  small  parties, 
appeared  in  greater  force,  and  the  Romans  had  to  win  their 
way  by  force  of  hand.  The  country  still  was  burnt,  and  the 
towns  were  every  where  deserted.  In  the  district  named 
Maranga,  a  general  attack  was  made  by  the  Persian  army ; 
but  they  were  finally  repelled  with  loss,  after  the  action  had 
lasted  from  daybreak  to  sunset.  A  truce  was  then  made 
for  three  days,  in  order  that  the  wounded  on  both  sides 
might  be  tended ;  but  on  the  part  of  the  Romans  there  was 
hardly  any  food  for  man  or  beast,  and  the  superior  officers 
had  to  share  their  own  private  stores  with  the  common  men. 
On  this,  as  on  all  occasions,  the  emperor  set  a  noble  exam- 
ple. He  used  only  such  food  as  a  common  soldier  would 
have  actually  disdained,  and  he  caused  the  provisions  of  his 
household  to  be  distributed  among  the  troops.  The  uneasi- 
ness of  his  mind  caused  his  sleep  to  be  broken,  and  he  used 
to  read  and  write  in  his  tent  when  thus  awaked.  As  he  was 
thus  entjacred  one  nicrht,  he  beheld  the  Genius  of  the  State, 
who  had  appeared  to  him  in  Gaul,  the  night  before  he  was 
declared  emperor,  retreating  from  the  tent  with  a  dejected 
air,  his  head  and  cornucopia?  shrouded  in  a  veil.  He  rose 
from  his  humble  couch,  and  made  deprecatory  offerings  to 
the  gods,  committing  all  to  their  will :  as  he  looked  out,  he 
beheld  a  meteor  flaming  across  the  sky,  and  he  shuddered 
when  he  thought  it  might  be  the  menacing  star  of  Mars. 
Before  daylight,  he  summoned  the  Tuscan  haruspices  to  his 
tent,  to  explain  the  meaning  of  the  sign.     They  counselled 


332  JULIAN.  [a.  d.  363. 

him  not  to  give  battle  that  day,  or,  at  all  events,  not  to  move 
from  where  he  was  for  at  least  some  hours ;  but  he  took  no 
heed  of  their  warnings,  and  at  daybreak  (June  26)  the  army 
set  forward. 

The  Persians  hovered  around,  as  usual.  Julian  was  ri- 
ding unarmed  out  before  his  troops  to  reconnoitre,  when  he 
heard  that  the  rear  was  attacked.  Snatching  up  a  sliield,  he 
was  hastening  to  its  support;  but  lie  was  recalled  by  intelli- 
gence that  the  troops  in  advance,  whom  he  had  just  quitted, 
were  also  attacked  :  he  was  riding  back,  when  a  furious  charge 
was  made  by  the  Persians  on  the  centre  of  the  left,  which 
was  yielding  to  the  pressure  of  their  heavy-armed  cavalry 
and  elephants.  He  flew  to  their  aid ;  at  that  very  moment, 
the  Roman  light  troops  drove  off  the  enemy;  and,  stretching 
out  his  hands,  he  was  urging  on  his  men  to  follow  up  their 
success,  and  was  giving  them  an  example  himself,  when  a 
spear  grazed  his  arm,  and,  entering  his  side,  pierced  the 
lower  part  of  his  liver.  He  attempted  to  pull  it  out ;  but  the 
sharp  steel  cut  his  fingers  deeply,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse. 
He  was  taken  up  by  those  about  him,  and  conveyed  away, 
and  committed  to  the  care  of  the  surgeons.  When  the  pain 
was  a  little  assuaged,  he  called  for  his  horse  and  arms,  that 
he  might  return  to  the  aid  of  his  troops ;  but  he  soon  per- 
ceived that  his  strength  did  not  correspond  with  his  will. 
Meantime,  the  action  was  maintained  vigorously  on  both 
sides ;  and  the  Persians  were  finally  repulsed,  with  a  loss  of 
fifty  men  of  rank,  and  a  great  number  of  the  common  sol- 
diers. The  Romans  had  to  lament  the  death  of  Anatolius, 
the  master  of  the  offices;  and  the  aged  prefect  Sallust  nar- 
rowly escaped  the  same  fate. 

Julian,  aware  that  he  was  dying,  addressed  those  who  were 
mourning  around  him.  He  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  it 
had  pleased  the  gods,  who  had  often  given  an  early  death  as 
their  best  boon,  to  withdraw  him  from  the  danger  of  corrup- 
tion;  he  reflected  with  pleasure  on  the  innocence  of  his  past 
life,  and  declared  that  he  had  always  endeavored  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  the  people,  which  he  regarded  as  the  true  end 
of  government.  He  had,  therefore,  sought  to  maintain  peace, 
and  repress  license;  and,  though  it  was  foretold  to  him  that 
he  would  perish  by  steel,  he  did  not  shrink  from  exposing 
himself  to  danger.  He  was  grateful,  he  said,  to  the  Supreme 
Being  that  he  had  not  fallen  by  a  conspiracy,  or  been  taken 
off  by  a  lingering  disease,  but  was  thus  removed  in  the  midst 


A.  D.  363.]  DEATH    OF    JULIAN.  353 

of  his  glorious  career.  Pie  would  say  nothing  on  the  choice 
of  his  successor,  lest  he  might  chance  to  pass  over  a  worthy 
person,  or,  by  naming  some  one  of  whom  the  army  might 
not  approve,  expose  him  to  danger.  When  he  had  conclu- 
ded, he  distributed  his  private  property  among  his  friends. 
He  rebuked  those  present  for  their  tears,  saying  it  was  a 
mean  thing  to  mourn  for  a  prince  who  was  about  to  be  uni- 
ted to  the  stars.  When  they  had  ceased,  he  conversed  with 
the  philosophers,  Maximus  and  Priscus,  on  the  nature  of  the 
soul,  till  his  wound  bcffinninor  to  bleed  afresh,  he  called  for 
a  draught  of  cold  water;  and,  when  he  had  drunk  it,  he 
breathed  his  last,  about  midnight,  in  the  thirty-second  year 
of  his  age. 

We  have  devoted  so  much  space  to  the  actions  of  this 
emperor,  that  any  remarks  on  his  character  may  appear  su- 
perfluous. Yet  there  is  in  it  so  much  to  interest,  that  we 
cannot  refrain  from  keeping  it  in  view  a  little  longer,  and 
pointing  out  his  virtues  as  well  as  his  faults,  — vices  he  had 
none,  —  more  especially  as  he  has  been  so  hardly  treated  by 
those  injudicious  writers,  who  think  themselves  bound  to 
portray  the  enemy  of  their  faith  as  a  perfect  monster.  The 
time,  however,  is  arrived  in  which  a  better  knowledge  of  the 
go.spel  has  removed  such  narrow  prejudice ;  and  the  virtues 
of  Julian  and  the  crimes  of  Constantine  may  be  recognized 
without  Christianity  being  supposed  to  sustain  an  injury. 

In  person,  Julian  was  of  middle  height,  broad-shouldered, 
and  well-built.  His  nose  was  straight,  his  eyes  bright ;  his 
shaggy  beard  was  peaked,  his  hair  was  soft  and  fine.  He  was 
able  to  endure  great  bodily  fatigue,  and  he  never  shrank  from 
toil  or  danger.  He  practised,  without  effort,  the  four  cardi- 
nal virtues,  and  their  attendant  moral  qualities.  His  chastity 
was  conspicuous ;  he  had  never  known  a  woman  when  he 
married,  and  after  the  death  of  his  wife  he  thought  no  more 
of  the  sex.  In  his  German  and  his  Persian  wars,  he  dis- 
played the  talents  of  an  able  general,  and  he  was  both  loved 
and  feared  by  his  soldiers.  Julian  was  learned,  and  at  the 
same  time  himself  an  elegant  writer.  His  principal  faults 
were  vanity  and  superstition.  He  was  too  fond  of  talking, 
and  took  too  much  pleasure  in  light  conversation  and  buf- 
foonery ;  he  was  negligent  of  his  person  and  dress  to  a  de- 
gree that  indicated  an  originally  feeble  mind.  It  is  mel- 
ancholy to  read  of  his  superstitious  resjard  to  portents ;  his 
fancied  intercourse  with  the  fabled  gods  of  Greece,  and  his 
extreme  love  for  pouring  forth  the  blood  of  victims  in  their 
30*  ss 


354  JOVIAN.  [a.  d.  363. 

honor.*  His  enmity  to  the  Christians  was  unjust  and  little- 
minded  ;  but  their  revenge  has  been  ample.  Julian  was  not 
a  great  man,  but  he  was  better  qualified  to  rule  than  most 
princes;  and,  though  we  may  not  admire,  we  must  esteem 
his  character. 


Jovian. 
A.  u.  1116—1117.     A.  D.  363—364. 

The  morning  after  the  death  of  Julian,  a  general  assem- 
bly of  the  officers  of  the  army  was  held  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  an  emperor;  for,  as  the  house  of  Constantine  was 
now  extinct,  no  one  could  justly  put  forth  any  other  claim 
than  that  of  merit.  They  were  split  into  two  parties;  Arin- 
thaeus,  Victor,  and  the  remaining  courtiers  of  Constantius, 
looked  out  for  one  of  their  own  party  whom  they  might  pro- 
pose ;  while  Nevitta,  Dagalaiphus,  and  the  Gallic  officers, 
sought  a  candidate  of  their  own  side.  Both,  however,  agreed 
in  the  person  of  the  prefect  Sallust ;  but  he  declined  the 
honor,  pleading  his  age  and  his  infirmities.  An  officer  of 
rank  then  proposed  that  they  should,  for  the  present,  only 
think  of  extricating  tlie  army  from  the  instant  perils,  and 
that,  when  they  reached  Mesopotamia,  they  might  choose  an 
emperor  at  their  leisure.  But,  while  they  were  deliberating, 
some  persons  saluted  as  emperor  Jovianus,  the  commander 
of  the  Domestics,  or  body-guard.  He  was  immediately  in- 
vested with  the  royal  robes,  and  he  rode  through  the  troops, 
who  readily  acknowledged  his  authority. 

Jovianus,  whom  the  caprice  of  fortune  thus  elevated  to  the 
purple,  was  distinguished  more  by  his  father's  merit  than  his 
owr».  He  was  the  son  of  Count  Varronianus,  who,  after  hav- 
ing long  served  with  reputation,  was  now  living  in  dignified 
retirement.  Jovian  was  tall  and  comely  in  person,  of  a  gay 
and  cheerful  temper,  a  lover  of  wine  and  women,  fond  of 
literature,  at  the  same  time  a  good  soldier,  and  even  a  zeal- 
ous Christian. 

As  soon  as  Jovian  was  proclaimed,  victims  were  slain,  and 

*  "  Supcrstitiosns  magis  quam  sacrorum  legitimns  observator,  innu- 
meras  sine  parsimonia  pocudi-s  niactans,  ut  fDstitnaretur  si  revertisset 
d«!  Parlhis  boves  jiin  defuturos  :  Marci  illius  siiiiilis  Cwsaris  in  qiuMU 
id  accepiuiua  dictum:  u!  Xivxul  Hik:  JSIuhxu)  rw  Kaiouni.  'Idv  ou 
vixi',ai,i,  i.ufts  unoXwfit^a."     Ammianus,  xxv.  4. 


A.  D.  363.]  PERSIAN    WAR.  355 

their  entrails  inspected.  The  augurs  having  pronounced 
that  it  would  be  the  utter  ruin  of  the  army  to  remain  where 
it  was,  the  march  was  instantly  resumed.  The  Persians, 
imboldened  by  the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Julian,  con- 
veyed to  them  by  deserters,  pressed  on  with  redoubled  vigor; 
but,  in  spite  of  their  incessant  attacks,  tiie  Romans  succeed- 
ed in  reaching  Sumere,  (Samara,)  on  the  Tigris,  about  one 
hundred  miles  above  Ctesiphon.  Marching  up  the  stream, 
they  encamped  next  night  in  a  valley,  at  a  place  named 
Carche,  and  on  the  first  of  July,  they  arrived  at  the  town  of 
Dura,  where  they  were  detained  for  four  days,  by  the  perse- 
vering energy  of  the  enemy.  The  impatient  soldiers  insisted 
on  passing  the  river  at  that  place  ;  and,  Jovian  and  his  officers 
having  remonstrated  with  them  to  no  purpose,  a  body  of  five 
hundred  Gauls  and  Sarmatians  were  directed  to  try  if  they 
could  swim  across  the  stream.  They  made  the  attempt  at 
night,  and  easily  succeeded,  and  the  impatience  of  the  sol- 
diers could  only  be  restrained  by  the  promise  of  the  engineers 
that  they  would  construct  bridges  of  inflated  skins. 

Should  the  Romans  succeed  in  passing  the  river,  or  in 
reaching  the  frontiers  of  Corduene,  which  were  only  a  hun- 
dred miles  distant,  they  would  be  out  of  danger,  and  might 
continue  the  war  with  advantage.  Sopor,  therefore,  re- 
solved not  to  let  slip  the  occasion  of  concluding  a  treaty, 
while  they  were  in  his  power.  He  accordingly  despatched 
the  Surena  and  another  nobleman  to  the  Roman  camp,  to 
signify  that,  on  certain  conditions,  their  sovereign,  out  of 
his  clemency,  would  permit  the  emperor  and  the  remnant  of 
his  army  to  depart  in  safety.  Sallust  and  Arinthfeus  were 
sent  to  the  Persian  monarch,  by  whom  they  were  artfully 
detained  for  four  entire  days,  during  which  the  army  suffered 
severely  from  the  want  of  food.  The  terms  which  Sapor  in- 
sisted on,  were  the  absolute  cession  of  the  five  provinces  be- 
yond the  Tigris,  and  the  surrender  of  the  cities  of  Nisibis, 
Singara,  and  the  Moors'  Camp,  [Castra  Maurnrum.)  He 
also  recjuired  that  no  aid  should  be  given  to  the  kins;  of  Ar- 
menia, at  any  future  time,  against  the  Persians.  To  these 
severe  and  humiliating  conditions  Jovian  acceded,  only 
stipulating  that  the  inhabitants  of  Nisibis  and  Singara  should 
be  permitted  to  depart  with  their  movable  property.  A 
peace  was  then  concluded  for  thirty  years,  and  hostages  of 
rank  were  exchanged  on  both  sides. 

This  was  the  most  inglorious  treaty  ever  concluded  by 
Rome,  for  it  was  the  first  by  which  she  had  abandoned  terri- 


356  JOVIAN.  [a.  d.  363. 

tory.  The  conquests  of  Trajan  had,  it  is  true,  been  aban- 
doned by  Hadrian  and  Aurelian,  but  these  were  voluntary 
cessions,  dictated  by  political  wisdom ;  the  treaty  of  Dura 
was  a  plain  confession  of  inferiority,  a  barter  of  territory  for 
life  and  liberty.  Ammianus,  who  was  present,  speaks  of  it 
with  the  grief  and  indignation  of  a  gallant  soldier ;  and  he 
maintains  that,  in  the  four  days  that  were  spent  in  negotia- 
tion, the  army  might  have  reached  Corduene,  though  it  was 
a  hundred  miles  distant.  But  he  seems  to  have  forgotten 
that  the  incessant  attacks  of  the  Persians  had  already  forced 
the  army  to  halt  at  Dura;  and  he  does  not  explain  how  an 
army  of  60,000  men  could  have  marched  one  hundred  miles 
in  four  days,  without  provisions,  and  continually  assailed  by 
an  active  and  persevering  foe.  Eutropius,  who  was  also 
present,  is,  perhaps,  more  correct  in  saying  that  the  peace, 
though  inglorious,  was  necessary.  But  the  original  error 
may  be  charged  on  Julian,  who  should  have  repassed  the  Ti- 
gris when  he  found  himself  unable  to  undertake  the  siege  of 
Ctesiphon ;  and  perhaps  it  was  death  alone  that  saved  him 
from  the  disgrace  of  concluding  the  treaty  of  Dura. 

The  Roman  soldiers  hastened  to  pass  to  the  farther  bank 
of  the  river.  Some  crossed  on  inflated  skins,  leading  their 
horses  by  the  bridle ;  others  got  over  in  the  boats  which  had 
been  brought  with  the  army.  Some  of  the  more  impatient, 
who  had  not  waited  for  the  signal  for  the  passage,  were 
drowned,  in  their  attempts  to  swim  across;  or,  if  they  reached 
the  other  side,  were  slain  or  carried  away  for  slaves,  by  the 
Saracens.  When  the  whole  army  had  effected  its  passage, 
the  march  was  directed  for  the  Roman  territory.  The  ruins 
of  the  once  impregnable  Atra  were  passed,  and,  after  a 
march  of  seventy  miles,  which  occupied  six  days,  over  an 
arid  plain,  which  only  produced  bitter  plants  and  brackish 
water,  the  army  reached  the  castle  of  Ur,  where  it  was  met 
by  a  small  convoy  of  provisions,  sent  from  the  army  of  Pro- 
copius  and  Sebastian.  The  troops  made  a  halt  there  for  a 
few  days,  of  which  the  emperor  took  the  advantage  for  send- 
ing appointments  to  offices  of  trust  and  importance  to  those 
whom  he  thought  best  calculated  to  support  his  interests  in 
the  West.  When  the  supply  of  provisions  was  exhausted, 
the  army  renewed  its  march  ;  and  the  famine  which  it  expe- 
rienced was  so  great,  that  a  modius  (201bs.)  of  meal,  when- 
ever it  chanced  to  be  found,  was  sold  for  ten  pieces  of  gold. 
At  the  town  of  Thilsaphata,  the  emperor  was  met  by  Sebas- 
tian and  Ftocopius,  and    their  principal    officers;    and  the 


A.  D.  363.]       CHRISTIANITY    REESTABLISHED.  357 

army  finally  encamped  under  the  walls  of  Nisibis,  which 
city  shame  prevented  Jovian  from  entering,  though  earnestly 
entreated  by  the  people. 

The  following  day,  Bineses,  a  Persian  nobleman,  who  was 
one  of  tiie  hostages  sent  with  the  army,  called  on  the  empe- 
ror to  fulfil  his  promise,  and  surrender  the  town.  Jovian 
having  acceded  to  his  demand,  he  entered,  and  displayed  the 
banner  of  Persia  from  tlie  citadel.  Nothing  could  exceed 
the  grief  and  indignation  of  the  Nisibenes.  They  implored 
the  emperor  not  to  force  them  to  migrate,  affirming  that,  even 
unaided,  they  were  able  to  maintain  their  town  against  all 
the  power  of  Persia.  But  Jovian,  alleging  a  regard  for  his 
oath,  was  deaf  to  their  entreaties;  and  at  length,  exasperated 
at  an  advocate  named  Silvanus,  who  cried  out,  when  he  saw 
a  crown  presented  to  him  by  the  citizens,  "  May  you  be  thus 
crowned,  O  emperor,  by  the  remaining  cities ! "  he  issued 
orders  for  those  to  depart  within  three  days  who  were  not 
willing  to  be  subjects  of  the  king  of  Persia.  The  grief  and 
lamentation  were  naturally  great,  and  the  loss  of  property 
was  considerable,  owing  to  the  want  of  beasts  of  burden  to 
convey  it  away.  A  new  quarter  was  built  at  Amida  for  the 
reception  of  the  exiles,  which  city,  in  consequence,  resumed 
its  former  importance.  Singara  and  the  Moors'  Camp  were 
surrendered  in  like  manner,  and  Jovian  then  led  his  troops 
to  Antioch.  The  remains  of  the  late  emperor  were  com- 
mitted to  the  charge  of  Procopius,  to  be  conveyed  to  Tarsus. 

The  attachment  of  Jovian  to  the  Christian  faith  was  well 
known.  On  the  march  to  Antioch,  the  Labarum  was  again 
displayed.  By  a  circular  epistle,  addressed  to  the  governors 
of  the  provinces,  he  declared  the  Christian  faith  to  be  the 
religion  of  the  empire;  all  the  edicts  of  Julian  against  it 
were  abolished,  and  the  church  was  restored  to  its  posses- 
sions and  immunities.  The  prelates  thronged  to  the  court 
of  the  Christian  emperor  ;  and  the  venerable  Athanasius, 
although  seventy  years  of  age,  undertook,  at  that  advanced 
season  of  the  year,  a  journey  from  Alexandria  to  Antioch, 
in  order  to  confirm  him  in  the  path  of  orthodoxy.  By  a 
vvise  and  humane  edict,  Jovian  calmed  the  fears  of  his  pagan 
subjects,  proclaiming  universal  toleration,  except  for  the 
practisers  of  magic  arts. 

Impatient  to  reach  the  capital,  Jovian  remained  only 
six  weeks  at  Antioch.  He  first  marched  to  Tarsus,  where 
he  made  a  brief  halt,  and  gave  directions  relating  to  the 
tomb  of  Julian.     At  Tyana  in  Cappadocia,  he  was  met  by 


358  VALENTINIAN,    VALENS.  [a.  D.  364. 

deputies,  sent  to  assure  him  of  the  obedience  of  the  armies 
and  people  of  the  "West.  On  the  1st  of  January,  364,  he 
assumed  the  consulate  at  Ancyra,  with  his  infant  son  for  his 
colleague,  whose  crying,  and  reluctance  to  be  carried  in  the 
curule  chair,  were  regarded  as  ominous.  He  thence  pro- 
ceeded toward  the  capital ;  but,  having  supped  heartily  one 
night,  (Feb.  17,)  when  he  halted  at  Dadastana,  a  little  town 
on  the  frontiers  of  Bithynia,  he  was  found  dead  in  his  bed 
the  following  morning.  Various  causes  were  assigned  for 
his  death ;  but  the  most  probable  one  was  his  having  lain  in  a 
recently  plastered  room,  in  which  there  was  a  large  fire  of 
charcoal.  He  was  in  the  33d  year  of  his  age,  and  he  had 
not  reigned  quite  eight  months. 


CHAPTER  v.* 


VALENTINIAN,   VALENS,   GRATIAN,   VALEN- 
TINIAN  II.,    AND    THEODOSIUS. 

A.  u.  1117—1148.     A.  D.  364—395. 

ELEVATION    OF    VALENTINIAN    AND    OF    VALENS. PROCOPIUS. 

GERMAN  WARS. RECOVERY    OF    BRITAIN. REBELLION 

IN  AFRICA. QUADAN  WAR. DEATH    OF    VALENTINIAN. 

HIS   CHARACTER. GRATIAN. THE    GOTHS THE     HUNS. 

THE     GOTHIC     WAR. BATTLE     OF     HADRIANOPLE,     AND 

DEATH    OF    VALENS. RAVAGES     OF     THE     GOTHS. THEO- 
DOSIUS.   SETTLEMENTS     OF     THE     GOTHS. MAXIMUS.  

DEATH    OF    GRATIAN. DEFEAT  OF    MAXIMUS. MASSACRE 

AT  THESSALONICA. CLEMENCY  OF  THEODOSIUS. DEATH 

OF  VALENTINIAN  II. DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  EUGENIUS. 

DEATH  AND  CHARACTER    OF    THEODOSIUS. STATE  OF    THE 

EMPIRE. 

Valcntinian  and  Valens. 

A.  u.  1117—1128.     A.  D.  364—375. 

The  death  of  the  emperor  Jovian  did  not  prevent  the 
advance  of  the  army;  and  while  it  was  on  its  march  for 
Nicoia,  the  generals  and  civil  officers  met  in  frequent  delib- 

•  Aiithoritiea  :  Ammianus,  Zosimus,  the  Epitomato'-s,  and  Ecclesi- 
astical Historians. 


A.  D.  364.]         CHARACTER    OF    VALENTINIAN.  359 

eration  on  the  choice  of  an  emperor.  All  the  suffrages  were 
united  in  favor  of  the  prefect  Sallust;  but  he  again  refused 
the  imperial  dignity,  both  for  himself  or  for  his  son,  alleg- 
ing the  age  of  the  one  and  the  inexperience  of  the  other. 
Various  persons  were  named  and  rejected :  at  length  all 
united  in  approbation  of  Valentinian,  who  was  then  at  An- 
cyra,  in  command  of  the  second  school  of  the  Scutarians; 
and  an  invitation  was  sent  to  him  to  repair  to  Nica^a,  where 
the  solemn  election  was  to  be  held. 

Valentinian  was  a  Pannonian  by  birth,  son  of  Count  Gra- 
tian,  a  distinguished  officer.  He  had  himself  served  with 
great  credit,  and  was  now  in  the  forty-third  year  of  his  age. 
In  person  he  was  tall  and  handsome.  He  was  chaste  and 
temperate  in  his  habits ;  his  mind  had  been  little  cultivated, 
and  he  was  unacquainted  with  the  Greek  language,  and  with 
literature  in  general.  He  was  a  Christian  in  religion,  and 
he  had  offended  the  emperor  Julian  by  the  public  expression 
of  his  contempt  for  the  rites  of  paganism. 

Every  prudent  measure  was  adopted  by  the  friends  of 
Valentinian  to  prevent  the  appearance  of  a  competitor  for  the 
empire.  No  time,  it  might  therefore  be  supposed,  would  have 
been  lost  in  causing  him  to  be  acknowledged  ;  yet  it  was  not 
till  the  second  day  after  his  arrival  at  Nicaea  that  he  let  him- 
self be  seen ;  the  first  happening  to  be  the  Bissextile,  a  day 
noted  as  unlucky  in  the  annals  of  Rome.  On  the  evening 
of  that  day,  at  the  suggestion  of  Sallust,  it  was  forbidden,  on 
pain  of  death,  for  any  man  of  high  rank  to  appear  the  next 
morning  in  public.  At  daybreak,  the  impatient  troops  all 
assembled  without  the  city ;  Valentinian  advanced,  and, 
having  ascended  a  lofty  tribunal,  was  unanimously  saluted 
emperor.  He  was  then  arrayed  in  the  imperial  habit,  and 
was  proceeding  to  address  the  assembled  troops,  when  a 
general  cry  arose  for  him  to  name  a  colleague  ;  for  late  events 
had  made  even  the  meanest  perceive  the  danger  of  an  un- 
settled succession.  The  tumult  increased,  and  menaced  to 
become  serious,  when  the  emperor,  by  his  authority,  stilled 
the  clamor,  and,  addressing  them,  declared  that  he  felt  as  well 
as  they  the  necessity  of  an  associate  in  the  toils  of  govern- 
ment, but  that  the  choice  required  time  and  deliberation. 
He  assured  them  that  he  would  make  the  choice  with  all  con- 
venient speed,  and  in  conclusion  promised  them  the  usual 
donative.  Their  clamors  were  converted  into  acclamations, 
and  the  emperor  was  conducted  to  the  palace,  surrounded  by 
eagles  and  banners,  and  guarded  by  all  the  troops. 


360  VALENTINIAN,    VALENS.  [a.  D.  365. 

The  word  was  given  to  march  for  Nicomedia.  Meantime 
Valentinian  called  a  council  of  his  principal  officers  to  delib- 
erate on  the  choice  of  a  colleague,  though  he  had  probably 
already,  in  his  own  mind,  fixed  on  the  person.  All  were 
silent  but  the  free-spoken  Dagalaiphus,  who  said,  "  If  you 
love  your  own  family,  most  excellent  emperor,  you  have  a 
brother;  if  the  state,  seek  whom  you  may  invest  with  the 
purple.''  Vilentinian  was  offended,  but  he  concealed  his 
feelings.  The  army  marched  for  the  Bosporus,  and,  soon 
after  their  arrival  at  Constantinople,  (Mar.  28,)  the  emperor 
assembled  them  in  a  plain  near  the  city,  and  presented  to 
them  his  brother  Valens,  as  his  colleague  in  the  empire.  In 
this  choice,  he  proved  that  natural  affection  was  stronger  in 
his  breast  than  regard  for  the  public  happiness  ;  for  Valens, 
though  in  his  thirty-sixth  year,  had  never  borne  any  employ- 
ment, or  showed  any  distinguished  talent.  As  none,  however, 
ventured  to  dissent,  the  choice  seemed  to  be  made  with  the 
general  approbation. 

A  general  reformation  of  the  administration  of  the  empire 
was  effected  in  the  course  of  the  year.  Most  of  the  officers 
of  the  palace  and  governors  of  provinces  appointed  by  Julian, 
were  dismissed ;  but  the  whole  proceeding  was  regulated  by 
equity.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  (305,)  the  two 
emperors  quitted  the  capital  of  the  East,  and  at  the  palace 
of  Mediana,  three  miles  from  Naissus,  they  made  a  formal 
division  of  the  empire,  and  parted  —  never  again  to  meet. 
Valentinian,  reserving  to  himself  the  West,  committed  the 
East,  including  Greece  and  the  country  south  of  the  Lower 
Danube,  to  the  rule  of  his  brotlier.  The  able  generals  and 
great  officers  were  also  divided  between  them ;  to  the  inex- 
perienced Valens  were  assigned  the  services  of  Sallust,  Vic- 
tor, ArinthiBus,  and  Lupicinus ;  among  those  whom  Valen- 
tinian retained  for  himself,  was  the  intrepid  Dagalaiphus. 

Valens  had  soon  to  contend  for  his  empire.  Procopius, 
after  the  funeral  of  the  emperor  Julian,  had  retired  to  his 
estates  in  Cappadocia,  where  he  lived  in  peace,  till  an  oflicer 
and  soldiers  appeared,  sent  by  the  new  emperors  to  arrest 
him.  He  made  his  escape  to  the  sea-coast,  and  sought  refuge 
among  the  barbarians  of  the  country  of  Bosporus  ;  but,  after 
some  time,  weary  of  the  hardships  and  privations  he  endured, 
he  came  secretly  to  Bithynia,  and  sheltered  himself  there  in 
various  retreats.  He  at  length  ventured  into  the  capitaJ, 
where  two  of  his  friends,  a  senator  and  a  eunucli,  afforded 
him  concealment.     He  there  observed  the  discontent  of  the 


A.  D.  365.]  PROcopius.  361 

people,  who  despised  Valens,  and  detested  his  father-in-law, 
Petronius,  a  cruel,  hardhearted  man,  who  seemed  to  have 
no  other  desire  than  that  of  stripping  every  man  of  his  prop- 
erty, claiming  with  this  view  the  payment  of  debts  due  to  the 
state,  even  so  far  back  as  the  reign  of  Aurelian.  Imbold- 
ened  by  this  aspect  of  affairs,  Procopius  resolved  to  acquire 
the  empire,  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  The  conjuncture  was 
favorable  ;  for.  Sapor  having  resumed  hostilities,  Valens  had 
passed  over  to  Asia  to  take  the  field  against  him.  While  he 
was  in  Bithynia,  he  learned  that  the  Goths  were  preparing  to 
invade  Thrace,  which  was  now  unguarded.  He  therefore 
sent  back  some  of  his  troops ;  and,  as  they  had  to  pass  through 
Constantinople,  Procopius  seized  the  occasion  of  attempting 
to  g<ain  over  two  Gallic  cohorts,  which  had  halted  in  that 
city.  His  promises  and  the  memory  of  Julian  prevailed  with 
them.  At  the  dawn  of  day,  Procopius  appeared  in  their 
quarters,  like  one  risen  from  the  dead,  and,  having  renewed 
his  promises,  was  saluted  emperor.  They  escorted  him 
thence  to  the  tribunal.  The  people  at  first  were  silent  and 
indifferent;  but,  a  few  hired  voices  having  set  the  exam- 
ple, they  joined  in  the  acclamation  of  emperor.  Procopius 
then  took  possession  of  the  palace ;  he  displaced  the  officers 
of  Valens,  and  secured  the  gates  of  the  city  and  the  entrance 
of  the  port.  Numbers  flocked  to  his  standard  ;  the  troops,  as 
they  arrived  from  Asia,  were  seduced;  those  on  the  northern 
frontier  were  induced  to  declare  for  him,  and  the  Gothic 
princes  to  promise  a  large  body  of  auxiliaries.  Faustina,  the 
widow  of  Constantius,  joined  his  party,  and  he  carried  about 
with  him  her  daughter  Constantia,  a  child  only  five  years  old. 
He  thus  endeavored  to  make  his  cause  appear  to  be  that  of 
the  house  ofConstantine  against  the  upstart  Pannonians. 

When  Valens  heard  of  the  events  at  Constantinople,  he 
gave  way  to  the  most  abject  despair,  and  even  meditated  re- 
signing the  purple,  till  he  was  brought  back  to  nobler  thoughts 
by  the  remonstrances  of  his  officers.  He  then  sent  the 
Jovian  and  Herculian  legions  against  the  usurper,  who  was 
now  at  Nicaea.  Procopius  met  them  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sangarius;  and,  when  the  troops  were  on  the  point  of  enga- 
ging, he  advanced  alone  into  the  midst,  and,  addressing  the 
opposite  legions,  induced  them  to  declare  for  him.  Valens, 
nevertheless,  advanced  to  Nicomedia,  having  sent  one  of  his 
generals  to  invest  Nicaea;  and  he  himself  soon  after  laid  siege 
to  Chalcedon.  But  the  besiegers  were  beaten  off  at  Niceea, 
and  Valens,  whose  army  was  in  want  of  provisions,  and  who 

CONTIN.  31  TT 


362  VALENTINIAN,    VALENS.  [a.  D.  366. 

feared  to  be  attacked  in  the  rear  by  the  garrison  of  Nicaea, 
retired  with  all  speed  to  Ancyra,  leaving  Procopius  master 
of  Bithynia.  At  Ancyra,  he  was  joined  by  Lupicinus,  with  a 
strong  body  of  troops  from  Syria.  He  then  gave  the  com- 
mand to  Arinthaeus,  who  advanced  against  the  rebels  that 
were  at  Dadastana,  under  the  command  of  one  Hyperectri- 
ses,  a  man  of  low  rank,  whom  Procopius  had  raised  out  of 
friendship.  Arinthsus,  when  he  beheld  him,  called  out  to 
the  soldiers  to  bind  their  commander  and  deliver  him  up;  and 
such  was  his  ascendency  over  their  minds  that  they  obeyed 
his  mandate.  Procopius,  however,  made  himself  master  of 
Cyzicus  on  the  Hellespont.  He  then  unwisely  suffered  his 
soldiers  to  plunder  the  house  of  Arbetio,*  who  was  living  in 
retirement;  and,  instead  of  advancing  at  once  into  Asia, 
where  the  people  would  probably  have  declared  for  him,  he 
thought  only  of  collecting  money  for  carrying  on  the  war. 

In  the  spring,  (366,)  Valens  advanced  intoGalatia,  and,  as 
Procopius  carried  the  infant  daughter  of  Constantius  with 
him  to  the  field,  he  invited  the  offended  Arbetio  to  repair  to 
his  camp;  and  this  aged  general  of  Constantine's,  taking  off 
his  helmet,  and  displaying  his  hoary  locks,  advanced  toward 
the  troops  of  Procopius,  and,  addressing  the  soldiers  as  his 
children  and  the  sharers  of  his  former  toils,  implored  them  to 
follow  himself,  who  was,  as  it  were,  their  parent,  rather  than 
that  profligate  adventurer  and  common  robber.  Many  were 
thus  induced  to  desert;  and,  when  Procopius  gave  battle  to 
the  imperial  troops  at  Nacolia  in  Phrygia,  Agilo,  an  officer 
of  rank,  and  several  of  his  men,  went  over  to  the  emperor 
in  the  heat  of  the  action.  Procopius,  seeing  all  lost,  fled  on 
foot  to  the  mountains,  with  two  companions,  by  whom  he 
was  treacherously  seized  next  day,  and  delivered  bound  to 
the  emperor.  His  head  was  instantly  struck  off;  the  two 
traitors  shared  his  fate.  Judicial  incjuiries  ensued;  the  rack 
was  in  constant  use ;  the  executioner  was  incessantly  em- 
ployed :  neither  age,  sex,  nor  rank,  was  spared,  and  the  re- 
sults of  the  victory  of  Nacolia  were  more  direful  than  the 
most  terrible  civil  war. 

As  nothing  of  very  great  importance,  in  a  political  sense, 
occurred  for  some  years  in  the  East,  we  will  devote  our  pages 
henceforth  to  the  actions  of  Valentinian. 

The  absence  of  the  Roman  armies  and  the  intelligence 
of  the  death  of  Julian  having  inspirited  the  Alemans,  they 

*  See  above,  p.  32G. 


A.  D.  366-368.]  ALEMANNIC    WAR.  363 

passed  the  Rhine  ia  the  beginning  of  January,  3G6,  and 
proceeded  to  ravage  Gaul  in  their  usual  manner.  The 
Counts  Charietto  and  Severian  were  defeated  and  slain  by 
them.  But  Joviiius,  the  master  of  the  cavalry,  having  taken 
the  command  of  the  army  destined  to  act  against  them, 
surprised  and  cut  to  pieces  two  of  their  divisions,  and,  en- 
gaging the  third  in  the  vicinity  of  Chalons,  [Catalauni,)  de- 
feated them  after  a  well-contested  action,  with  a  loss  of 
6,000  slain  and  4,000  wounded,  that  of  the  Romans  being 
only  twelve  hundred  men.  For  this  victory,  Jovinus  was, 
on  his  return  to  Paris,  justly  honored  with  the  consulate. 

Some  time  after,  (3(38,)  an  Alemannic  chief,  named  Ran- 
do,  surprised  the  city  of  Mentz,  {Moguntincuin,)  on  the  day  of 
oiie  of  the  Christian  festivals,  and  carried  away  a  great  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants.  Valentinian,  resolved  to  take  ven- 
geance on  the  whole  nation,  ordered  Count  Sebastian  to 
invade  their  country  from  the  south,  with  the  armies  of  Italy 
and  Illyricum,  while  he  himself  and  his  son  Gratianus  should 
cross  the  Rhine  at  the  head  of  the  troops  of  Gaul.  They 
passed  the  river  without  opposition ;  as  they  advanced,  rio 
enemy  .ippeared ;  the  deserted  villages  were  burnt,  and  the 
cultivated  lands  laid  waste.  At  length  they  learned  that  the 
enemy  had  occupied  a  lofty  mountain,  the  north  side  of 
which  alone  was  of  easy  ascent.  Valentinian,  having  posted 
Count  Sebastian  at  that  side  to  intercept  the  fugitives,  gave 
the  signal  to  advance ;  and  the  Roman  soldiers,  in  spite  of 
all  impediments,  won  their  way  up  the  steep  sides  of  the 
mountain.  When  they  had  attained  the  summit,  they 
charged  the  enemies  vigorously,  and  drove  them  down  the 
northern  side,  where  they  were  intercepted  and  slaughtered 
by  Count  Sebastian.  Valentinian  and  his  son  then  returned 
to  Treves  for  the  winter,  and  celebrated  their  victory  by 
magnificent  triumphal  games.  Instead  of  again  invading 
Germany,  the  prudent  emperor  resolved  to  provide  for  the 
defence  of  Gaul ;  and  he  caused  a  chain  of  forts  and  castles 
to  be  constructed,  chiefly  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine, 
from  its  source  to  thy  ocean.  The  Germans  made  various 
attempts  to  interrupt  the  works,  especially  those  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river,  and  sometimes  with  success;  but  the  em- 
peror completed  his  design,  and  secured  the  tranquillity  of 
Gaul  for  the  remainder  of  his  rei^n. 

The  coasts  of  Gaul  and  Britain  were  now  infested  by  the 
invasions  of  the  pirates  of  the  North,  who,  united  under  the 
name  of  Sa.\ons,  (that  of  the  people  of  the  neck  of  the  Cim- 


364  VALENTINIAN,    VALENS.  [a.  D.  371. 

brie  peninsula,)  liad  long  since  commenced  that  series  of 
plundering  excursions  which  afterwards  led  to  such  im- 
portant consequences.  A  large  body  of  these  freebooters 
having  penetrated  into  Gaul,  (371,)  Severus,  the  master  of 
the  infantry,  was  sent  with  a  considerable  force  to  oppose 
them.  The  Saxons,  when  they  beheld  the  number  and  the 
arms  of  the  Romans,  declined  the  combat,  and  offered  to 
supply  a  select  number  of  their  youth  for  the  Roman  service, 
as  the  condition  of  a  safe  retreat.  The  treaty  was  con- 
cluded, the  condition  fulfilled,  and  the  Saxons  set  out  for 
the  coast.  But,  in  a  wooded  valley  on  the  way,  a  chosen 
body  of  Roman  infantry  was  posted  in  ambush  to  attack 
them  as  they  passed.  Some,  however,  of  the  soldiers  rising 
before  their  time,  the  freebooters  became  aware  of  the 
treachery  that  was  meditated,  and  stood  on  their  defence.* 
The  Romans  were  on  the  point  of  destruction,  when  a  body 
of  cuirassiers,  who  had  been  posted  with  the  same  design 
on  another  part  of  the  road,  hearing  the  din  of  combat, 
hastened  to  the  spot,  and  the  unfortunate  Saxons,  assailed  in 
front  and  rear,  were  cut  to  pieces ;  all  who  escaped  the 
sword  were  reserved  for  the  sports  of  the  amphitheatre.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  express  our  disgust  at  this  piece  of 
treachery ;  but  even  in  her  best  days  Rome  did  not  shrink 
from  breach  of  faith  and  contempt  of  engagements. 

The  coasts  of  Britain  suffered  equally  with  those  of  Gaul 
from  the  inroads  of  the  northern  pirates,  and  this  now 
wealthy  and  civilized  island  was,  in  addition,  subject  to  the 
ravages  of  a  domestic  enemy;  for,  the  avarice  of  the  military 
commanders  causing  them  to  defraud  their  soldiers  of  their 
pay,  and  to  sell  discharges  or  exemptions  from  service,  the 
discipline  of  the  troops  was  at  an  end,  and  the  highways 
were  filled  with  robbers.  The  Picts  and  Scots,  as  the  un- 
subdued natives  of  the  northern  part  of  the  island  were 
called,  poured  their  savage  hordes  down  into  the  now  de- 
fenceless province,  and  ravaged  it  fir  and  wide.  The  em- 
peror, when  intelligence  of  their  devastations  reached  him, 
selected  first  Severus,  and  then  Jovinus,  for  the  command  in 
Britain;  but  he  finally  committed  it  to  Count  Theodosius,  a 
Spaniard  by  birth,  and  an  officer  of  approved  merit  and 
capacity. 

Theodosius  landed  at  Sandwich,  (Rutupia;,)  whence  he 

**  "Ac  licet,"  says  Ainmianus,  "Justus  quidam  arbiter  reruni  factum 
incusabit  perfidum  et  defonne,  ppnsato  lamon  negotio  non  fecit  indigne 
manum  latronum  exitialem  tandem,  copia  data,  captcim." 


A.  D.  369.]  RECOVERY    OF    BRITAIN.  365 

advanced  to  London :  he  then  led  his  troops  against  the 
barbarians,  and  attacked  and  routed  their  scattered  bands, 
recovering  a  large  quantity  of  booty  and  captives.  By  pub- 
lishing an  amnesty,  he  induced  the  soldiers  who  had  deserted 
to  return  to  their  standards,  and  he  speedily  cleared  the  Ro- 
man part  of  the  island  of  its  northern  invaders.  He  restored 
all  the  cities  and  fortresses  that  had  suffered  injury  or  decay. 
The  province  which  he  recovered  from  the  enemy  he  named 
Valentia,  from  the  emperor.*  On  his  return  to  court,  (369,) 
Theodosius  was  promoted  to  the  dignity  of  master  of  the 
horse,  and  given  the  command  on  the  Upper  Danube,  where 
he  acted  with  his  usual  success  against  the  Alemans.  He 
was  then  chosen  to  suppress  a  revolt  in  Africa. 

The  military  commandant  in  that  province.  Count  Roma- 
nus,  was  one  of  those  officers,  so  common  under  all  despotic 
governments,  who,  heedless  of  justice  and  of  the  welfare  of 
the  people,  think  only  of  gratifying  their  pride  and  avarice. 
Relying  on  the  influence  of  his  kinsman  Remigius,  the  mas- 
ter of  the  offices,  he  set  at  nought  the  prayers  and  complaints 
of  the  provincials,  and  he  suffered  them  to  become  the  prey 
of  the  barbarians  if  they  did  not  come  up  to  his  demands. 
The  people  of  Tripolis,  who  had  thus  been  abandoned  to 
the  Ga;tulians,  ventured  to  send  deputies  with  their  com- 
plaints to  the  emperor;  and  the  charge  of  examining  into 
the  state  of  the  province  was  committed  to  the  notary  Palla- 
dius.  But  this  man  had  been  selected  by  the  influence  of 
Remigius,  and  consequently  his  report  asserted  the  inno- 
cence of  Romanus,  and  the  falsehood  of  the  charges  made 
by  the  Tripolitans.  The  deaths  and  mutilations  of  some 
of  their  most  distinguished  citizens,  under  a  barbarous  de- 
cree of  the  deceived  emperor,  ensued  ;  and  Romanus  contin- 
ued his  career  of  tyranny  and  extortion  till  his  excesses  forced 
the  people  to  declare  for  a  Moorish  prince,  who  had  been 
driven  into  insurrection. 

The  name  of  this  prince  was  Firmus,  the  son  of  Nabal. 
In  a  domestic  quarrel,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  he  hap- 
pened to  kill  one  of  his  brothers;  and  Romanus,  prompted 

*  "  Recuperatamque  provinciam,  qusB  in  ditionem  concesserat  hos- 
tium,  ita  reddidcrat  statui  prislino,  ut  eodem  referenle  et  rectorem  ha- 
beret  leiritiimim,  et  Valentia  deinde  vocaretur  arbitrio  Principis  velut 
ovantis."  Am.  Mar.  xxviii.  13.  This  does  not  justify  the  languacre  of 
Gibbon,  that  Theodosius  "  with  a  strong  hand  confined  the  trembling 
Caledonians  to  tlie  northern  angle  of  the  island  ;  and  perpetuated,  by 
the  name  and  settlement  of  the  new  province  of  Valentia,  the  glories 
of  the  reign  of  V'alentinian." 
"     31* 


366  VALENTINIAN,    VALENS.  [a.  D.  373-376. 

by  hatred  or  avarice,  or  it  may  be  by  a  regard  for  justice, 
showed  such  a  determination  to  punish  him,  that  Firmus 
saw  that  he  must  submit  to  be  executed  or  appeal  to  his 
sword.  He  chose  the  latter  alternative ;  thousands  flocked 
to  his  standard:  Romanus  proved  unable  to  resist  him,  and 
the  charge  of  reducing  him  was  committed  to  the  able  Theo- 
dosius,  (373.)  The  contest  between  this  officer  and  Firmus 
resembled  that  between  Metellus  and  Jugurtha,  in  the  same 
country.  The  arts  of  the  African  were  encountered  with  cor- 
responding dissimulation  ;  the  Roman  general,  at  the  head  of 
an  expedite  force  of  less  than  4,000  men,  traversed  the  coun- 
try in  all  directions,  and  a  Moorish  prince,  with  whom  Fir- 
mus had  sought  refuge,  resolved  to  imitate  the  conduct  of 
Bocchus,  and  obtain  the  favor  of  the  victor  by  the  surrender 
of  the  fugitive.  Firmus,  however,  anticipated  his  treachery 
by  a  voluntary  death. 

The  fate  of  Theodosius  himself  may  here  be  told.  He 
had  committed  Romanus  to  safe  custody  on  his  landing  in 
Africa,  and  abundant  evidence  of  that  officer's  guilt  had 
been  procured.  But  court  favor  availed  to  procure  delay ; 
bribery  brought  forward  friendly  witnesses,  and  forgery  pro- 
duced favorable  documents;  and  the  final  result  was,  that  the 
guilty  Romanus  escaped  with  impunity,  while  the  innocent 
Theodosius,  after  death  had  removed  Valentinian,  who  knew 
his  worth,  was,  through  court  intrigue,  seized  and  beheaded 
at  Carthage,  on  a  vague  suspicion  that  he  was  grown  too 
powerful  for  a  subject!  (376.) 

While  Theodosius  was  engaged  in  the  reduction  of  Af- 
rica, a  war  with  the  once  formidable  Quadaiis  engaged  the 
arms  of  Valentinian  in  person.  In  pursuance  of  his  plan 
of  securing  the  banks  of  the  frontier  rivers  by  fortresses,  the 
ground  for  one  of  them  was  marked  out  on  what  the  Qua- 
dans  claimed  as  their  territory.  On  their  complaint,  Equi- 
tius,  who  con)manded  in  Illyricum,  suspended  the  works  till  he 
should  have  received  further  instructions  from  the  emperor. 
His  enemy  Maximin,  the  tyrannic  prefect  of  Gaul,  seized  this 
occasion  for  injuring  him  in  the  mind  of  Valentinian,  and  of 
procuring  the  command  of  the  province  of  Valeria  (the  scene 
of  the  dispute)  for  his  own  son  Marccllinus.  The  passion- 
ate and  credulous  emperor  was  easily  induced  to  comply 
with  his  desire,  and  that  important  command  was  intrusted 
to  an  inexperienced  and  insolent  youth.  On  his  arrival  in 
the  province,  Marcellinus  caused  the  works  which  Iv.;uitius 
iiad  suspended  to  be  resumed;  and  when  Gabinius,  the  Qua- 


A.D.  375.]  QUADAN    WAR.  367 

dan  king,  modestly  remonstrated,  he  invited  liim  to  a  ban- 
quet, affecting  a  willingness  to  comply  with  his  wishes,  and 
caused  him,  as  he  was  departing  from  it,  to  be  assassinated. 
The  murder  of  their  king  exasperated  the  Q,uadans;  and, 
having  procured  the  aid  of  a  body  of  horse  from  tiieir  usual 
allies,  the  Sarmatians,  they  crossed  the  Danube,  and  invaded 
Pannonia.  It  was  now  the  harvest-time,  and  the  population 
were  all  engaged  in  their  rural  toils.  The  slaughter  of  the 
defenceless  peasantry  was  therefore  immense,  and  huge 
quantities  of  booty  were  carried  over  the  Danube.  The 
ravages  of  the  invaders  extended  to  the  very  walls  of  Sirmi- 
um.  The  two  only  legions  which  Equitiiis  could  bring  into 
the  field  were  cut  to  pieces.  The  Sarmatians,  following  the 
example  of  their  allies,  invaded  Moesia;  but  the  young  Thco- 
dosius,  who,  though  only  a  youth,  held  the  ])ost  of  duke  of 
that  frontier,  routed  them  in  several  encounters,  and  forced 
them  to  retire,  and  sue  for  peace. 

In  the  following  spring,  (375,)  the  emperor  Valentinian 
quitted  Treves,  his  ordinary  residence,  and,  at  the  iiead  of 
the  greater  part  of  the  troops  of  Gaul,  appeared  on  the 
banks  of  the  Danube.  He  crossed  that  river,  and,  having 
devastated  the  duadan  country  far  and  wide,  repassed  it 
without  having  lost  a  single  man  of  his  army.  As  he  in- 
tended to  return  and  complete  the  destruction  of  the  Qua- 
dans  in  the  following  year,  he  fixed  his  winter  quarters  at  a 
place  named  Bregilio,  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  near  the 
site  of  the  modern  city  of  Presburg.  While  he  abode  there, 
he  was  waited  on  by  ambassadors  from  that  people,  suing 
for  peace  in  the  humblest  terms.  In  his  reply,  he  gave  a 
loose  to  his  violent  passions,  reproaching  the  envoys  and 
those  who  sent  them,  in  the  most  opprobrious  terms.  The 
violence  of  his  exertions  caused  him  to  burst  a  blood-vessel, 
and  he  fell  back  speechless  into  the  arms  of  his  attendants. 
He  expired  within  a  few  hours,  (Nov.  17,)  in  the  fifty-fifth 
year  of  his  age,  and  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years  wanting 
one  hundred   days. 

Valentinian  is  praised  as  a  brave  soldier,  a  lover  of  justice, 
a  man  frugal,  temperate,  and  chaste,  in  private  life.  He  alle- 
viated, when  he  could,  the  burdens  of  his  subjects;  he  was  a 
rigid  maintainer  of  discipline  in  the  army.  Above  all,  he 
was  tolerant  in  religion,  and  did  not  seek  to  impose  his  own 
faith  on  his  subjects  by  force  or  by  disqualifications.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  was  choleric  and  cruel ;  the  slightest  offences 
were  punished  by  a  cruel  death,  and  the  sentence  at  times 


368  VALENS,    GRATIAN,    ETC.  [a.  D.  375. 

was  passed  in  a  tone  of  barbarous  jocularity.  He  had  two 
she-bears,  which  he  named  Gold-grain  {Mica  aiirea)  and  In- 
nocence. These  animals,  who  were  accustomed  to  tear 
human  victims,  were  such  favorites  with  him  that  he  caused 
their  dens  to  be  constructed  near  his  own  bed-chamber,  and 
assigned  them  keepers,  whose  task  was  to  foster  their  natural 
ferocity.  We  are  not  informed  of  the  fate  of  Gold-grain, 
but  Innocence,  after  a  long  course  of  service,  was  let  loose 
in  the  woods. 


Valens,  Gratian,    Valentinian  II. 
A.  u.  1128— 1131.     A.  D.  375—378. 

The  late  emperor  had,  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  asso- 
ciated in  the  empire  with  himself  and  his  brother,  his  son 
Gratian,  then  a  boy  in  his  ninth  year.  This  prince,  who 
was  now  in  his  seventeenth  year,  was  residing  at  Treves 
when  the  death  of  his  father  occurred.  His  absence  im- 
boldened  two  officers  of  rank,  Merobaudes  and  Equitius,  to 
make  an  attempt  to  advance  their  own  interest  by  adding  to 
the  number  of  the  emperors  ;  and,  having  contrived  to  re- 
move the  Gallic  troops,  from  whom  they  apprehended  oppo- 
sition, they  brought  to  the  camp  Valentinian,  the  half-brother 
of  Gratian,  a  child  only  four  years  old,  who  was  residing 
with  his  mother,  the  empress  Justina,  at  a  country-seat  one 
hundred  miles  distant  from  Bregilio,  and  invested  him  with 
the  purple.  Gratian,  a  prudent  and  moderate  prince,  did 
not  show  any  resentment  at  this  act  of  assumption.  He  ac- 
cepted his  infant  colleague,  to  whom  he  acted  as  a  kind  and 
attentive  guardian.  The  portion  of  the  empire  assigned  to 
the  young  emperor  was  Illyricum,  Italy,  and  Africa;  and  he 
and  his  mother  fixed  their  residence  at  Milan. 

Since  the  fall  of  Procopius,  the  emperor  Valens  had 
reigned  in  security.  The  settlement  of  the  thrones  of  Ibe- 
ria and  Armenia  had  caused  some  hostile  demonstrations 
between  him  and  the  great  Sapor;  but  the  Roman  was 
timid,  and  age  had  softened  the  energy  of  the  Persian,  and 
their  differences  were  settled  by  negotiation.  After  the  death 
of  his  brother,  Valens  found  himself  obliged  to  take  the  field 
in  person  against  a  formidable  enemy;  and  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  empire  is,  with  some  appearance  of  reason,  dated 
from  this   inauspicious   period. 


A.  D.  375.]  THE    GOTHS.  369 

The  great  Gothic  nation,  whose  steps  we  have  traced 
from  the  North  to  the  Euxine,  consisted  of  two  main  stems, 
the  Ostrogoths,  or  East-goths,  and  the  "Visigoths,  or  West- 
goths.  The  monarcli  of  the  former,  named  Hermanric,  had, 
according  to  the  chroniclers  of  his  nation,  at  the  advanced 
age  of  eighty  years,  the  period  when  most  men  have  ceased 
from  their  labors,  commenced  a  career  of  conquest  which 
extended  his  dominion  back  to  the  shores  of  tlie  Baltic. 
The  kings  of  tiie  Visigoths  were  obliged  to  renounce  the 
royal  title,  and  be  content  with  (he  humbler  rank  of  Judges; 
and  Hermanric  was  the  acknowledged  monarch  of  Scythia. 
The  aid  given  to  Procopius  having  caused  hostilities  between 
him  and  the  emperor  Valens,  the  Gothic  sovereign  committed 
the  conduct  of  the  war  to  Athanaric,  one  of  the  Judges  of 
the  Visigotiis ;  it  was  terminated  by  a  treaty  in  the  year  3G9, 
and  the  Goths  remained  trancjuil  till  the  year  of  the  death 
of  Valentinian,  when  the  appearance  of  an  enemy  from  the 
remote  regions  of  the  East  precipitated  them  on  the  Roman 
empire. 

The  extensive  plains  of  northern  Asia,  from  the  confines 
of  Europe,  or  rather  from  those  of  the  territory  of  the  great 
Slavonian  portion  of  the  human  family,  to  the  shores  of  the 
eastern  ocean,  have  from  time  immemorial  been  the  abode 
of  two  races  of  men.  The  one,  known  to  the  ancients  by 
the  name  of  Scythians,  to  the  moderns  by  that  of  Turks, 
has  always  occupied  the  western  portion  of  these  plains;  and 
it  is  of  this  people  that  historians  speak  when  they  narrate 
the  wars  and  conquests  of  tlie  Scythians.  They  are  tall, 
well-formed,  and  fair,  and  belong  to  what  is  termed  the 
Caucasian  or  Indo-German  portion  of  mankind.  The  other 
race,  long  unknown  to  the  ancients,  are  termed  Mongols  or 
Tatars;  their  original  seats  are  to  the  east  of  those  of  the 
Turks ;  and  their  physical  qualities,  such  as  their  extreme 
ugliness,  their  thin  beards,  the  great  breadth  between  their 
eyes,  and  other  marks,  indicate  them  to  belong  to  a  different 
portion  of  the  human  race. 

To  the  south  of  the  seats  of  the  Mongols  lies  the  exten- 
sive empire  of  China,  the  inhabitants  of  which  appear  to 
belong  to  the  Mongol  family.  The  annals  of  this  people 
tell  of  numerous  wars  between  them  and  their  barbarous 
kinsmen  of  the  north.  Some  time  before  the  period  of 
which  we  write,  the  arms  of  China  had  prevailed ;  the  power 
of  the  Mongols  had  been  broken,   and  a  large  portion  of 

V  V 


370  VALENS,    GRATIAN,    ETC.    [a.  D.  375-376. 

their  warriors  had,  with  their  flocks  and  herds,  moved  west- 
ward in  quest  of  new  settlements.  The  Huns,  as  that  por- 
tion of  the  Mongols  of  whom  we  treat  were  named,  ad- 
vanced till  they  encountered  the  Alans,  who  dwelt  between 
the  Volga  and  the  Don,  or  Tanais,  on  the  banks  of  which 
latter  stream  the  forces  of  the  two  nations  engaged.  The 
king  of  the  Alans  was  slain,  and  victory  crowned  the  arms 
of  the  Huns.  A  portion  of  the  vanquished  people  migrated; 
the  rest  submitted,  and  were  incorporated  with  the  conquer- 
ors, who  then  entered  the  territories  of  the  Gothic  monarch, 
(375,)  whose  tyranny  had  made  him  odious  to  the  greater 
part  of  his  subjects,  and  caused  them  to  view  the  progress 
of  the  Huns  with  indifference.  Some  time  before,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  desertion  of  a  chief  of  the  Roxolans,  Her- 
manric  had  caused  his  innocent  wife  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by 
wild  horses,  and  her  brothers  now  seized  the  occasion  for 
vengeance.  Hermanric  perished  by  their  daggers,  and  his 
son  and  successor,  Withimer,  fell  in  battle  acrainst  the  Huns. 
The  greater  part  of  the  nation  of  the  Ostrogoths  forthwith 
submitted  ;  but  the  more  generous  portion,  with  their  infant 
sovereign  Witheric,  and  led  by  two  brave  chiefs  named 
Saphrax  and  Aletheus,  penetrated  to  the  banks  of  the  Nies- 
ter,  which  Athanaric  occupied  at  the  head  of  the  warriors 
of  the  Visigoths.  The  Hunnish  hordes  soon  appeared,  and 
by  causing  a  large  body  of  their  cavalry  to  ford  the  river  by 
moonlight  and  surround  the  Goths,  they  forced  them  to  retire 
and  seek  the  shelter  of  the  hills.  Athanaric  had  arrano-ed 
anew  plan  of  defence;  but  his  people  had  lost  courage,  and, 
under  the  guidance  of  their  two  other  Judaes,  Friticrern  and 
Alavivus,  they  approached  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  seeking 
the  protection  of  the  Roman  emperor,  (376.) 

The  Gothic  envoys  proceeded  to  Antioch,  where  Valens 
was  then  residing.  Their  request  was  taken  into  consider- 
ation by  the  emperor  and  his  council ;  and  it  was  decided  to 
give  them  a  settlement  within  the  bounds  of  the  empire,  on 
the  condition  of  their  delivering  up  their  arms  before  they 
passed  the  river,  and  suffering  their  children  to  be  separated 
from  them,  and  dispersed  through  the  cities  of  Asia,  to  serve 
as  hostages,  and  be  brought  up  in  Roman  manners.  Under 
the  pressure  of  necessity,  the  Goths  consented  to  these  terms  ; 
and  orders  for  their  transportation  were  then  issued  to  the 
imperial  officers.  As  the  stream  of  the  Danube  was  rapid, 
swollen,  and  a  mile  in  breadth,  many  perished  in  the  pas- 
sage; but  we  are  assured  that  at  the  least  two  hundred  thou- 


A.  D.  376.]  THE    GOTHS.  371 

sand  Gothic  warriors,  with  their  wives,  children,  and  slaves, 
were  safely  landed  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river.  The 
hostages  were  delivered  according  to  agreement :  but  to  retain 
their  arms  they  consented  to  prostitute  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, and  to  sacrifice  their  most  precious  possessions;  and 
the  lust  and  avarice  of  the  imperial  officers  caused  them  to 
endanger  the  peace  of  the  empire  for  their  gratification.  A 
powerful  Gothic  army  thus  occupied  the  hills  and  plains  of 
Lower  Moesia.  Soon  after,  Saphrax  and  Aletheus,  with  their 
Ostrogoths,  appeared  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube  imploring 
a  passage ;  but  Valens,  now  become  alarmed,  dismissed  their 
envoys  with  a  refusal. 

Prudence  and  policy  equally  counselled  that  so  formidable 
a  host  as  that  of  the  Visigoths  should  have  been  managed 
delicately,  and  the  utmost  care  been  taken  to  avoid  giving 
them  any  cause  of  irritation.  But  Lupicinus  and  Maximus, 
the  governors  of  the  province,  thought  only  of  indulging 
their  avarice.  The  vilest  food,  such  as  the  flesh  of  dogs,  was 
supplied  to  them ;  to  obtain  a  pound  of  bread  they  had  to 
give  a  slave,  and  to  pay  ten  pounds  of  silver  for  a  small 
quantity  of  flesh  meat ;  and  when  all  their  property  had  thus 
been  expended,  want  impelled  them  to  the  sale  of  their  sons 
and  daughters.  Their  patience  was  at  length  exhausted,  and 
their  menaces  alarmed  Lupicinus  and  Maximus,  who  there- 
fore resolved  to  disperse  them  along  the  frontiers  without 
delay.  With  this  view  they  drew  around  them  all  the  troops 
they  could  assemble ;  and,  as  they  in  consequence  removed 
those  that  were  watching  the  Ostrogoths,  that  people  seized 
the  opportunity  of  crossing  the  river  on  rafts  and  in  boats, 
and  encamped,  unshackled  by  conditions,  on  the  Roman 
territory.  The  Visigoths,  conducted  by  Fritigern,  in  com- 
pliance with  the  orders  of  the  Roman  general,  advanced  to 
Marcianopolis,  seventy  miles  inland  from  the  Danube.  Here, 
however,  they  were  refused  a  market ;  and  a  quarrel  in  con- 
sequence arose  between  them  and  the  Roman  soldiers,  in 
which  some  blood  was  spilt.  Lupicinus,  who  was  at  the 
time  entertaining  the  Gothic  chiefs,  when  informed  of  this 
event,  gave  orders  for  their  guards  to  be  slain.  Fritigern, 
hearing  the  noise,  drew  his  sword,  and,  calling  on  his  com- 
panions to  follow  him,  forced  his  way  through  the  crowd, 
and  rejoined  his  countrymen  without  the  walls.  Their 
banners  were  instantly  raised,  and  their  horns  sounded, 
according  to  their  custom,  for  war.  Lupicinus,  at  the  head 
of  what  troops  he  could  collect,  marched  out  against  them. 


372  VALENS,    GRATIAN,    ETC.     [a.  D.  377-378 

The  engagement  took  place  about  nine  miles  from  Marcian- 
opolis  ;  and  it  terminated  in  the  total  defeat  of  the  Romans. 
The  unprotected  country  soon  felt  the  effects  of  the  Gothic 
victory;  the  husbandmen  were  massacred  or  enslaved,  the 
villages  were  plundered  and  burnt.  A  body  of  Goths  in 
the  Roman  service,  who  were  quartered  at  Hadrianople, 
were  driven  into  insurrection  by  the  imprudent  violence 
of  the  governor  of  that  town.  They  joined  their  victorious 
countrymen,  and  their  united  forces  laid  siege  to  the  city. 
But  the  Goths  knew  nothing  of  sieges,  and  Fritigern  drew 
them  off,  declaring  that  "  he  was  at  peace  with  stone  walls." 
The  slaves  who  wrought  in  the  gold-mines  of  Thrace  lied  to 
the  invaders,  and  revealed  to  them  all  the  recesses  in  the 
mountains  in  which  the  inhabitants  had  concealed  themselves 
with  their  cattle  and  property.  Enormities  of  every  kind 
were  perpetrated  on  the  unhappy  people  of  the  country, 
(377.) 

To  check  the  excesses  of  the  barbarians,  Valens  sent  the 
troops  of  the  East,  under  his  generals  Trajan  and  Profuturus, 
with  whom  Richomer,  count  of  the  domestics  in  the  Western 
empire,  united  his  forces,  and  it  was  resolved  to  seek  out 
and  attack  the  enemy.  The  Goths,  who  had  repassed 
Mount  HtEmus,  were  now  encamped  in  the  plain  adjacent 
to  the  most  southern  of  the  mouths  of  the  Danube.  When 
the  approach  of  the  Roman  army  was  discerned,  Fritigern 
summoned  all  the  scattered  warriors  to  his  standard,  and  an 
action  was  fought,  which,  after  lasting  from  dawn  till  dusk, 
terminated  in  the  decisive  advantage  of  neither  party.  For 
the  seven  following  days,  the  Goths  remained  within  their 
camp,  which  was  secured,  according  to  the  custom  of  their 
race,  by  a  strong  circuit  of  wagons.  The  plan  of  the  Ro- 
man generals  was  to  confine  them  to  the  angle  which  they 
occupied,  till  famine,  by  its  sure  operation,  should  have  re- 
duced them.  But  while,  with  this  view,  they  were  fortifying 
their  lines,  they  learned  that  Fritigern  had  formed  a  league 
with  the  Ostrogoths,  and  had  even  induced  a  large  number 
of  the  Huns  and  Alans  to  join  his  standard.  The  Romans, 
fearful  of  beincj  surrounded,  abandoned  the  siege  of  the 
Gothic  camp,  and  retired ;  and  the  liberated  Goths  rapidly 
spread  their  devastations  as  far  as  the  Hellespont,  (378.) 

Valens  had  early  sought  the  aid  of  his  nephew  and  col- 
league Gratian ;  and  that  gallant  young  emperor  was  pre- 
paring to  lead  the  forces  of  the  West  to  the  deliverance  of 
the  East,  when  the  Alemans,  learning  his  design,  and  perhaps 


A.  D.  378.]  GOTHIC    WAR.  373 

acting  in  concert  with  the  Goths,  passed  the  Rhine  to  the 
number  of  forty  tliousand.  The  troops  which  had  been  sent 
on  to  Pannonia  were  recalled,  and  Gratian,  guided  by  the 
military  experience  and  wisdom  of  his  general  Nanienus,  and 
of  Mellobaudes,  king  of  the  Franks,  and  count  of  the  do- 
mestics, gave  the  barbarians  battle  at  Colmar  {Argmtaria) 
in  Alsace.  The  victory  of  the  Romans  was  decisive ;  the 
king  of  the  Alemans  was  slain ;  and  of  their  entire  host  not 
more  than  five  thousand  men  escaped  from  the  field  of  battle. 
Gratian  then  invaded  their  country,  and  forced  them  to  sue 
for  peace. 

While  Gratian  was  thus  inspiring  his  subjects  with  ad- 
miration and  respect  for  their  youthful  emperor,  Valens  had 
reached  Constantinople,  where,  urged  by  the  clamors  of  the 
populace,  and  inspirited  by  the  recent  successes  of  some  of 
his  generals,  he  resolved  to  assume  in  person  the  conduct  of 
the  war  against  the  barbarians :  and  he  set  out  at  the  head 
of  a  large  army.  The  Goths  had  proposed  to  occupy  the 
defiles  on  the  road  from  that  city  to  Hadrianople ;  but  the 
march  of  the  imperial  troops  was  conducted  with  so  much 
skill  and  celerity,  that  they  reached  the  latter  place  unim- 
peded, and  secured  themselves  in  a  strong  camp  beneath  its 
walls.  A  council  was  held  to  decide  on  future  operations. 
Count  Richomer,  whom  Gratian  had  despatched  with  intel- 
ligence of  his  victories,  and  with  assurances  of  his  speedy 
approach,  urged  strongly  the  prudence  of  waiting  for  the 
arrival  of  the  Gallic  legions ;  his  advice  was  seconded  by 
Victor,  the  master  of  the  horse,  a  Sarmatian  by  birth,  but  a 
cautious  and  prudent  man.  On  the  other  hand.  Count  Se- 
bastian and  the  court  flatterers  advised  against  sharing  with 
a  colleague  the  glory  of  a  certain  victory.  Their  counsels, 
aided  by  the  jealousy  of  Valens,  prevailed.  While  prepara- 
tions were  being  made  for  battle,  a  Christian  presbyter  ar- 
rived as  the  envoy  of  Fritigern.  The  public  letters  of  which 
he  was  the  bearer,  craved  that  Thrace,  with  all  its  cattle  and 
corn,  should  be  given  to  his  people  as  the  condition  of  a 
perpetual  peace;  but  he  was  also  commissioned  to  deliver  a 
private  letter,  in  which  Fritigern,  writing  as  a  friend,  said  that 
he  should  never  be  able  to  bring  his  countrymen  to  agree  to 
any  terms  unless  the  imperial  army  were  close  at  hand  to 
daunt  them  by  its  presence.  The  object  of  the  wily  Goth 
was  to  bring  on  a  speedy  engagement. 

At  dawn  the  following  day,  (Aug.  9,)  the  legions  of  the  East 
were  in  motion,  the  imperial  treasure  and  insignia  being  left 

CONTIN.  32 


3T4  VALENS,  GRATIAN,  ETC.      [a.  D.  378 

within  the  walls  of  Hadrianople.  Toward  noon  the  wag- 
on-fence of  the  enemy,  twelve  miles  from  the  city,  was 
discerned.  The  Romans  began  to  form  their  line  of  battle; 
the  Goths,  as  the  troops  of  Aletheus  and  Saphrax  were  not 
yet  come  up,  sent  again  illusive  proposals  of  peace,  and, 
while  time  was  thus  gained,  the  effects  of  the  heat  of  the 
burning  sun  were  augmented  by  the  Goths  setting  fire  to  the 
grass  and  wood  of  the  surrounding  country.  The  Romans 
also  suffered  from  want  of  food ;  and  at  length  the  arrival  of 
Saphrax  and  Aletheus  put  an  end  to  all  negotiation,  and  the 
battle  commenced.  The  horse  of  the  Roman  left  wing  pen- 
etrated to  the  enemy's  line  of  wagons,  but,  being  unsupported, 
was  overthrown  and  scattered  ;  and  the  foot,  being  thus  left 
without  protection,  and  crowded  into  too  narrow  a  space  to 
be  able  to  use  their  arms  to  advantage,  were  crushed  by  the 
masses  of  the  enemy.  After  a  long  but  fruitless  resistance, 
they  fled  in  all  directions.  The  emperor  sought  refuge 
among  the  troops  named  Lancearians  and  Mattiarians,  from 
their  weapons,  who  still  stood  their  ground.  Count  Trajan 
crying  out  that  all  was  lost  if  the  emperor  were  not  saved. 
Count  Victor  hastened  to  the  spot  with  the  reserve  of  Bata- 
vians;  but  the  emperor  was  nowhere  to  be  found,  and  the 
furious  onset  of  the  Goths  soon  forced  all  to  provide  for  their 
own  safety.  A  moonless  night  terminated  the  rout,  and 
aided  the  escape  of  the  vanquished  Romans.  Since  the  day 
of  Cannae,  no  such  calamity  had  befallen  the  Roman  arms. 
Scarcely  a  third  part  of  the  army  quitted  the  field.  Among 
the  slain  were  the  Counts  Trajan,  Sebastian,  Valerian,  and 
Equitius,  and  six-and-thirty  other  olRcers  of  rank. 

The  fate  of  Valens  himself  was  nevor  exactly  known. 
Some  said  that  at  nightfall  he  fell  mortally  wounded  by  an 
arrow,  and  that  his  body,  confounded  among  those  of  the 
common  soldiers,  could  never  be  recognized.  Others  as- 
serted that,  when  he  was  wounded,  some  of  his  guards  and 
eunuchs  conveyed  him  to  a  neighboring  cottage,  and,  wlule 
they  were  engaged  in  trying  to  dress  his  wound,  the  enemy 
surrounded  the  house,  and,  being  unable  to  force  the  doors, 
heaped  straw  and  wood  against  them,  and,  setting  fire  to 
these  materials,  burned  the  house  and  all  within  it.  One  of 
the  guards,  who  escaped  out  of  a  window,  survived  to  tell 
the  story. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  emperor  Valens,  in  the  fiftieth 
year  of  his  age,  and  the  fourteenth  of  his  reign.  lie  is  said 
to  have  been  a  firm   friend,  a  rigid  maintainer  of  both  civil 


A.D.  378.]  GOTHIC    WAR.  375 

and  military  order,  a  mild  ruler  of  the  provinces.  He  was 
also  moderately  liberal.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  charged 
with  avarice,  indolence,  severity  bordering  on  cruelty  ;  and 
it  is  added,  that,  though  afTecting  a  great  regard  to  justice, 
he  would  never  allow  the  judges  to  give  any  sentence  but 
such  as  he  wished.  In  religion,  he  was  an  Arian ;  and  the 
Catholics  underwent  some  persecution  during  his  reign. 

On  the  morning  after  the  battle,  the  Goths,  eager  to  pos- 
sess the  wealth  of  which  they  knew  it  to  be  the  depot,  sur- 
rounded the  walls  of  Hadrianople.  The  soldiers  and  camp 
followers,  who  had  been  shut  out  of  the  town,  fought  with 
desperate  resolution,  and  kept  them  at  bay  for  the  s{)ace  of 
five  hours;  and  the  imprudent  slaughter  of  three  hundred 
men  who  went  over  to  them,  showed  that  safety  only  lay  in 
valor  and  constancy.  A  violent  tempest  at  last  forced  the 
Goths  to  return  to  their  wagon-camp.  They  again  had  re- 
course to  negotiation,  and  then  tried  the  way  of  treachery. 
Some  of  the  guards  had  deserted  to  them,  and  they  induced 
these  men  to  return  to  the  city  as  if  they  had  made  their 
escape,  and,  if  admitted,  they  were  to  set  fire  to  a  part  of 
the  town,  in  order  that,  while  the  besieged  were  enorased  in 
quenching  the  flames,  the  Goths  might  seize  the  opportunity 
of  breaking  in  at  some  unguarded  place.  The  traitors  were 
admitted  ;  but  the  discrepancy  in  their  account  of  the  designs 
of  the  enemy  caused  them  to  be  put  to  the  torture,  and  the 
truth  was  thus  discovered.  The  Goths,  in  the  morning,  re- 
newed the  assault ;  but  the  defence  was  resolute  as  ever,  and 
they  retired  in  the  evening,  accusing  one  another  of  madness 
in  not  attendincr  to  the  counsel  of  Fritiffern,  and  avoiding  all 
dealings  with  stone  walls.  They  departed  the  next  day, 
and  directed  their  course  for  the  capital.  They  plundered 
and  wasted  all  the  circumjacent  country ;  but  thev  feared  the 
strength  of  the  walls  and  the  magnitude  of  the  population  of 
the  city.  While  they  were  insulting  its  strength,  a  squadron 
of  Saracenic  light  horse,  which  had  lately  arrived,  issued 
from  one  of  the  gates  and  attacked  them.  The  conflict  was 
well  maintained  and  dubious;  but  when  the  Goths  beheld 
an  Arab  warrior,  half  naked,  with  his  loner  hair  hanrrinor 
about  him,  raise  a  hoarse  and  dismal  chant,  and,  drawing 
his  dagger,  rush  into  the  midst  of  their  ranks,  and,  putting 
his  mouth  to  the  throat  of  one  whom  he  had  slain,  suck  his 
blood,  they  were  filled  with  horror  and  disgust.  They  short- 
ly after  withdrew  with  their  booty  to  the  northern  provinces, 
and  spread  their  ravages  as  far  as  the  Adriatic. 


376  GRATIAN,    ETC.  [a.  D.  379. 

Meantime,  an  act  of  barbarous,  and  therefore  questiona- 
ble, policy  was  put  in  practice  by  Julius,  wlio  commanded 
beyond  Mount  Taurus.  Apprehending  danger  from  the 
Gothic  youth  who  were  dispersed  in  the  various  towns  and 
cities,  he,  with  the  consent  of  the  senate  of  Constantinople, 
issued  orders  to  their  commanders,  who  happened  to  be  all 
Romans,  (a  thing,  as  Ammianus  observes,  very  rare  in  those 
days,)  to  assemble  them  all  on  a  certain  day,  as  if  to  receive 
their  promised  pay,  and  then  to  slaughter  them.  The  orders 
were  executed;  the  Goths  were  collected,  unarmed,  in  the 
squares  of  the  towns,  the  avenues  were  guarded,  and,  from 
the  tops  of  the  adjacent  buildings,  the  soldiers  overwhelmed 
them  with  their  weapons.* 


Gratian,   Valentiiiian  II.,  and  Theodosius. 
A.  u.  1131—1136.     A.  D.  378—383. 

Gratian  had  been  on  his  march  to  aid  his  uncle,  when  he 
heard  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  that  ill-fated  prince.  He 
forthwith  halted,  and,  taking  into  serious  consideration  the 
state  of  the  empire,  and  knowing  that  the  West  would  de- 
mand his  own  undivided  attention,  he  saw  clearly  the  neces- 
sity of  selecting  some  one,  in  whose  character  the  general 
and  the  statesman  should  be  united,  to  take  the  charge  of  the 
East.  Acting  on  the  wisdom  which  experience  had  taught, 
he  resolved  that  the  person  selected  should  be  his  colleague 
in  the  empire,  and  not  a  subordinate  officer ;  and  the  choice 
which  he  made  was  alike  honorable  to  himself  and  its  object. 

The  person  selected  by  Gratian  for  the  high  dignity  of 
emperor  of  the  East  was  the  son  of  that  Theodosius, 
who,  only  three  years  before,  had  been  put  to  death  by  his 
own  authority.  The  younger  Theodosius  had,  on  that  oc- 
casion, craved  leave  to  resign  his  command ;  and,  having 
obtained  it,  he  had  retired  to  his  native  country,  Spain,  and 
fixed  his  residence  on  his  paternal  estate  at  Coco,  between 
Valladolid  and  Segovia,  lie  there  divided  his  time  between 
the  town  and  the  country  ;  and  the  care  and  the  improvement 
of  his  property  formed   his  chief  occupation.     While  thus 

*  Zosimus  (who  is  followed  by  Gibbon)  says  that  they  were  the 
Gothic  youths  who  had  been  delivered  up  to  Valens.  Ammianua 
seems  to  speak  of  them  as  Goths  in  the  Roman  service.  This  writer  8 
valuable  history  ends  at  this  point. 


A.  D.  379-3S2.]  THEODosius.  377 

engaged,  he  was  summoned  to  receive  the  purple,  with  which 
he  was  invested  by  Gratian  in  the  city  of  Sirmium,  (Jan.  19, 
379,)  amid  the  favoring  acchimations  of  the  soldiers  and  the 
people.  Theodosius  was  now  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his 
age;  his  person  and  countenance  displayed  manly  vigor  and 
dignity;  and  time  proved  that  the  qualities  of  his  heart  corre- 
sponded to  those  outward  charms  which  captivated  the  vulgar. 
No  man  ever  attained  to  empire  in  a  more  honorable  man- 
ner ;  the  slightest  vestige  of  intritrue  or  manceuvre  is  not  to 
be  discerned;  his  country  was  in  danger,  and  a  noble-minded 
prince  summoned  to  its  aid  the  man  deemed  most  capable 
of  delivering  it  from  its  enemies;  for  we  must  not  refuse  the 
meed  of  praise  to  Gratian,  who  could  intrust  such  power  to 
a  man  whose  father  had  been  murdered  in  his  name. 

Theodosius  did  not  venture  to  lead  the  dispirited  troops 
of  the  East  into  the  field  against  the  Goths.  He  fixed  his 
own  residence  at  Thessalonica,  and  caused  the  fortifications 
of  the  other  towns  to  be  strengthened.  By  frequent  sallies, 
the  soldiers  were  taught  to  encounter  the  barbarians ;  grad- 
ually, small  armies  were  formed,  and,  by  well-concerted  ope- 
rations, victories  were  gained.  This  Fabian  policy  was 
aided  by  the  dissensions  which  naturally  broke  out  among 
the  various  bodies  of  the  barbarians  when  the  able  Fritigern 
was  removed  by  death.  A  Gothic  chief,  of  royal  blood, 
named  Modar,  entered  the  service  of  Theodosius,  who  gave 
him  a  high  military  command  ;  and  he  surprised  and  cut  to 
pieces  a  large  body  of  his  countrymen.  Athanaric,  who  had 
emerged  from  his  retirement  after  the  death  of  Fritigern, 
and  prevailed  on  the  greater  part  of  the  Visigoths  to  submit 
to  his  rule,  was  now  advanced  in  years,  and  disposed  to 
peace.  He  therefore  listened  to  the  proposals  of  Theodo- 
sius, and  concluded  a  treaty.  The  emperor  advanced  to 
meet  him  at  some  distance  from  Constantinople,  and  Atha- 
naric accompanied  him  to  that  city.  The  Gothic  prince 
was  amazed  at  its  strength  and  magnificence ;  but  the  change 
in  his  mode  of  life  probably  proved  fatal  to  him,  for  he  died 
not  long  after  his  arrival.  He  was  interred  by  the  emperor 
with  the  utmost  magnificence,  and  a  stately  monument  was 
raised  to  his  memory.  His  whole  army  entered  the  imperial 
service ;  the  other  chiefs  gradually  agreed  to  treaties  with 
the  emperor;  and  thus,  within  a  space  of  little  more  than 
four  years  after  the  death  of  Valens,  (382,)  the  victors  of 
Hadrianople  had  become  the  subjects  of  the  empire.  The 
settlements  assigned  them  were  in  the  provinces  of  Moesia 
32*  TV 


378  GRATIAN,    ETC.  [a.  D.  386. 

and  the  cis-Danubic  Dacia,  which  had  been  laid  desolate  by 
their  ravages. 

Durincr  all  this  time,  the  Ostrogoths  were  far  away  in  the 
north,  among  the  tribes  of  Germany.  They  at  length  (3S6) 
appeared  once  more  on  the  banks  of  the  Lower  Danube, 
their  numbers  augmented  by  German  and  Sarmatian,  or  per- 
haps Hunnish  auxiliaries,  and  proposed  to  renew  their  dev- 
astation of  the  Roman  provinces.  Promotus,  the  general 
of  the  opposite  frontier,  had  recourse  to  stratagem  against 
them.  He  sent  over  spies,  who  stipulated  to  betray  the  Ro- 
man army,  assuring  the  barbarians  that,  if  they  crossed  the 
river  in  the  dead  of  the  niglit,  they  might  surprise  it  when 
buried  in  sleep.  Accordingly,  on  a  moonless  night,  the 
Goths  embarked  their  warriors  in  three  thousand  monoiyb, 
or  canoes,  and  pushed  for  the  opposite  shore;  but,  when  they 
approached  it,  they  found  it  guarded,  for  the  length  of  two 
miles  and  a  half,  by  a  triple  line  of  vessels ;  and,  while  they 
were  struoralin^  to  force  their  way  through  them,  a  Heet  of 
galleys  came,  with  stream  and  oars,  down  the  river,  and  as- 
sailed them.  The  resistance  which  they  were  able  to  offer 
was  slight;  their  king  or  general  Odothaeus,  and  numbers 
of  their  warriors,  were  slain  or  drowned,  and  they  were  final- 
ly obliged  to  solicit  the  clemency  of  the  victors.*  Theodo- 
sius,  who  was  at  hand,  concluded  a  treaty  with  them,  by 
which  they  engaged  to  become  his  subjects.  Seats  were 
assigned  them  in  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  where  they  were  gov- 
erned by  their  own  hereditary  chiefs,  under  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  emperor.  A  body  of  40,000  Goths,  named 
Fcedcrati,  or  allies,  henceforth  formed  a  part  of  the  army 
of  the  East,  distinguished  by  gold  collars,  higher  pay,  and 
various  privileges. 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  West  and  the  emperor  Gratian. 

This  prince,  whose  character  was  by  nature  feeble  and 
gentle,  had  been  fostered,  as  it  were,  into  greatness  by  the 
wisdom  and  the  counsels  of  the  able  preceptors  with  whom 

*  There  is  some  confusion  in  this  account.  Zosimus  (iv.  35,  and 
38,  3!),)  makes  the  Goths  to  be  twice  defeated,  (A.  D.  383  and  38G,)  on 
the  same  river,  and  by  the  same  person,  and  in  the  same  manner,  as  it 
would  appear.  The  Gothic  general  in  tiie  former  lie  calls  OEdotheus ; 
the  same  with  the  Odothwus  of  Claudian  (De  iv.  Cons.  Hon.  ()"2())  i:» 
the  second.  We  cannot,  by  the  way,  agree  with  Gibbon  that  this  was 
Aletheus. 

One  of  the  most  improbable  circumstances  in  the  narrative  is,  that 
the  Goths  should  not  have  discerned  the  Roman  shipping ;  for  the 
i)anube  is  nowhere  too  wide  to  be  seen  across. 


A.  D.  383.]  CHARACTER   OF    GRATIAN.  379 

his  father  had  surrounded  him.*  In  the  acts  of  the  early 
years  of  his  reign,  though  he  was  the  ostensible  agent,  they 
were  the  secret  directors ;  and  the  youth,  whose  chief  virtue 
was  ductility  to  good,  obtained  the  fame  due  to  higher  qual- 
ities. But  when  death  or  other  causes  had  removed  these 
able  and  virtuous  advisers,  the  amiable  but  indolent  prince 
fell  under  tiie  jiuidance  of  men  of  a  different  character,  to 
whom  he  intrusted  the  affairs  of  the  state, while  he  devoted  him- 
self to  the  deiightsof  the  chase,  in  which  he  bent  the  bow  and 
flung  the  dart  with  the  skill  of  a  Commodus.  The  offices 
and  advantages  of  the  court  and  the  provinces  were  set  to 
sale,  and  the  minds  of  the  subjects  were  thus  alienated;  but 
this  would  have  signified  little  had  Gratian  been  careful  to 
retain  the  attachment  of  the  soldiers,  which  his  conduct, 
when  directed  by  worthy  advisers,  had  won.  This,  how- 
ever, he  lost  by  his  own  imprudence.  lie  had  placed  a  body 
of  Alans  among  his  guards,  and,  cliarined  with  tlieir  dexterity 
in  the  use  of  his  favorite  weapons,  he  committed  to  them 
exclusively  the  defence  of  his  person.  He  used  even  to  ap- 
pear in  public  in  their  peculiar  national  dress,  to  the  grief 
and  indignation  of  the  legionary  soldiers,  even  the  Germans 
viewing  with  horror  the  Scythian  costume. 

While  such  was  the  temper  of  the  troops,  a  revolt  broke 
out  in  the  army  of  Britain,  (383,)  and  a  person  named  Max- 
inius  was  there  proclaimed  emperor.  This  man,  who  was  a 
native  of  Spain,  and  the  fellow-soldier  of  Theodosius,  was  re- 
siding in  Britain,  but  without  civil  or  military  rank  of  any 
importance.  His  abilities  and  his  virtues  are  recognized, 
but  whence  his  influence  arose  we  are  uninformed  ;  and  if 
we  may  credit  his  own  positive  assertion,  his  dignity  was 
forced  on  him.  He  plainly  saw  that  he  could  not  recede; 
and,  as  the  British  youth  crowded  to  his  standard,  he  passed 
over  to  Gaul  at  the  head  of  a  large  army.t  The  troops  of 
Gaul  all  declared  for  him,  and  Gratian  fled  from  Paris  to 
Lyons  with  only  three  hundred  horse.  The  gates  of  all  the 
towns  on  his  way  were  closed  against  him,  and  the  treacher- 

*  Ausoiiius,  the  poet  (more  properly  versifier)  of  Bordeaux,  was  one 
of  his  tutors.  Gratian  honored  him  with  tlie  consulate  in  371).  We 
cannot  see  why  Gibbon  should  call  Ausonius  "  a  professed  pagan." 

t  A  large  emigration  of  Britons  to  Arinorica  is  placed  in  this  time,  to 
which  belongs  the  legend  of  St.  Ursula  and  her  virgins.  These  are 
said  to  have  been  11,000  noble  and  60,000  plebeian  maidens,  the  des- 
tined brides  of  the  emigrants,  who,  mistaking  their  way,  went  up  the 
Rhine,  and  were  massacred  at  Cologne  by  tlie  Huns — who  were  not 
there. 


380  THEODOsius,  ETC.       [a.  d.  383-387. 

ous  governor  of  Lyons  amused  him  with  promises  till  those 
sent  in  pursuit  of  him  arrived,  and  he  was  slain  as  he  rose 
from  supper,  (Aug.  25.)  His  brother  Valentinian  applied, 
but  in  vain,  for  his  body.  Mellobaudes,  the  Frank  king  and 
Roman  general,  shared  the  fate  of  his  master  ;  but  Maximus, 
who  was  now  acknowledged  by  the  whole  West,  could  boast 
that  no  other  blood  was  shed  except  in  the  field. 


Theodosius,   Valentinian  II.,  and  Maximus. 
A.  u.  1136—1141.     A.  D.  383—388. 

The  late  revolution  had  been  so  sudden  that  Theodosius 
had  been,  perhaps,  uninformed  of  it  until  it  was  accomplished  ; 
and,  ere  he  could  determine  how  to  act,  he  was  waited  on  by 
an  embassy  from  the  usurper,  headed  by  his  chamberlain,  a 
man  advanced  in  years,  and,  as  the  historian  observes,  to  the 
praise  of  Maximus,  not  a  eunuch.  The  envoy  justified  the 
conduct  of  his  master,  asserting  his  ignorance  of  the  murder 
of  Gratian  :  he  then  proceeded  to  give  Theodosius  the  op- 
tion of  peace  or  war.  Gratitude  and  honor  urged  the  em- 
peror to  avenge  the  fate  of  his  benefactor ;  but  prudence  sug- 
gested that  the  issue  of  a  contest  with  the  troops  of  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Britain,  was  doubtful,  and  that  the  barbarians, 
who  hovered  on  the  frontiers,  would  be  ready  to  pour  into 
the  empire  when  its  forces  should  have  been  wasted  in  civil 
conflict.  He,  therefore,  lent  a  favorable  ear  to  the  pro- 
posals of  Maximus,  and  acknowledged  him  as  a  colleague, 
carefully,  however,  stipulating  for  the  security  of  Valen- 
tinian in  his  share  of  the  empire.  The  images  of  the  three 
imperial  colleagues  were,  according  to  usage,  exhibited  to 
the  people. 

The  empire  now  remained  at  rest  for  a  space  of  four  years; 
but  at  length  (387)  its  repose  was  disturbed  by  the  ambition 
of  Maximus;  for,  not  content  with  his  own  ample  portion, 
this  fortunate  rebel  cast  an  eye  of  cupidity  on  the  dominions 
of  Valentinian,  where  many  were  disaffected  on  account  of 
religion.  Having  extorted  large  sums  of  money  from  his 
subjects,  he  took  a  great  number  of  barbarians  into  pay  ;  and, 
when  an  ambassador  from  Valentinian  came  to  his  court, 
he  persuaded  him  to  accept  the  services  of  a  part  of  his 
troops  for  an  inunincnt  Pannonian  war.  The  envoy  himself 
was  their  guide  through  the  passes  of  the  Alps;  Maximus 


A.  D.  387.]  FLIGHT    OF    VALENTINIAN.  381 

secretly  followed  :it  the  head  of  a  larger  body,  and  a  precipi- 
tate flight  from  Milan  to  Aquileia  alone  assured  the  safety  of 
Valentinian  and  his  mother.  Not  deeming  themselves  se- 
cure even  in  that  strong  city,  they  embarked  in  a  vessel,  and, 
sailing  round  the  Grecian  peninsula,  landed  at  Thessaloni- 
ca,*  whither  Theodosius  hastened  to  visit  them.  He  delib- 
erated with  his  council  as  to  what  were  best  to  be  done ;  the 
same  reasons  as  before  urged  him  to  pause  before  he  should 
engage  in  a  civil  war  ;  and  the  injuries  of  Valentinian  niight 
possibly  have  gone  unrevenged,  had  they  not  found  an  advo- 
cate in  the  beauty  of  his  sister  Galla.  By  the  directions  of 
her  mother,  this  princess  cast  herself  at  the  feet  of  Theodo- 
sius, and  with  tears  implored  his  aid.  Few  hearts  are  proof 
against  the  tears  of  beauty  —  that  of  Theodosius,  at  least,  was 
not ;  his  empress  was  dead,  and  his  aid  was  assured  if  the 
lovely  supplicant  would  consent  to  share  the  throne  of  the 
East.  The  condition  was  accepted,  the  nuptials  were  cele- 
brated, and  the  royal  bridegroom  then  prepared  to  take  the 
field.  Large  bodies  of  Huns  and  Alans  crowded  to  the 
standard  of  Theodosius,  who  found  Maximus  encamped  near 
Siscia,  on  the  banks  of  the  Save.  The  light  cavalry  of  the 
barbarians  flung  themselves  into  that  deep  and  rapid  river 
the  moment  they  reached  it,  and  routed  the  troops  which 
guarded  the  opposite  bank.  Next  morning,  a  general  action 
ensued,  which  terminated  in  the  submission  of  the  surviving 
troops  of  Maximus,  who  fled  to  Aquileia,  whither  he  was 
rapidly  followed  by  Theodosius.  The  gates  were  burst 
open ;  the  unfortunate  Maximus  was  dragged  into  the  pres- 
ence of  the  victor,  who,  having  reproached  him  with  his 
misdeeds,  delivered  him  to  the  vengeance  of  the  soldiers,  by 
whom  his  head  was  struck  off.  His  son  Victor,  whom  he 
had  given  the  rank  of  Cajsar,  and  left  behind  him  in  Gaul, 
was  put  to  death  by  Count  Arbogast,  one  of  Theodosius's 
generals,  by  the  order  of  that  emperor;  and  the  whole  of  the 
West  was  thus  subjected  to  the  rule  of  Valentinian.  The 
generous  Theodosius  compensated  those  who  had  suffered 
by  the  oppression  of  Maximus,  and  he  assigned  an  income  to 
the  mother  of  that  ill-fated  prince,  and  provided  for  the  edu- 
cation of  his  daughters. 


& 


*  Gibbon's  account  of  their  voyage  is  more  suited  to  epic  poetry 
than  to  history. 


382  THEODOSIUS,    ETC.  [a.  d.  390. 

Thcodosius  and   Valentinian  II. 
A.  u.  1141—1145.     A.  D.  388—392. 

Theodosius,  after  his  victory,  remained  three  years  in 
Italy  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  the  West  for  his  juvenile  col- 
league. In  the  spring  of  the  year  389,  he  made  a  triumphal 
entrance  into  the  ancient  capital  of  the  empire  ;  but  his  usual 
abode  was  the  palace  of  Milan. 

While  Theodosius  was  residing  in  Italy,  (390,)  an  unhappy 
event  occurred,  which  casts  almost  the  only  shade  over  liis 
fair  fame.  In  the  city  of  Thessalonica,  an  eminent  charioteer 
of  the  circus  conceived  an  impure  affection  for  a  beautiful 
boy,  one  of  the  slaves  of  Botheric,  the  commander  of  the  gar- 
rison :  to  punish  his  insolence,  Botheric  cast  him  into  prison. 
On  the  day  of  the  games,  the  people,  with  whom  he  was  a 
great  favorite,  enraged  at  his  absence,  rose  in  insurrection, 
and,  as  the  garrison  was  then  very  small,  they  massacred 
Botheric  and  his  principal  officers,  and  dragged  their  bodies 
about  the  streets.  Theodosius,  who  was  of  a  choleric  temper, 
was  filled  with  fury  when  he  heard  of  this  atrocious  deed. 
His  first  resolution  was  to  take  a  bloody  revenge ;  the  efforts 
of  the  bishops  then  led  him  to  thoughts  of  clemency  ;  but  the 
arguments  of  his  minister  Rufinus  induced  him,  finally,  to 
expedite  an  order  for  military  execution.  He  then  attempted 
to  recall  the  order,  but  it  was  too  late.  The  people  of  Thes- 
salonica were,  in  the  name  of  the  emperor,  invited  to  the 
games  of  the  circus.  Their  love  of  anuisement  overcoming 
their  fear  of  punishment,  they  hastened  to  it  in  crowds;  when 
the  place  was  full,  the  soldiers,  who  were  posted  for  the  pur- 
pose, received  the  signal,  and  an  indiscriminate  massacre  en- 
sued. The  lowest  computation  gives  the  number  of  those 
slain  as  seven  thousand. 

The  archbishop  of  Milan  at  this  time  was  the  intrepid  Am- 
brose. When  he  heard  of  the  bloody  deed,  he  retired  to  the 
country,  whence  he  wrote  to  the  emperor  to  say  that  he  had 
been  warned  in  a  vision  not  to  offer  the  oblation  in  his  name 
or  presence,  and  advising  him  not  to  think  of  receiving  the 
Eucharist  with  his  blood-stained  hands.  Theodosius  ac- 
knowledged and  bewailed  his  offence,  and  after  some  time 
proceeded  to  the  cathedral  to  perform  his  devotions ;  but 
Ambrose  met  him  at  the  porch,  opposed  his  entrance,  and 
insisted  on  the  necessity  of  a  public  penance.     Theodosius 


A.  D.  390.]  ARBOGAST.  333 

submitted  ;  and  the  lord  of  the  Roman  world,  laying  aside  his 
imperial  habit,  appeared  in  the  posture  of  a  suppliant  in  the 
midst  of  the  church  of  Milan,  with  tears  soliciting  the  pardon 
of  his  sin.  After  a  penance  of  eight  months,  he  was  restored 
to  the  communion  of  the  faithful. 

To  the  cruelty  of  Theodosius  on  this  occasion  may  be  op- 
posed his  clemency,  some  time  before,  to  the  people  of  Anti- 
och.  This  lively,  licentious  people,  being  galled  by  an  in- 
crease of  taxation,  (3S7,)  flung  down,  dragged  through  the 
streets,  and  broke,  the  images  of  Theodosius  and  his  family. 
The  governor  of  the  province  sent  to  court  information  of 
this  act  of  treason  ;  the  Antiochenes  despatched  envoys  to 
testify  their  repentance.  After  a  space  of  twenty-four  days, 
two  officers  of  high  rank  arrived  to  declare  the  will  of  the 
emperor.  Antioch  was  to  be  degraded  from  its  rank,  and 
made  a  village,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Laodicea;  all  its 
places  of  amusement  were  to  be  shut  up,  the  distribution  of 
corn  to  be  stopped,  and  the  guilty  to  be  inquired  after  and 
punished.  A  tribunal  was  erected  in  the  market-place,  the 
most  wealthy  citizens  were  laid  in  chains,  and  their  houses 
exposed  to  sale,  when  monks  and  hermits  descended  in 
crowds  from  the  mountains,  and,  at  their  intercession,  one  of 
the  officers  agreed  to  return  to  court,  and  learn  the  present 
disposition  of  the  emperor.  The  anger  of  the  generous 
Theodosius  had  subsided  ere  he  arrived,  and  a  full  and  free 
pardon  was  readily  accorded  to  the  repentant  city. 

Valentinian,  after  the  death  of  his  mother  and  the  departure 
of  Theodosius,  fixed  his  abode  in  Gaul.  His  troops  were 
commanded  by  Count  Arbogast,  a  Frank  by  birth,  who  had 
held  a  high  rank  in  the  service  of  Gratian,  after  whose  death 
he  had  passed  to  that  of  Theodosius.  Aware  of  the  weak- 
ness of  his  young  sovereign,  the  ambitious  barbarian  raised 
his  thoughts  to  empire.  He  corrupted  the  troops,  he  gave 
the  chief  commands  to  his  countrymen,  he  surrounded  the 
prince  with  his  creatures,  and  Valentinian  found  himself 
little  better  than  a  prisoner  in  the  palace  of  Vienne.  He 
sent  to  inform  Theodosius  of  his  situation ;  but,  impatient 
of  delay,  he  summoned  Arbogast  to  his  presence,  and  deliv- 
ered him  a  paper  containing  his  dismissal  from  his  posts. 
"  You  have  not  given  me  my  authority,  and  you  cannot  take 
it  away,"  was  the  reply  of  the  general ;  and  he  tore  the  pa- 
per, and  cast  it  on  the  ground.  Valentinian  snatched  a  sword 
from  one  of  the  guards,  but  he  was  prevented  from  using  it. 


384  THEODOsius.  [a.  d.  392-394. 

A  few  days  after,  he  was  privately  strangled,  and  a  report  was 
spread  that  he  had  died  by  his  own  hand,  (May  15,  392.) 


Theodosius. 
A.  u.  1145—1148.     A.  D.  392—395. 

Arbogast,  deeming  it  more  prudent  to  reign  under  the 
name  of  another  than  to  assume  the  purple  himself,  selected 
for  his  imperial  puppet  a  rhetorician  named  Eugenius,  who 
had  been  his  secretary,  and  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  rank 
of  master  of  the  offices.  An  embassy  was  despatched  to 
Theodosius  to  lament  the  unfortunate  accident  of  the  death 
of  Valentinian,  and  to  pray  him  to  acquiesce  in  the  choice 
of  the  armies  and  people  of  the  West.  Theodosius  acted 
with  his  usual  caution  ;  he  dismissed  the  ambassadors  with 
presents,  and  with  an  ambiguous  answer  ;  but  he  was  secretly 
swayed  by  the  tears  of  his  wife,  and  resolved  to  avenge  the 
death  of  her  brother.  After  devoting  two  years  to  his  prepa- 
rations for  this  hazardous  war,  he  at  length  (394)  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  directed  his  march  for 
Italy.  Arbogast,  taking  warning  by  the  errors  of  Maximus, 
contracted  his  line  of  defence,  and,  abandoning  the  northern 
provinces,  and  leaving  unguarded  the  passes  of  the  Julian 
Alps,  encamped  his  troops  under  the  walls  of  Aquileia. 
Theodosius,  on  emerging  from  the  mountains,  made  a  furious 
assault  on  the  fortified  camp  of  the  enemy,  in  which  ten  thou- 
sand of  his  Gothic  troops  perished.  At  nightfall  he  retired, 
baffled,  to  the  adjacent  hills,  where  he  passed  a  sleepless  night, 
while  the  camp  of  the  enemy  rang  with  rejoicings.  Arbogast, 
having  secretly  sent  a  large  body  of  troops  to  get  in  the  rear 
of  the  emperor,  prepared  to  assail  him  in  the  morning, 
(Sept.  6.)  But  the  leaders  of  these  troops  assured  Theodo- 
sius of  their  allegiance ;  and  in  the  engagement  a  sudden 
tempest  from  the  Alps  blew  full  in  the  faces  of  the  troops  of 
the  enemy ;  and,  their  superstition  leading  them  to  view  in  it 
the  hand  of  Heaven,  they  flung  down  their  arms  and  submit- 
ted. Eugenius  was  taken  and  put  to  death ;  Arbogast,  after 
wandering  some  days  through  the  mountains,  perished  by 
his  own  hand. 

Theodosius  survived  his  victory  only  five  months.  Though 
he  was  not  more  than  fifty  years  of  age,  indulgence  had  un- 


A.  D.  395.]  CHARACTER    OF    THEODOSIUS.  385 

dermined  his  constitution,  and  he  died  of  dropsy  at  Milan, 
(Jan.  17,  395,)  leaving  his  dominions  to  his  two  sons,  Arca- 
dius  and  Honorius. 

The  character  of  the  great  Theodosius  is  one  which  it  is 
gratifying  to  contemplate.  Called  from  a  private  station  to 
empire,  he  was  .still  the  same  in  principle  and  conduct  ;  and, 
the  surest  evidence  of  native  greatness  of  soul,  he  remained 
unchanged  by  prosperity.  He  was  an  affectionate  and  faith- 
ful husband  to  both  his  wives,  a  fond  parent,  a  generous  and 
kind  relation,  an  affable  and  agreeable  companion,  and  a 
steady  friend.  As  a  sovereign,  he  was  a  lover  of  justice,  a 
wise  and  benevolent  legislator,  an  able  and  successful  gen- 
eral. His  defects  were  too  .slavish  a  submission  to  some  in- 
tolerant ecclesiastics,  which  led  to  the  enactment  of  per- 
secutinor  laws  against  heretics  and  pagans ;  a  violence  of 
temper,  which  we  have  seen  exemplifiod  in  the  massacre  at 
Thessalonica;  a  love  of  indolence,  and  an  over-fondness  for 
the  pleasures  of  the  table,  which  brought  him  to  a  prema- 
ture death,  to  the  great  calamity  of  the  empire. 

The  reign  of  Thecdosius  forms  an  epoch  in  the  history  of 
the  Roman  empire.  He  was  the  last  who  ruled  over  the 
whole  empire  ;  and  it  was  in  his  time  that  the  ancient  system 
of  religion,  under  which  Rome  had  risen,  flourished,  and 
commenced,  at  least,  her  decline,  was  finally  and  permanent- 
ly suppressed.  His  reign  was  also  the  last  in  which  Rome 
appeared  with  any  reuniant  of  her  original  dignity  on  the 
scene  of  the  world.  It  will  surely  not  be  accounted  impiety 
or  superstition,  if  we  say  that  the  eloquent  appeals  and  lam- 
entations of  the  advocates  for  the  old  religion  were  not  with- 
out foundation  ;  and  that,  in  the  order  of  Providence,  Rome's 
greatness  was  indissolubly  united  with  her  pontifices,  augurs, 
and  vestals.  Such  seems  undeniably  to  have  been  the  fact; 
the  cause  is  probably  inscrutable.* 

*  [The  author  has  said,  only  ten  lines  before,  that  the  dr.rline  of 
Rome  began  under  the  ancient  system  of  reliirion.  If  so,  there  was, 
of  course,  no  connection  between  the  maintenance  of  that  system  and 
the  greatness  of  Rome.  Every  reader  of  Roman  history  must  surely 
perceive  that  her  own  moral  degradation,  and  the  a^lrnnrc  of  other 
nations,  were  the  causes  of  her  decline.  Our  inilhor  loses,  in  this  in- 
stance, his  usual  acuteness,  or  he  would  see  that  his  remark  iin|ilies  a 
tendency  in  Christianity  to  weaken  morality — a  U'ndency  he  would 
be  the  last  to  allow.  See  iiis  own  words  on  the  last  page  of  this  work. 
—  J.  T.  S.] 

coNTiN.  33  vr  w 


386  THEODosius.  [a.  d.  395. 

If  we  credit  the  complaints  of  contemporary  writers,  lux- 
ury was  continually  on  the  increase,  and  manners  became 
more  depraved  every  day.  These  statements  are,  however, 
to  be  received  with  caution ;  and  how  either  luxury  or  de- 
pravity could  exceed  that  under  the  successors  of  Augustus, 
it  is  not  easy  to  discern.  Property  had,  of  late  years,  been 
somewhat  more  secure  from  the  rapacity  of  the  court,  and  the 
terrors  of  the  barbarians  were  as  yet  too  remote  to  produce 
that  recklessness  which  consumes  to-day  what  it  is  not  certain 
of  possessing  to-morrow.  The  censurers,  in  fact,  are  either 
splenetic  pagans,  eager  to  cast  a  slur  on  the  new  faith,  or 
Christian  ascetics,  who  viewed  all  indulgence  with  a  jaun- 
diced eye.  We  are  very  far  from  saying  that  the  morals  of 
this  period  were  pure,  oc  at  all  comparable  with  those  of 
modern  Europe;  we  only  doubt  if  they  were  worse  than 
those  of  the  times  of  Tiberius  and  Nero. 

A  striking  proof,  however,  was  given  at  this  time,  that  the 
thew  and  sinew  of  the  Roman  soldier  were  no  longer  what 
they  had  been  in  the  days  of  the  republic.  The  infantry 
craved  and  obtained  permission  to  lay  aside  their  helmets 
and  corselets,  as  oppressing  them  with  their  extreme  weight. 
Even  future  misfortunes  could  not  induce  them  to  resume 
these  arms  ;  and  this,  among  other  causes,  contributed  to  the 
speedy  downfall  of  the  empire. 

Literature  continued  to  share  in  the  general  decline.  Po- 
etry might  be  regarded  as  extinct ;  history  has  only  to  pre- 
sent the  name  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  who,  however, 
among  the  historians  of  the  empire,  stands  next  in  rank  to 
Tacitus,  though  at  a  very  long  interval.  The  Sophists,  that 
is,  those  to  whom  the  manner  was  every  thing,  the  matter  of 
comparatively  little  importance,  were  the  class  of  literary 
men  held  in  most  esteem.  Orations,  panegyrics,  public  or 
private  epistles,  in  which  the  absence  of  fruit  is  sought  to  be 
concealed  by  the  abundance  of  foliage  and  flowers,  form  the 
store  of  these  men's  compositions.  The  most  distinguished 
among  them  was  Libanius  of  Antioch,  the  friend  of  both 
Julian  and  Theodosius,  a  large  portion  of  whose  writings 
still  exist.  Julian  himself  occupies  no  mean  place  among 
the  Sophists.  His  letters,  from  his  station  in  society,  are  far 
more  important  and  interesting  than  those  of  Libanius. 


THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH.  387 

CHAPTER   VI. 
THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

SUPPRESSION  OF  PAGANISM. RELIGION  OF  THE  FOURTH  CEN- 
TURY.    STATE     OF    MORALS.   THE     DONATISTS.  THE 

ARIANS. OTHER  HERETICS. ECCLESIASTICAL  CONSTITU- 
TION.  FATHERS  OF  THE  CHURCH. THE  MANICIIJEANS. 

As  the  reign  of  Theodosius  was  the  period  of  the  com- 
plete fall  of  paganism,  and  final  triumph  of  tlie  Christian 
faith,  we  will  here  interrupt  our  narrative  of  political  events, 
and  briefly  relate  the  victories  of  the  church  over  heathen- 
ism and  heresy,  and  portray  its  external  and  internal  con- 
dition. 

When  Constantine  embraced  the  Christian  reliorion,  he 
left  the  ancient  system  of  the  Roman  state  undisturbed: 
toward  the  end  of  his  reign,  however,  he  issued  edicts  for  the 
demolition  of  heathen  temples,  and  prohibited  sacrifices. 
Constantius  was  more  hostile  to  heathenism  than  his  father 
had  been;  and  he  executed  the  laws  against  it  with  great 
severity,  even  punishing  capitally  those  guilty  of  the  crime 
of  offering  sacrifice  to  idols.  The  absurd  and  fruitless  efforts 
of  Julian  in  its  favor  have  been  related,  and  the  humane 
and  enlightened  toleration  of  Jovian  and  Valentinian  has 
been  praised.  But  Theodosius  (much  less  Gratian)  had  not 
strength  or  enlargement  of  mind  to  resist  or  refute  the  argu- 
ments of  the  advocates  of  intolerance,  and  in  their  time 
the  veneration  of  the  tutelar  deities  of  ancient  Rome  was 
treated  as  a  crime. 

The  preservation  of  a  pure  monotlieism  being  the  main 
object  of  the  law  of  Moses,  its  prohibitions  against  idolatry 
are  numerous  and  severe  ;  but  the  Christian  religion,  relying 
on  its  internal  worth  and  its  utter  incompatibility  with  idol- 
atry, is  less  emphatic  on  that  subject.  The  habit,  however, 
of  confounding  it  with  the  Mosaic  law  had  become  so  strong, 
and  the  opinion  of  the  gods  of  the  heathen  being  evil  spirits, 
and  not  mere  creatures  of  imagination,  so  prevalent,*  that 
the  worship  of  them  was  held  to  be  the  highest  insult  to  the 

*  [This  idea  was  not  confined  to  those  times.  Modern  theologians 
have  held  it.  Thus  does  Prideaux,  in  his  valuable  "  Connection  of 
Old  and  New  Testaments."  — J.  T.  S.] 


388  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

majesty  of  the  Creator  ;  and  the  sovereign  who  suffered  im- 
pious rites  to  be  performed,  was  regarded  as  participating  in 
the  guilt.     Yielding  to  these  considerations,  Gratian,  on  his 
accession,  refused  to  receive  the  insignia  of  a  Pontifex  Maxi- 
mus,  which  even  the  most  zealous  of  his  predecessors  had 
not  rejected ;  and  he  seized  on  the  sacerdotal  revenues  for 
the  uses  of  the  church  or  state,  and  abolished  all  the  honors 
and  immunities  of  the  heathen  priesthoods.     The  image  and 
altar  of  Victory,  which  were  placed  in  the  senate-house,  had 
been  removed  by  Constantine  and  restored  by  Julian.     As 
the  majority  of  the  senate  still  adhered  to  the  old  religion  of 
the  state,  the  tolerant  Valentinian  had  suffered  it  to  remain 
undisturbed ;    but   his  more  zealous    son  ordered    it    to   be 
ao-ain  removed.     A  deputation  of  the  senate,  sent  on  this  oc- 
casion, was  refused  an  audience  by  the  emperor.     The  year 
after   his  death,   another  deputation  waited  on  his  brother 
Valentinian  :  it  was  headed  by  Symmachus,  the  prefect  of 
the  city,  a  pontiff  and   augur,  a  man  of  noble  birth,  and  of 
distinguished  eloquence  and  unstained  virtue.     He  was  op- 
posed by  Ambrose,  archbishop  of  Milan,  and  the  prayer  of 
the  Roman  senate  was  rejected.     When  Theodosius  was  at 
Rome,*  he  called  on  the  senate  to  choose  between  the  two 
religions;  and  the  majority  of  that  body,  warned  by  the  fate 
of  Symmachus,  who  liad  recently  been  sent  into  exile,  voted 
in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  emperor.     Pretended 
conversions  became  numerous,   the  temples   were   deserted 
and  the  churches  filled  with  worshippers,  and  the  religion 
under    which    Rome    had    flourished    for    twelve    centuries 
ceased  forever.     Respect  probably  for  the  dignity  of  the  city 
caused  the  temples  to  be  spared  and  left  to  the  operation  of 
natural  decay  ;   but  in  the  provinces  no  such  delicacy  was 
observed,  and  many  Christian  prelates,  such  as  Martin  of 
Tours,  Marcellus  of  Apamea,  and  Theophilus  of  Alexandria, 
headed  holy  crusades  for  the  destruction  of  the  abodes  of  the 
idols ;  and  many  a  stately  edifice,  the  pride  of  arcliitecture, 
was  thus  consigned  to  untimely  ruin.     A  few  escaped  de- 
struction by  being  converted  into  Christian  churches.     In 
effect,  the  fate  of  the  temples  seems  in  general  to  have  de- 
pended on  the  good  sense  or  fanaticism  of  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese  in  which  they  stood. 

The  edicts  which  Theodosius  put  forth  against  sacrifices 
and  other  heatlien  rites  having  been  frecpiently  eluded,  he  at 

*  Most  probably  aflor  his  victory  over  Maxiiims,  though  both  Zosi 
mus  and  I'rudenlius  place  it  after  that  over  Eugenius. 


RELIGION    OF    THE    FOURTH    CENTURY.  389 

length  (.392)  published  one  which  breathes  the  very  spirit  of 
intolerance.*  By  this  he  forbids  all  persons,  no  matter  what 
their  rank,  to  offer  any  sacrifice  whatever,  or  even  to  suspend 
garlands,  burn  incense  or  place  lights  before  the  domestic 
deities  of  Roman  religion,  the  Genius,  the  Lar,  and  the 
Penates.  The  penalty  was  the  forfeiture  of  the  house  or 
estate  in  which  the  rites  had  been  performed,  or,  if  these 
were  the  property  of  another  person,  a  fine  of  twenty-five 
pounds  weight  of  gold.  Prohibited  thus  in  either  its  public 
or  private  e.xercise,  heathenism  gradually  died  away.  Its  List 
lingering  footprints  appeared  in  remote  villages;!  and  in 
the  reign  of  the  grandson  of  Theodosius,  it  even  was  doubted 
(but  without  reason)  if  there  were  any  longer  any  pagans  in 
existence. 

Thus  have  we  witnessed  the  final  triumph  of  the  church 
over  its  open  and  declared  enemy.  Before  we  enter  on  the 
history  of  its  civil  wars,  we  will  take  a  view  of  its  own  nature 
and  character. 

The  Christianity  of  the  days  of  Constantino  and  his  suc- 
cessors is  most  certainly  not  that  of  the  gospel.  In  effect, 
with  the  exception  of  transubstantiation  and  image  worship, 
(from  neither  of  which  it  was  far  distant,)  and  a  few  other 
points  of  minor  importance,  it  differed  little  from  the  system 
which  our  ancestors  flung:  off  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 
The  church  of  Rome  is,  in  fact,  very  unjustly  treated,  when 
she  is  charged  with  being  the  author  of  the  tenets  and  prac- 
tices which  were  transmitted  to  her  from  the  fourth  century. 
Her  guilt  or  error  was  that  of  retention,  not  of  invention. 

The  learned  author  whom  we  have  taken  for  our  principal 
guide  in  this  part  of  our  work,  presents  the  following  brief 
view  of  the  state  of  religion  at  this  time.| 

"  The  fundamental  principles  of  the  Christian  doctrine  were 
preserved  hitherto  incorrupt  and  entire  in  most  churches, 
though  it  must  be  confessed  that  they  were  often  explained 
and  defended  in  a  manner  that  discovered  the  greatest  igno- 
rance, and  an  utter  confusion  of  ideas.  The  disputes  carried 
on  in  the  council  of  Nice  concerning  the  three  persons  in 
the  Godhead,  afford  a  remarkable  instance  of  this,  particu- 

*  Yet  Theodosius  was  not  of  an  intolerant  temper.  He  bestowed 
the  consulate  on  Syininachus,  and  he  was  on  terms  of  personal  friend- 
ship witii  the  Sophist  Libanius. 

i  Hence  the  heathens  were  called  Pagans,  (Pagani,)  or  villagers, 
a  fa  go. 

X  Mosheim,  Ecclesiastical  History,  Cent.  iv.  Part  ii.  chap.  3. 
33* 


390  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

larly  in  the  lanorunge  and  explanations  of  those  who  approved 
tlie  decisions  of  that  council.  So  little  light,  precision,  and 
order,  reigned  in  their  discourses,  that  they  appeared  to  sub- 
stitute three  gods  in  the  place  of  one. 

"  Nor  did  the  evil  end  here;  for  those  vain  fictions,  which 
an  attachment  to  the  Platonic  philosophy  and  to  popular 
opinions  had  engaged  the  greatest  part  of  the  Christian  doc- 
tors to  adopt  before  the  time  of  Constantine,  were  now  con- 
firmed, enlarged,  and  embellished  in  various  ways.  Hence 
arose  that  extravagant  veneration  for  departed  saints,  and 
those  absurd  notions  of  a  certain  J?rc  destined  to  purify  sepa- 
rate souls,  that  now  prevailed,  and  of  which  the  public  marks 
were  every  where  to  be  seen.  Hence,  also,  the  celibacy  of 
priests,  the  worship  of  images  and  relics,  which,  in  process 
of  time,  almost  utterly  destroyed  the  Christian  religion,  or 
at  least  eclipsed  its  lustre,  and  corrupted  its  essence  in  the 
most  deplorable  manner. 

"  An  enormous  train  of  different  superstitions  were  gradu- 
ally substituted  in  the  place  of  genuine  religion  and  true 
piety.     This  odious  revolution  proceeded  from  a  variety  of 
causes.     A  ridiculous  precipitation   in  receiving  new  opin- 
ions, a  preposterous  desire  of  imitating  the  pagan  rites,  and 
of  blending  them  with  the  Christian  worship,  and  that  idle 
propensity  which  the  generality  of  mankind  have  toward  a 
gaudy  and  ostentatious  religion,  all  contributed  to  establish 
the  reign  of  superstition  upon  the  ruins  of  Christianity.    Ac- 
cordingly, frequent  pilgrimages  were  undertaken  to  Pales- 
tine, and  to  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs,  as  if  there  alone  the 
sacred  principles  of  virtue,  and  the  certain  hope  of  salvation, 
were  to   be  acquired.     The   reins  being  once   let  loose  to 
superstition,  which  knows  no  bounds,  absurd  notions  and 
idle  ceremonies   miiltiplind  every  day.     Q,uantities  of  dust 
and  earth,  brought  from  Palestine  and  other  places  remark- 
able for  their  supposed  sanctity,  were  handed  about  as  the 
most  powerful  remedies  against  the  violence  of  wicked  spirits, 
and  were  sold  and  bought  every  where  at  enormous  prices. 
The    public    processions    and    supplications,  by    which    the 
paorans  endeavored  to  appease  their  gods,  were  now  adopted 
into  the  Christian  worship,  and  celebrated  with  great  pomp 
and  ma<Tnificence  in   several   places.     The  virtues  that  had 
formerly  been  ascribed  to  the  heathen  temples,  to  tlieir  lus- 
trations, to  the  statues  of  their  gods  and   heroes,  were  now 
attributed   to   Christian   churches,  to   water  consecrated  by 
certain  forms  of  prayer,  and  to  the  images  of  holy  men ;  and 


RELIGION    OF    THE    FOURTH    CENTURY.  391 

the  same  privileges  that  the  former  enjoj'ed  under  the  dark- 
ness of  paganism,  were  conferred  upon  the  latter  under  the 
light  of  the  gospel,  or  rather  under  that  cloud  of  supersti- 
tion that  was  obscuring  its  glory.  It  is  true  that  as  yet  im- 
ages were  not  very  common,  nor  were  there  any  statues  at  all ; 
but  it  is  at  the  same  time  as  undoubtedly  certain,  as  it  is  ex- 
travagant and  monstrous,  that  the  worship  of  the  martyrs  was 
modelled  according  to  the  religious  services  that  were  paid  to 
the  gods  before  the  coming  of  Christ." 

Thus  doth  this  learned  and  candid  historian  express  him- 
self; and  we  must  remind  the  reader  that  it  is  not  of  the 
tenth  or  twelfth  century,  as  might  perhaps  be  sn|)posed,  that 
he  is  writing,  but  of  the  fourth,  the  period  of  the  Nicene 
council,  the  age  of  Athanasius,  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Basil 
the  Great,  Ambrose,  Augustine,  Jerome,  and  others,  who 
are  reo-arded  as  the  great  Fathers  of  the  Church.  Ail  these 
superstitions  are  to  be  found  in  their  writings,  and  mostly 
mentioned  in  terms  of  approbation. 

The  great  parent  of  the  external  corruption  of  the  pure 
and  simple  faith  of  the  gospel  seems,  as  we  have  already  ob- 
served, to  have  been  the  law  of  Moses;  for  this  law,  which 
was  at  the  same  time  a  system  of  religious  and  of  civil  polity, 
was,  in  accordance  with  the  designs  of  Providence  and  the 
state  of  the  world  at  the  time,  so  framed  as  to  bear  a  certain 
degree  of  resemblance  to  the  civil  and  religious  institutions 
of  the  neighboring  nations.  Hence  it  had  its  priesthood,  its 
sacrifices,  its  splendid  ceremonies  and  ritual  observances. 
When,  therefore,  the  Christians,  from  the  natural  love  of 
parade  and  magnificence,  or  with  the  specious  view  of  gain- 
ing over  the  heathen,  wished  to  introduce  rites  and  ceremo- 
nies into  the  church,  they  found  them  ready  to  their  hand  in 
the  law  of  the  Israelites;  and,  when  once  tiie  practice  had 
begun,  the  step  was  easy  to  the  introduction  of  various  tenets 
and  practices  of  heathenism,  for  which  the  Mosaic  law  fur- 
nished no  precedent. 

The  Mosaic  religion,  for  example,  had  no  mysteries,  and 
no  mythology  and  worship  of  heroes;  yet  the  Christianity  of 
the  fourth  century  had  both.  We  have  already  shown  how 
the  simple  rites  of  baptism  and  the  Eucharist  were  converted 
into  mysteries.  The  notion  of  their  importance  became 
every  day  more  and  more  deep  and  solemn;  they  were 
termed  awful  and  tremendous  mysteries,  by  the  greatest  of 
the  Fathers;  and  such  were  the  miraculous  powers  ascribed 
to  the  elements  of  the  Eucharist,  that  St.  Ambrose^  in  a  pub- 


392  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

lie  discourse,  affirmed  that  his  own  brother,  happening  to 
have  them  about  his  person,  was  by  their  efficacy  saved  in  a 
shipwreck. 

Christianity  obtained  its  heroes  and  mythology  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner:  The  memory  of  the  Martyrs,  (i.e.  wit- 
nesses,) or  those  who  had  testified  their  faith  in  Christ  by 
sealing  it  with  their  blood,  and,  in  a  less  degree,  that  of  the 
Confessors,  who  had  shown  their  willingness  to  do  the  same, 
was  naturally  held  in  reverence  and  respect  by  the  members 
of  the  church.  The  principle  of  human  nature  from  which 
pilgrimage  arises  caused  tlie  pious  to  resort  to  the  places 
where  their  remains  were  deposited;  these  places  were  soon 
regarded  as  being  possessed  of  superior  sanctity,  which  could 
only  arise  from  the  mortal  relics  of  the  holy  men  which  lay 
there ;  and  the  sanctity,  being  inherent  in  these  remains,  would 
of  course  accompany  them,  if  transferred.  Hence  arose  the 
translation  of  the  bodies  of  the  apostles,  and  other  holy  men, 
from  the  humble  tombs  in  which  they  had  hitherto  reposed, 
to  capital  cities  and  other  places,  to  give  holiness  to  stately 
churches  which  were  to  be  erected  in  their  honor.  Every, 
even  the  smallest,  fragment  of  the  body  of  a  saint,  every  thing, 
in  short,  that  had  touched  that  hallowed  frame  when  ani- 
mated, was  held  to  possess  virtue;  and  wonderful  tales  were 
told  each  day  of  the  miracles  performed  by  them.  As  it 
might  seem  absurd  that  the  earthly  portions  of  the  holy  men 
should  possess  such  power,  and  their  spiritual  have  no  influ- 
ence in  the  lower  world,  a  kind  of  ubiquity  was  ascribed  to 
their  glorified  spirits,  and  it  was  believed  that  they  could 
hear  prayer  and  give  aid  to  the  supplicant.  False  miracles, 
false  relics,  even  false  saints,  were  rapidly  manufactured,* 
and  the  church  had  soon  a  mythology  which  far  exceeded  in 
copiousness  that  of  ancient  Greece. t  A  maxitn  of  the  most 
pernicious  nature  now  greatly  prevailed  in  the  church, 
namely,  "  That  it  was  an  act  of  virtue   to  deceive  and  lie, 

*  "CiTtain  tombs  were  falsely  given  out  for  the  sepulchres  of  saints 
and  confessors  ;  the  list  of  tiie  snints  was  uugmented  witii  fictitious 
naines,  ;ind  robbers  were  converted  into  martyrs.  Some  buried  the 
bones  of  dead  men  in  certain  retired  places,  and  tlien  affirmed  that  they 
were  divinely  admonished  by  a  dreaui,  that  the  body  of  some  friend  of 
God  lay  there,"  tfcc.  &.c.     Mosheiin,  ut  supra. 

t  "  The  sublime  and  simple  theology  of  the  primitive  Christians," 
says  Gibbon,  "  was  gradually  corrupted  ;  and  the  monarchy  of  heaven, 
already  clouded  by  metaphysical  suinilties,  was  degraded  by  the  intro- 
duction of  a  popular  mythology  which  tended  to  restore  the  reign  of 
polytheism." 


RELIGION    OF    THE    FOURTH    CENTURY.  393 

when  by  such  means  the  interests  of  the  church  might  be 
promoted."  This  had,  no  doubt,  been  of  long  standing,  for 
pious  fraud  and  pious  fiction  early  began,  but  it  was  now  at 
its  acme ;  and  even  the  greatest  of  the  Fathers  are  charged 
with  actitig  on  this  maxim,*  and  tlius  transforming  Cliris- 
tianity  into  polytheism  and  idolatry. 

"  If,  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,"  says  Gibbon, 
whom  we  may  here  safely  quote,  "  Tertullian  or  Lactanlius 
had  been  suddenly  raised  from  the  dead  to  assist  at  the  festi- 
val of  some  popular  saint  or  martyr,  they  would  have  gazed 
with  astonishment  and  indignation  on  the  profane  spectacle 
which  had  succeeded  to  the  pure  and  spiritual  worship  of  a 
Christian  congregation.  As  soon  as  the  doors  of  the  church 
were  thrown  open,  they  must  have  been  offended  by  the 
smoke  of  incense,  the  perfume  of  flowers,  and  the  glare  of 
lamps  and  tapers,  which  diffused  at  noon-day  a  gaudy,  super- 
fluous, and,  in  their  opinion,  a  sacrilegious  light.  If  they 
approached  the  balustrade  of  the  altar,  they  made  their  way 
through  the  prostrate  crowd,  consisting  for  the  most  part  of 
strangers  and  pilgrims,  who  resorted  to  the  city  on  the  vigils 
of  the  feast,  and  who  already  felt  the  strong  intoxication  of 
fanaticism,  and  perhaps  of  wine.  Their  devout  kisses  were 
imprinted  on  the  walls  and  pavement  of  the  sacred  edifice, 
and  their  fervent  prayers  were  directed,  whatever  might  be 
the  language  of  their  church,  to  the  bones,  the  blood,  or  the 
ashes  of  the  saint,  which  were  usually  concealed  by  a  linen 
or  silken  veil  from  the  eyes  of  the  vulgar.  The  Christians 
frequented  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs  in  the  hope  of  obtaining 
from  their  powerful  intercession  every  sort  of  spiritual,  but 
more  especially  of  temporal  blessings.  They  implored  the 
preservation  of  their  health  or  the  cure  of  their  infirmities, 
the  fruitfulness  of  their  barren  wives,  or  the  safety  and  hap- 
piness of  their  children.  Whenever  they  undertook  any  dis- 
tant or  dangerous  journey,  they  requested  that  the  holy  mar- 
tyrs would  be  their  guides  and  protectors  on  the  road;  and 
if  they  returned  without  having  experienced  any  misfortune, 
they  again  hastened  to  the  tombs  of  the  martyrs  to  celebrate 
with  grateful  thanksgivings  their  obligations  to  the  memory 
and  relics  of  those  heavenly  patrons.  The  walls  were  hung 
round  with  symbols  of  the  favors  which  they  had  received ; 
eyes  and  hands,  and  feet  of  gold  and  silver;  and  edifying 
pictures,  which  could  not  long  escape  the  abuses  of  indis- 

•  Mosheim,  ut  supra,  Paragraph  xvi. 

X  X 


394  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

creet  or  idolatrous  devotion,  representing  the  image,  the  at- 
tributes, and  the  miracles  of  the  tutelar  saint.  The  same 
uniform  original  spirit  of  superstition  might  suggest,  in  the 
most  distant  ages  and  countries,  the  same  methods  of  deceiv- 
ing the  credulity  and  of  affecting  the  senses  of  mankind  ; 
but  it  must  ingenuously  be  confessed  that  the  ministers  of 
the  Catholic  church  imitated  the  profane  model  which  they 
were  impatient  to  destroy.  The  most  respectable  bishops 
had  persuaded  themselves  that  the  ignorant  rustics  would 
more  cheerfully  renounce  the  superstitions  of  paganism  if 
they  found  some  resemblance,  some  compensation,  in  the 
bosom  of  Christianity.  The  religion  of  Constantine  achieved 
in  less  than  a  century  the  final  conquest  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, but  the  victors  themselves  were  insensibly  subdued  by 
the  arts  of  their  vanquished  rivals." 

Nothing  is  more  characteristic  of  the  corruption  which 
Christianity  had  undergone  than  the  high  honor  in  which 
the  various  classes  of  ascetics  were  held.  These  useless  or 
pernicious  beings  now  actually  swarmed  throughout  the  East- 
ern empire,  and  were  gradually  spreading  themselves  into  the 
West.  We  have  shown  how  asceticism  has  been  derived  from 
the  sultry  regions  of  Asia,  and  how  it  originates  in  the  Gnos- 
tic principles.  It  had  long  been  insinuating  itself  into  the 
church;  but,  after  the  establishment  of  Christianity,  it  burst 
forth  like  a  torrent,  spreading  from  Egypt  over  Syria,  Meso- 
potamia, and  the  other  provinces,  at  such  a  rate,  that,  "  in  a 
short  time,"  observes  Mosheim,  "  the  East  was  filled  with  a 
lazy  set  of  mortals,  who,  abandoning  all  human  connections, 
advantages,  pleasures,  and  concerns,  wore  out  a  languishing 
and  miserable  life  amidst  the  hardships  of  want  and  various 
kinds  of  suffering,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  more  close  and  rap- 
turous communion  with  God  and  angels." 

Of  these  fanatics  there  were  two  classes,  the  Coenobites 
and  the  Eremites,  a  branch  of  which  last  were  the  Anacho- 
rites.*  The  former,  as  their  name  denotes,  lived  together 
in  a  fi.\ed  habitation  under  an  abbot,  a  word  signifying  fa- 
ther. The  founder  of  this  order  was  a  man  named  Antony, 
who  drew  together  a  number  of  the  Eremites  of  Egypt,  and 
gave  them  fixed  rules  of  conduct.  There  is  a  life  of  this 
hero  of  the  monastic  orders,  which  has  been  written  by  the 

*  Kotrofiiaxoi,  livers-in-common;  *Eqr^^tiTat,  dtceUcrs-of-the-desert, 
(fe>;iioc.)  whence  our  word  Hermit;  ^vux(i<())jtui,  retircrs.  The  gen- 
eral term  was  A]utuj(ol,  solitaries,  whence  our  Monk. 


STATE    OF    MORALS.  395 

great  Athanasius.*  The  Eremites,  on  the  contrary,  dwelt 
solitary  in  caves  or  in  wretched  cottages  of  the  desert;  while 
the  Anachorites,  rejecting  even  this  faint  semblance  of  hu- 
manity, lived  like  the  beasts  of  the  field,  wandering  without 
certain  abode,  lying  down  wherever  night  overtook  them, 
and  feeding  on  the  spontaneous  produce  of  the  earth,  shun- 
ning the  sight  and  the  society  of  all  human  beings.  The 
most  distinguished  of  the  Eremites  was  Paul,  a  recluse  of 
the  Thebai's,  a  kind  of  semi-savage,  whose  life  and  acts  St. 
Jerome  did  not  think  it  beneath  him  to  record  as  an  ensam- 
ple  of  true  Christian  holiness  and  perfection.  Beside  the 
above-mentioned  classes  of  ascetics,  we  read  of  an  order 
named  in  Egypt  Sarabaites,  who  travelled  about  from  place 
to  place,  working  fictitious  miracles,  selling  false  relics,  and 
performing  various  other  frauds  to  deceive  the  credulous 
multitude.  These,  like  the  corresponding  Mohammedan 
dervishes,  were  mostly  notorious  profligates :  heavy  com- 
plaints are  made  also  of  the  Ca3nobites;  but  the  hermits 
were  in  general  mere  fanatics  or  spiritual  madmen. 

The  hope  of  acquiring  heaven  by  virginity  and  mortifica- 
tion was  not  confined  to  the  male  sex;  woman,  with  the  en- 
thusiasm and  the  devotional  tendency  peculiar  to  her,  rushed 
eagerly  toward  the  crown  of  glory.  Nunneries  became  nu- 
merous, and  were  thronged  with  inmates.  Nature,  however, 
not  unfrequently  asserted  her  rights,  and  the  complaints  and 
admonitions  of  the  most  celebrated  Fathers  assure  us  that 
the  unnatural  state  of  vowed  celibacy  was  productive  of  the 
same  evils  and  scandals  in  ancient  as  in  modern  times. 

The  state  of  morals  among  Christians  in  general  was, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  the  contemporary  Fathers 
and  other  writers,  extremely  low.  "  When,"  says  the  writer 
already  quoted,  "  we  cast  an  eye  toward  the  lives  and  morals 
of  Christians  at  this  time,  we  find,  as  formerly,  a  mixture  of 
good  and  evil,  some  eminent  for  their  piety,  others  infamous 
for  their  crimes.  The  number,  however,  of  immoral  and 
unworthy  Christians  began  so  to  increase,  that  the  examples 
of  real  piety  and  virtue  became  extremely  rare.  When  the 
terrors  of  persecution  were  totally  dispelled ;  when  the 
church,  secured  from  the  efforts  of  its  enemies,  enjoyed  the 
sweets  of  prosperity  and  peace;  when  the  major  part  of  bish- 
ops exhibited  to  their  flock  the  cont<igious  examples  of  arro- 
gance, luxury,  effeminacy,  animosity,  and  strife,  with  other 

•  The  next  place  in  fame  to  St.  Antony  is  occupied  by  St.  Pacho- 
znius. 


396  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

vices  too  numerous  to  mention;  when  the  inferior  rulers  and 
doctors  of  the  church  fell  into  a  slothful  and  opprobrious 
negligence  of  the  duties  of  their  respective  stations,  and 
employed  in  vain  wranglings  and  idle  disputes  that  zeal  and 
attention  which  were  due  to  the  culture  of  piety  and  to  the 
instruction  of  their  people ;  and  when  (to  complete  the  enor- 
mity of  this  horrid  detail)  multitudes  were  drawn  into  the 
profession  of  Christianity,  not  by  the  power  of  conviction 
and  argument,  but  by  the  prospect  of  gain  or  by  the  fear  of 
punishment,  —  then  it  was  indeed  no  wonder  that  the  chinch 
was  contaminated  with  shoals  of  profligate  Christians,  and 
that  the  virtuous  few  were,  in  a  manner,  oppressed  and  over- 
whelmed by  the  superior  numbers  of  the  wicked  and  licen- 
tious. It  is  true  that  the  same  rigorous  penance  which  had 
taken  place  before  Constantine  the  Great,  continued  now  in 
full  force  against  flagrant  transgressors  ;  but  when  the  reign 
of  corruption  becomes  universal,  the  vigor  of  the  law  yields 
to  its  sway,  and  a  weak  execution  defeats  the  purposes  of  the 
most  salutary  discipline.  Such  was  now  unhappily  the  case  : 
the  age  was  sinking  daily  from  one  period  of  corruption  to 
another,  the  great  and  the  powerful  sinned  with  impunity, 
and  the  obscure  and  indigent  alone  felt  the  severity  of  the 
laws." 

When  such  was  the  state  of  morals,  it  is  natural  to  be  sup- 
posed that  heresy  and  schism  should  prevail,  and  the  unity 
of  the  church  be  torn  by  feud  and  faction.  We  shall  there- 
fore proceed  to  enumerate  the  principal  sects  and  heresies 
of  the  fourth  century. 

The  first  of  these  was  the  Donatists,  so  named  from  Do- 
natus,  one  of  their  most  active  partisans.  It  was  a  sect,  not 
a  heresy,  for  the  orthodoxy  of  its  members  never  was  ques- 
tioned. It  originated  in  the  following  circumstance :  On 
the  death  of  the  bishop  of  Carthage  in  311,  the  clergy  and 
people  of  that  city  chose  the  archdeacon  Cascilianus  for 
his  successor,  and  he  was  consecrated  by  the  bishops  of  Af- 
rica Minor,  without  waiting  for  those  of  Numidia.  These 
last,  highly  offended,  summoned  Caecilianus  before  them; 
his  disappointed  competitors  were  active  in  their  hostility, 
and  a  wealthy  lady,  named  Lucilla,  whom  he  had  reprimand- 
ed for  her  superstitious  practices,  with  all  a  woman's  appe- 
tite for  vengeance,  lavished  her  money  on  the  Numidians,  to 
keep  up  their  zeal.  Crecilianus  having  refused  to  submit  to 
their  jurisdiction,  they  declared  him  unworthy  of  his  dignity, 
and  appointed  in  his  stead  his  deacon  Majorinus;  and  the 


THE    DONATISTS.  397 

church  of  Carthage  had  thus  two  rival  bishops.  The  rea- 
sons given  for  the  sentence  against  Cajcilianus  were,  that 
Felix  of  Aptungus,  by  whom  he  was  consecrated,  was  a  Tra- 
ditor,  and  that  he  himself,  when  a  deacon,  had  shown,  in  the 
time  of  the  late  persecution,  great  cruelty  toward  the  martyrs 
and  confessors,  actually  leaving  them  to  perish  for  want  of 
food  in  their  prisons. 

The  Donatists  having  appealed  to  Constantino,  that  em- 
peror (3lii)  directed  the  bishop  of  Rome,  aided  by  three 
Gallic  prelates,  to  examine  the  cause.  The  decision  was 
in  favor  of  Cscilianus,  who  was  acquitted  of  the  charges 
brought  against  him,  as  also  was  Felix  of  Aptungus,  whose 
cause  was  examined  by  the  proconsul  of  Africa.  The  Don- 
atists were  dissatisfied;  and  the  emperor  ordered  (314)  a 
greater  number  of  prelates  to  meet  at  Aries,  and  examine  the 
cause  anew.  The  result  of  this  inquiry  also  was  adverse  to 
them;  they  then  appealed  to  the  emperor  in  person,  who 
examined  the  cause  at  Milan,  (310,)  and  confirmed  the  pre- 
ceding sentences.  They  acted  after  this  with  so  much  inso- 
lence, that  Constantine  lost  patience,  and  deprived  them  of 
their  churches,  banished  their  bishops,  and  even  put  some  of 
their  more  refractory  prelates  to  death. 

As  the  Donatists  were  numerous  and  powerful,  tumults 
ensued,  which  Constantine  sought  in  vain  to  allay.  The 
savage  and  ferocious  populace,  which  sided  with  them,  un- 
der the  name  of  Circumceliions,  massacred,  ravaged,  and 
plundered  their  opponents  all  through  the  province;  and 
matters  were  approaching  to  a  civil  war,  when  Constantine 
abrogated  the  laws  made  against  the  Donatists.  The  empe- 
ror Constaus  endeavored  to  heal  the  schism;  but  the  Dona- 
tists would  listen  to  no  terms,  and  the  Circumceliions  even 
ventured  to  give  battle  to  the  imperial  troops.  They  were, 
however,  defeated  :  and  a  persecution  ensued,  which  lasted 
till  the  accession  of  Julian,  when  the  Donatists  again  raised 
their  heads.  Their  numbers  were  so  great  that  they  counted 
no  less  than  four  hundred  bishops  of  their  party;  but  they 
split  into  two  factions.  The  eloquent  Augustine,  bishop 
of  Hippo,  wrote,  preached,  and  spoke  against  them;  and 
this  sect,  the  offspring  of  episcopal  arrogance,  gradually 
died  away. 

The  era  of  the  establishment  of  Christianity  [as  the  state 
religiorj]  witne.ssed  another  schism  in  the  church,  of  far 
greater  and  more  lasting  importance  than  that  caused  by  the 

CUNTIN.  34 


398  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

Donatists.  This  was  the  celebrated  Arian  controversy,  of 
which  we  will  now  briefly  trace  -the  history. 

The  language  of  the  New  Testament,  respecting  the  dig- 
nity of  Christ,  is  lofty,  but,  at  the  same  time,  involved  in  a 
certain  degree  of  obscurity,  if  we  may  venture  so  to  express 
ourselves,  which,  acting  on  the  natural  diversity  of  human 
minds,  has,  in  all  ages,  caused  a  difference  of  opinion  to 
exist  on  this  mysterious  subject.*  Tt  would  probably  have 
been  better  if  the  church  had  been  content  on  this,  as  on 
other  high  matters,  to  confine  itself  strictly  to  Scripture  lan- 
guage, and  not  to  have  attempted  to  be  "  wise  beyond  what 
is  written."  On  this,  however,  as  lying  without  our  prov- 
ince, we  venture  not  to  speak  decidedly ;  our  task  is  simply 
to  state  facts  and  opinions. 

That  the  Christians  of  the  first  century  worshipped  Christ, 
is  a  fact  not  to  be  disputed  ;  the  testimony  of  Pliny  is  con- 
clusive on  the  subject.  They  believed  firmly  in  his  divinity, 
but  they  did  not  anxiously  seek  to  fathom  the  mystery  which 
enveloped  it.  Yet  there  were  those,  as  we  have  seen,  when 
treating  of  the  Gnostic  sects,  who  speculated  on  this  lofty 
subject;  and  in  the  church  itself,  Praxeas  and  others  ad- 
vanced some  very  hazardous  conjectures.  As  the  fondness 
for  Platonism  advanced,  that  portion  of  the  Christian  doc- 
trine which  seemed  most  akin  to  the  airy  speculations  of  the 
Athenian  sage,  drew  more  and  more  the  attention  of  learned 
Christians;  and,  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  Sa- 
bellius,  a  bishop  or  presbyter  of  Cyrene  in  Africa,  advanced 
a  theory  which  drew  to  him  a  considerable  number  of  fol- 
lowers. He  maintained  that  a  certain  r/i(7%n/  proceeded 
from  the  Father,  and  united  itself  to  the  Sou,  the  man 
Jesus,  and  he  regarded  the  Holy  Spirit  as  in  the  same  way 
a  portion  of  the  Father.  Hence  the  Sabellians  are  called 
Patripassians.  The  opinions  of  Sabellius  were,  however, 
refuted  by  Dionysius,  bishop  of  Alexandria. 

Beryllus,  bishop  of  Bozrah  in  Arabia,  taught  that  Christ 
did  not  exist  before  Mary,  but  that,  at  the  time  of  his  birth,  a 
spirit,  issuing  from  God  himself,  and  therefore  a  portion  of 

*  No  one,  surely,  will  deny  the  sense,  the  learning,  or  the  honesty, 
of  those  who  have  held  opinions  different  from  tlie  one  generally  re- 
ceived on  this  subject.  If  any  one  text  more  than  another  would  seem 
to  make  in  favor  of  Arianistn,  it  is  Phil.  ii.  G — !) ;  yet  Dr.  Lardner,  in 
his  Ijctter  on  the  Logos,  declares  that  it  was  tiiis  very  te-xt  that  made 
him  a  Sucinian  ! 


THE    ARIANS.  399 

the  Divine  Being,  was  united  to  him.  Borylliis  was  refuted 
by  Origen,  and  he  acknowledged  and  recanted  his  error. 

Paul,  the  celebrated  bishop  of  Sainosata,  a  man  whom 
looseness  of  morals,  and  pride  and  arrogance,  fostered  by 
weahh,  had  rendered  generally  odious,  was  degraded  from 
his  episcopal  dignity  by  a  council  in  the  year  269,  on  ac- 
count of  his  heretical  opinions  on  this  subject,  lie  appears 
to  have  held  that  the  Son  and  Holy  Ghost  exist  in  God  as 
rimon  and  artivifi/  exist  in  man ;  that  Christ  was  born  a 
mere  man,  but  that  the  reason  or  wisdom  of  the  Father  de- 
scended on  him,  and  abode  with  him  while  on  earth,  and 
that  hence  he  might,  though  improperly,  be  called  God. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  substance  of  these  heresies  of 
the  second  and  third  centuries,  was  the  confounding  of  the 
Son  and  Holy  Ghost  with  the  Father.  The  church,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  frequently  decided  that  there  was  a  real  dif- 
ference, and  that  three  distinct  persons  existed  in  the  Deity, 
but  without  making  any  exact  definition  of  the  nature  of 
tlieir  relation ;  and  the  utmost  liberty  of  sentiment  and  ex- 
pression was  allowed  respecting  it.  Yet  the  most  prevalent 
opinion  in  Egypt  and  the  adjacent  countries,  was  that  of 
Oritren,  who  held  that  the  Son  was  in  God,  as  reason  is  in 
man,  and  that  the  Holy  Ghost  was  simply  the  divine  energy 
—  a  notion  not  very  far  removed  from  Sabellianism. 

In  the  year  310,  in  an  assembly  of  the  clergy  of  Alexan- 
dria, the  bishop  Alexander  took  occasion  to  communicate 
to  them  his  sentiments  on  this  head;  and  he  asserted  that  the 
Sou  was  not  only  of  the  same  eminence  and  dignity,  but  of 
the  same  essence  with  the  Father.  One  of  the  presbyters, 
named  Arius,  treated  this  opinion  as  false,  and  as  little  re- 
moved from  Sabellianism.  He  was  then  led  to  state  his  own 
opinions,  which  tended  to  the  opposite  extreme;  for  he  held 
that  the  Son  had  been  created  by  the  Father  before  all 
things,  but  that  time  had  elapsed  before  his  creation;  that 
he  was  created  out  of  nothing;  that  he  was  the  instrument 
by  whom  the  Father  gave  existence  to  the  universe;  he  was 
superior,  therefore,  to  all  other  beings,  but  inferior,  both  in 
inture  and  dignity,  to  the  Father.  These  opinions,  when 
promulgated,  found  numerous  favorers  in  Egvpt  and  else- 
where ;  but  Alexander  caused  them  to  be  condemned  in  two 
councils  which  he  summoned,  and  their  author  to  be  excom- 
municated. Arius  withdrew  to  Palestine,  whence  he  wrote 
numerous  letters  to  eminent  men,  and  drew  matiy  of  them 
over  to   his  sentiments.     The  controversy  was   maintained 


400  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

with  great  heat ;  and  the  emperor  Constantuie,  who  at  tirst 
treated  it  as  trifling  and  unimportant,  and  wrote  to  the  par- 
ties  enjoining  peace,  was  at  length  induced  to  summon  a 
general  council  for  its  decision. 

This  council,  the  first  of  those  named  CEcumenical  or 
General,  met  at  Nicjea  in  Bithynia,  in  the  year  325.  Three 
hundred  and  eighteen  bishops,  it  is  said,  appeared  in  it,  and 
the  emperor  in  person  was  present  at  their  deliberations. 
They  commenced  with  personal  altercation,  and  presented 
the  emperor  with  libels  or  written  accusations  against  each 
other,  which  Constantine,  however,  burned,  exhorting  them 
to  peace  and  unity.  Of  the  proceedings  of  this  council  we 
have  only  very  imperfect  accounts;  but  its  decision  was 
against  the  Arians.  It  was  determined  that  the  Son  was 
consubstantial  {(juonvcFio^)  with  the  Father,  as  it  is  expressed 
in  the  Nicene  creed.  The  council  further  terminated  the 
dispute  about  the  time  of  keeping  Easter,  regulated  some 
points  of  discipline,  and  then  separated.  It  had  been  very 
near  coming  to  a  resolution  of  imposing  on  the  clergy  the 
yoke  of  celibacy,  such  progress  had  that  unnatural  tenet  of 
the  Gnostics  made  in  the  church. 

Persecution  was  of  course  employed  against  the  defeated 
party,  and  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Nicomedia,  and  others,  were 
banished ;  but  an  Arian,  who  had  been  commended  to  the 
emperor  by  his  sister  when  on  her  death  bed,  found  means 
to  convince  him  that  the  decision  of  the  council  was  unjust, 
and  Arius,  Eusebius,  and  otiiers,  were  recalled  from  exile. 
Athanasius,  the  successor  of  Alexander,  however,  refused  to 
restore  Arius  to  his  rank  and  office  in  the  church,  for  which 
he  was  himself  deposed,  by  a  council  holden  at  Tyre  in  33.5, 
and  banished  to  Gaul.  But  the  people  of  Alexandria  refused 
to  admit  Arius;  and  he  died  the  following  year  at  Constanti- 
nople, of  a  bowel  complaint,  as  it  would  appear,  which  some 
suspect  was  brought  on  by  poison  administered  by  his  ene- 
mies, who  affected  to  view  in  it  a  judgment  of  Heaven.  The 
moral  character  of  Arius,  it  may  be  here  observed,  was  with- 
out stain  ;  and  of  his  religious  sincerity  there  seems  to  be  lit- 
tle ground  of  doubt. 

Of  the  sons  of  Constantine,  two  were  orthodox;  but  Con- 
stantius,  into  whose  hands  the  entire  empire  finally  fell,  was 
strongly  attached  to  the  Arian  system.  Persecution  and  .se- 
duction were  employed  against  the  Ilomoousians;  frequent 
synods  were  convened  ;  so  that,  as  Animianus  ol)serves,  "  by 
the   troops  of  bishops  who  were   hurrying    backwards   and 


THE    ARIANS.  401 

forwards  on  the  beasts  devoted  to  the  public  service,  to  the 
synods,  as  they  call  them,  in  order  to  draw  the  whole  sect  to 
their  own  opinions,  the  entire  posting  establishment  was  well 
nigh  ruined ; "  and  Athanasius  expressed  his  fears  that  the 
clergy  would  thereby  draw  on  them  the  derision  and  con- 
tempt of  unbelievers.  At  length,  a  general  council  of  the 
East  was  held  at  Seleucia  in  Isauria,  (359,)  and  one  of  the 
West,  at  Rimini  [Arimiiium)  in  Italy,  (3G0.)  The  former 
separated  without  coming  to  any  <lecided  conclusion ;  the 
latter,  which  sat  seven  months,  was,  by  proper  management, 
brought  to  sanction  a  creed  sufficiently  Arian  for  the  empe- 
ror's purpose,  and  "  the  whole  world  groaned,"  says  Jerome, 
"  and  wondered  to  find  itself  Arian."  Julian  was  indifferent, 
Jovian  and  Valentinian  were  orthodox  but  tolerant,  Valens 
was  an  Arian  and  a  persecutor.  Theodosius  was  rigidly 
orthodox  ;  and  the  second  general  council  which  he  assem- 
bled at  Constantinople  (381)  condemned  the  Arians  anew. 
Intolerant  edicts  were  forthwith  issued  against  them  ;  they 
were  deprived  of  their  churches,  banished,  and  otherwise 
persecuted.  Their  sect  gradually  declined  in  the  East ;  it 
had  never  flourished  in  the  West;  but  the  Goths  and  other 
barbarians,  who  had  been  converted  by  Arians,  carried  their 
religious  system  with  them  when  they  became  conquerors; 
and  it  was  not  till  the  close  of  the  sixth  century  that  Arian- 
ism  became  extinct  in  Spain. 

The  Arians  shared  the  general  fate  of  all  who,  on  points 
beyond  human  comprehension,  venture  to  exercise  the  pow- 
ers of  their  mind  ;  they  at  length  came  to  hold  different  shades 
of  opinion,  and  thus  became  subdivided  into  sects.  Their 
varieties  may,  however,  be  reduced  to  three  :  —  1.  The  prim- 
itive and  proper  Arians,  who  held  simply  that  the  Son  was 
created  out  of  nothing.  2.  The  Semi-Arians,  who  asserted 
that  the  Son  was  of  similar  essence  (owoiooi'ato,)  with  the 
Father,  but  by  a  peculiar  privilege,  not  by  nature.  This  was 
the  doctrine  favored  by  Constantius,  and  it  was  the  prevalent 
sentiment  in  the  council  of  Seleucia.  3.  The  Aetians,  or 
Eunomians,  so  named  from  their  chiefs,  Aetius  and  Euno- 
niius,  who  may  be  regarded  as  pure  Arians,  for  they  held 
that  the  Son  was  unlike  (uiomo/oc)  the  Father,  and  oi' another 
essence,  [iieQovatoc.'j  Of  the  Acacians,  Eusebians,  and  other 
minor  divisions,  we  will  not  speak. 

The  Arian  controversy  gave  rise  to  other  heresies.  Apol- 
linaris,  bishop  of  Laodicea,  in  his  zeal  for  the  divinity  of 
Christ,  went  near  to  denying  his  humanity.     He  held  that 

34*  YY 


402  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

the  body  of  Christ  had  only  had  a  sensitive  soul,  and  that 
the  divine  nature  assumed  in  him  the  olhce  of  the  rational 
soul,  whence  it  seemed  to  fillovv  that  his  divine  as  well  as 
his  human  nature  sulfered  on  the  cross.  This  opinion,  we 
may  perceive,  was  indebted  for  its  origin  to  the  author's  Plat- 
onism. 

Marcellus,  bishop  of  Ancyra,  regarded  the  Son  and  Holy 
Ghost  as  emanations  of  the  divine  nature,  which,  after  per- 
forming the  functions  appointed  to  ihem,  were  to  return  into 
the  substance  of  the  Father.  Hence  it  plainly  followed  that 
there  could  not  be  three  distinct  persons  in  the  Godhead. 

Pholinus,  bishop  of  Sirmium,  the  di:^ciple  of  Marcellus, 
tautrht  that  Jesus  was  born  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  the  Virgin 
Mary;  that  the  Word,  i.  e.  a  divine  emanation  or  ray,  de- 
scended on  hiin,  and  that  hence  he  was  called  the  Son  of 
God,  and  even  God;  that  tlie  Holy  Ghost  was  only  a  virtue 
proceeding  from  the  Deity.  These  opinions  were  condemned 
by  both  orthodox  and  Allans,  and  Photinus  was  degraded 
from  his  dignity. 

Macedonius,  a  Semi-Arian,  being  deposed  from  the  see 
of  Constantinople  in  3()1),  by  the  influence  of  the  Eiinomi- 
ans,  taught  openly  an  opinion  which  he  had  hitherto  held  in 
secret;  namely,  that  the  Holy  Ghost  is  a  divine  eneriy  dif- 
fused through  the  universe,  and  not  a  person  distinct  frorei 
the  Father  and  Son.  The  .second  general  council  was 
assembled  at  Constantinople  in  3'i,  chiefly  on  account  of 
this  heresy.  It  completed  what  that  of  Nicica  had  left  im- 
perfect, establishing  the  doctrine  of  three  persons  in  one  God, 
which  is  still  generally  received.  It  also  condemned  and 
anathematized  all  heresies  hitherto  known,  and  it  assicrned 
the  first  rank  after  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  the  bishop  of 
Constantinople. 

Such  were  the  principal  heresies  which  divided  the  church 
in  the  fourth  century.  They  all  arose  from  tht;  vain  attempt 
of  renderincr  clear  and  definite  that  which  h  id  been  left  ob- 
scure  and  mysterious;  and  they  were  combated  too  often  by 
force  and  cruelty,  rather  than  by  reason  and  charity.  The 
fourth  was,  in  fact,  a  century  of  persecution  :  as  soon  as  the 
church  obtained  temporal  power,  it  abused  it  ;  for  church- 
men are  nothing  more  than  men.  He  who  has  power  will 
take  delight  in  its  exerci.se;  and  when  he  can  silence  an  op- 
ponent by  force,  he  will  be  willing  to  avoid  the  more  tedious 
course  of  reasonintr,  or  the  nobler  one  of  tolerance.  In  this 
condemnation  the  orthodox  and  the  Arians  are  alike  in- 
cluded. 


FATHERS  OF  THE  CHURCH.  403 

In  consequence  of  its  establishment  as  the  religion  of  the 
state,  the  church  underwent  a  change  in  its  constitution. 
The  emperor  assumed  the  entire  control  of  its  external 
administration.  He  alone  had  the  power  of  convening  a 
General  Council;  he  appointed  judges  to  decide  religious 
controversies;  he  took  cognizance  of  all  civil  causes  between 
members  of  the  hierarchy,  regulated  disputes  between  the 
bishops  and  people,  and  exercised  a  general  superintendence 
over  the  church.  The  bishops,  on  their  part,  had  made  a  mo- 
nopoly of  the  internal  administration;  people  and  presbyters 
alike  were  excluded  from  their  original  share,  and  of  the  an- 
cient arovernment  of  the  church  there  now  remained  nothins 
more  than  the  shadow. 

The  government  of  the  church  was  modelled  after  that  of 
the  state.  The  prelates  of  the  four  principal  cities  of  the 
empire  answered  to  the  four  prcetorian  prefects,  and  seem, 
even  in  this  century,  to  have  been  termed  Patriarchs.  The 
Exarchs,  corresponding  with  civil  officers  of  the  same  title, 
had  the  inspection  of  several  provinces.  Tiie  Metropolitans 
had  the  government  of  one  province;  the  Archbishops  were 
over  certain  districts ;  the  Bishops  were  next  in  rank;  the 
inferior  clergy,  headed  by  Arch-presbyters  and  Arch-deacons, 
completed  the  sacred  edifice. 

The  bishop  of  Rome,  chiefly  in  consequence  of  his  supe- 
rior wealth  and  magnificence,  and  the  civil  dignity  of  his 
see,  enjoyed  a  certain  preeminence  in  rank,  but  nothing 
more.  He  had  no  power  of  making  laws  for  the  church,  or 
of  appointing  bishops  to  their  sees ;  and  the  other  prelates 
strenuously  maintained  their  equality  with  him,  as  deriving 
their  authority  from  the  same  divine  source. 

The  fourth  century  and  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  were  the 
golden  age  of  the  literature  of  the  early  church.  Tiie  most 
distinguished  of  the  Fathers  thfen  flourished,  and  a  large 
proportion  of  their  works  have  come  down  to  modern  times. 
We  will  here  enumerate  some  of  the  principal. 

Athanasius,  the  secretary  and  the  successor  of  Alexander 
in  the  see  of  Alexandria,  was,  throughout  the  whole  of  his 
life,  the  invincible  opponent  of  Arianism.  In  his  opposition 
to  that  heresy,  he  braved  the  resentment  of  emperors;  and 
he  was  five  times  expelled  from  his  episcopal  throne,  and 
passed  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  exile.  His  energy  was  in- 
domitable; his  sinceiity  was  beyond  question;  his  talents 
qualified  him  to  rule  an  empire.  As  a  writer  and  a  speaker, 
he  was  clear,  forcible,  and  persuasive;  but  his  style  was  un- 


404  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

polished,  and  his  learning  was  inferior  to  that  of  some  of  his 
contemporaries.* 

Gregory,  named  Nazianzen  from  the  town  of  Nazianzes 
in  Cappadocia,  of  which  his  father  was  bishop,  was  a  man  of 
great  piety,  and  considerable  learning  and  eloquence.  He 
also  was  an  inveterate  foe  of  Arianism ;  and  Theodosius, 
when,  in  his  zeal  for  orthodoxy,  he  obliged  the  Ariaii  prelate 
of  Constantinople  to  resign  his  dignity,  seated  Gregory  by 
force  of  arms  on  the  archiepiscopal  throne.  But  the  pious 
prelate  finally  experienced  the  ingratitude  of  courts  and 
bishops,  and  he  resigned  his  see,  and  retired  to  a  solitude  in 
his  native  province,  where  he  passed  the  remaining  years  of 
his  life  in  the  cultivation  of  poetry  and  the  exercise  of  devo- 
tion ;  for  his  heart  was  naturally  tender,  and  his  genius 
elegant. 

The  rival  of  Gregory  in  genius  and  in  eloquence,  was  his 
early  friend,  companion,  and  countryman,  Basil,  surnamed 
the  Great,  archbishop  of  Ca3sarea.  But  Basil  had  a  pride  of 
character  from  which  Gregory  was  free;  and  the  real  Chris- 
tian knowledge  of  the  great  promoter  of  Oriental  monas- 
ticism  may  not  unreasonably  be  called  in  question.  Basil 
and  Gregory  Nazianzen  may  be  termed  the  great  Christian 
sophists.  In  their  works,  as  in  those  of  Libanius,  the  anxiety 
as  to  form  and  manner,  in  preference  to  matter  and  import, 
may  be  discerned;  the  dignity  of  simplicity  was  unknown 
to  or  despised  by  them,  and  the  glitter  of  false  eloquence 
assumes  its  place  in  their  writings. 

Gregory,  bishop  of  Nyssa,  the  brother  of  St.  Basil,  wa.s 
also  a  writer  of  some  eminence.  His  oration  on  the  life  of 
Gregory  the  Wonder-worker,  proves  him,  however,  to  have 
been  a  man  of  great  credulity. 

Eusebius,  bishop  of  Cajsarea,  was  the  author  of  various 
works.  It  is  to  his  Ecclesiastical  History  that  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  our  acquaintance  with  the  early  fortunes  of  the 
church;  and  his  Life  of  Constantine  is  a  principal  source  of 
our  knowledge  of  the  events  of  that  emperor's  reign.  But 
the  credit  of  this  prelate  as  an  historian  is  greatly  diminished 
by  the  rule  which  he  declares  he  had  laid  down  for  his  guid- 
ance, namely,  to  relate  nothing  to  the  disadvantage  of  those 
whom  he  celebrates,  of  which  proceeding  we  have  noticed 

*  The  account  of  Athanasius  given  by  Gibbon  (chnp.  xxi.)  is  in  the 
historian's  best  manner,  and  does  liiin  credit.  It  shows  that  "even  in 
a  bisliop  he  could  spy  desert." 


FATHERS    OF    THE    CHURCH.  405 

an  instance  in  his  suppression  of  the  murder  of  Crispus. 
He  justifies  this  conduct  by  the  specious,  but  untrue,  pretext 
that  this  course  is  the  more  edifying  one;  it  being  more  edi- 
fying and  profitable,  lor  example,  to  blazon  forth  the  virtues 
of  the  early  Christians,  than  to  narrate  their  dissensions 
and  portray  their  wickedness  and  apostasies.  History  would 
thus  become  mere  panegyric,  and  be  of  little  more  use  than 
romance.  Happily  the  prelate  did  not  always  adhere  to  his 
own  rule  ;  and  he  occasionally  lets  us  see  that  all  was  not 
purity  and  perfection  in  the  ciiurch. 

These  were  the  principal  fathers  of  this  century  who  used 
the  Greek  language.     The  following  wrote  in  Latin : 

Lactantius,  named  the  Christian  Cicero  from  the  elegance 
of  his  rich  and  copious  style,  is  supposed  to  have  been  an 
African.  His  principal  work,  the  Divine  Institutes,  is  a 
refutation  of  paganism.  His  own  notions  of  Christianity 
seem  to  have  been  of  a  more  philosophic  cast  than  those  of 
most  of  his  contemporaries.  Like  the  apologists  in  general, 
his  arguments  often  are  weak,  and  his  conclusions  not  justi- 
fied by  his  premises. 

Ambrose,  a  native  of  Gaul,  the  Becket  of  antiquity,  was 
the  civil  governor  of  Liguria.  When,  on  the  occasion  of  a 
dispute  between  the  orthodox  and  the  Arians  for  the  vacant 
see  of  Milan,  (374,)  he  addres.sed  the  people  in  the  cathedral 
in  order  to  appease  the  commotion,  he  was  greeted  with  the 
unanimous  cry,  "  We  will  have  Ambrose  for  our  bishop." 
Ambrose,  who  was  thirty-four  years  old,  had  not  yet  been 
baptized ;  his  religious  instruction  had  necessarily  been  ex- 
tremely slight,  and,  in  his  desire  to  escape  the  elevation,  for 
which  he  deemed  himself  unfit,  he  publicly  committed  some 
acts  of  gross  injustice  and  immorality.  But  the  people  cried, 
"  Thy  offence  be  upon  our  heads ;  "  they  drew  him  from  a 
concealment  which  he  had  sought,  and  conducted  him  in 
triumph  to  Milan.  He  was  thus  forced  to  yield,  and  on  the 
eighth  day  after  his  baptism,  he  was  consecrated.  He  im- 
mediately made  over  the  whole  of  his  property  to  the  church 
or  the  poor  ;  and  spiritual  ambition  took  entire  possession 
of  his  soul.  In  the  cause  of  orthodoxy,  he  resisted  Justina, 
the  Arian  mother  of  Valentinian  II. ;  in  the  cause  of  the 
authority  of  the  church,  he  humbled  even  the  great  Theodo- 
sius.  As  a  writer,  Ambrose  is  entitled  to  but  moderate 
praise.  His  works  discover  a  fondness  for  the  prevalent  su- 
perstitions of  the  age,  and  he  lays  claim  to  the  power  of  per- 
formincr  miracles.  He  was  an  able  statesman,  a  bold,  am- 
bitious prelate,  but  a  man  of  unblemished  private  life. 


406  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

Augustine,  bishop  of  Hippo  Regius  in  Africa,  was  a  man 
of  considerable  mental  power.  He  was  engaged  in  con- 
tinual controversy  with  the  Donatists  and  other  heretics. 
His  writings  are  numerous  ,  his  most  remarkable  work  is 
his  Confessions,  the  earliest  piece  of  autobiography  that  we 
possess.  Augustine  entered  more  deeply  into  the  abstruse 
questions  of  grace,  free  will,  and  original  sin,  than  the  Fa- 
thers in  general.  He  is  regarded  as  the  chief  author  of  the 
opinions  known  by  the  name  of  Calvinism. 

Jerome,  a  native  of  Illyricum,  had  conceived  such  a  pas- 
sion for  a  monastic  life,  that  he  left  his  own  country  and 
shut  himself  up  in  a  convent  at  Bethlehem,  where  he  de- 
voted all  his  days  to  devotion,  study,  and  composition.  He 
applied  himself  to  the  Hebrew  language,  and  translated  the 
Old  Testament  into  Latin ;  and  as  a  translator  and  critic  he 
ranks  far  above  his  contemporaries.  He  also  engaged  warm- 
ly in  controversy,  and  earned  the  fame  of  being  the  most 
foul-mouthed  of  all  the  Fathers,  On  heretics  and  reformers 
alike  the  vials  of  his  wrath  were  poured  forth ;  the  opposers 
of  mortification,  celibacy,  pilgrimage,  saint-worship,  and 
other  superstitions  which  he  chose  to  admire  and  recommend, 
however  exemplary  their  lives,  received  no  better  treatment 
than  the  obstinate  heretic  or  sinner,  from  this  most  choleric 
of  saints.  Even  age  brought  no  cooling  to  his  fervent  spirit; 
and  his  very  latest  writings  are  as  fierce  and  fiery  as  those 
composed  in  his  prime  of  life. 

Such  were  the  principal  Fathers  of  the  fourth  century  ; 
and,  viewing  their  writings,  and  those  of  their  predecessors 
and  successors,  we  think  that  any  person  of  candor  will  agree 
with  us  in  saying,  that  neither  in  critical  skill,  in  learn- 
ing, in  judgment,  or  in  correct  morality,  can  they  stand  a 
comparison  with  the  Protestant  divines  of  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries,  or  even  with  the  Galilean  divines  of 
the  same  period.  In  gaudy,  glittering,  theatric  eloquence,  a 
Basil,  a  Gregory,  a  Chrysostom,  may  claim  the  precedence  ; 
but  what  work  can  the  ancient  church  produce  to  be  placed 
alongside  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Polity  of  Hooker?  or  where 
can  we  find  in  it  reasoning  equal  to  that  of  Chillingworth 
and  Barrow?  The  Fathers  maybe  read  with  profit,  but 
cannot  be  safely  taken  as  guides,  unless  we  are  willing  to 
end  in  submission  to  the  church  of  Rome.  The  Christian 
religion  is  contained  in  the  New  Testament  alone,  and  is 
thence  to  be  derived,  by  the  application  of  the  principles  of 
sound  criticism  in  a  spirit  actuated  by  the  sincere  love  of 
truth. 


THE    MANICH^ANS.  407 

We  will  conclude  this  chapter  by  an  account  of  the  Mani- 
chjEan  heresy. 

This  heresy,  which  arose  in  the  middle  of  the  third  centu- 
ry, may  be  regarded  as  the  last  and  most  permanent  form  of 
Gnosticism.  Its  founder,  from  whom  it  derived  its  name, 
was  Maiies,  a  Persian  by  birth,  and  one  of  the  sacerdotal 
caste  of  the  Magians,  who  embraced  Christianity,  and  en- 
deavored to  amalgamate  it  with  his  original  faith.  Of  the 
history  of  his  life  little  is  known  with  certainty.  He  is  said 
to  have  been  put  to  death  by  the  Persian  king  Varanes  I. 

As  the  foundation  of  his  system,  Manes  laid  down  the  two 
principles  of  Light  and  Darkness,  with  their  respective  chiefs 
(the  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman  of  Persian  theology)  and  their 
countless  myriads  of  subordinate  spirits.  The  prince  of 
Darkness  was  longr  icrnoranl  of  the  existence  of  the  realm  of 

..11. 

light ;  but  when  he  accidentally  discovered  it,  he  invaded  it. 
The  armies  of  Light,  headed  by  the  First  Man,  opposed  him, 
but  could  not  prevent  his  seizing  a  large  portion  of  it,  and 
mingling  it  with  matter.  The  Living  Spirit,  the  second 
leader  of  the  troops  of  Light,  had  more  success;  yet  still 
much  of  the  pure  element  remained  immersed  in  matter. 
From  the  mixture  the  prince  of  Darkness  formed  the  parents 
of  the  human  race,  who  had  therefore  a  material  body,  in 
which  were  two  souls,  one  sensitive  and  lustful,  the  other 
rational  and  immortal,  as  being  produced  of  Light.  The 
Living  Spirit  then  created  the  earth  out  of  matter,  as  a 
habitation  for  the  human  race,  in  order  to  their  gradual  puri- 
fication from  the  influence  of  corrupt  matter  ;  and  to  aid 
them  in  their  efforts,  God  produced,  from  his  own  substance, 
two  beings,  named  Christ  and  Holy  Ghost,  the  former  of 
whom,  (the  Persian  Mithras,)  a  splendid  substance,  subsist- 
ing in  and  by  himself,  filled  with  life  and  infinite  in  wisdom, 
resided  in  the  sun;  while  the  latter,  also  luminous  and  ani- 
mated, pervaded  the  atmosphere  of  the  earth,  illumining  the 
minds  of  men,  giving  fertility  to  the  soil,  and  drawing  out 
from  it  the  particles  of  celestial  heat,  and  restoring  them  to 
their  native  region. 

The  Supreme  Deity  sent  a  succession  of  angels  and  holy 
men  to  admonish  and  exhort  the  souls  imprisoned  in  matter. 
At  length,  he  directed  Christ  to  quit  his  abode  in  the  son, 
and,  taking  on  him  the  semblance  of  a  body,  to  appear  on 
earth.  Christ  obeyed  the  mandate,  performed  miracles,  and 
gave  precepts  to  man;  but  the  prince  of  Darkness  stirred  up 
the  Jews  against  him,  and,  in  appearance,  he  suffered  death 


408  THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

on  the  cross.  He  reascended  to  the  sun,  having  appointed 
apostles  to  propagate  his  religion,  and  promised  a  Paraclete 
or  Comforter,  who  would  add  what  was  needful  to  his  doc- 
trine, and  dispel  all  error  from  the  minds  of  his  servants. 
This  great  Paraclete  was  Manes;  and  those  who  obeyed  the 
laws  of  Christ  as  enlarged  by  him,  would  gradually  be  freed 
from  the  influence  of  matter,  but  not  wholly  in  this  life  ;  for, 
after  death,  they  must  first  proceed  to  the  moon,  which  is 
composed  of  purifying  ivatcr,  after  an  abode  in  which  of  fif- 
teen days,  they  were  to  ascend  to  the  sun,  whose /re  would 
remove  all  remaining  stains.  The  souls  of  the  wicked  were, 
after  death,  to  migrate  into  the  bodies  of  animals  and  other 
natures,  till  they  should  have  expiated  their  guilt.  The 
world  was  finally  to  be  consumed  with  fire,  and  the  prince 
and  powers  of  Darkness  be  compelled  to  return  to  and  abide 
forever  in  their  original  gloom  and  misery. 

The  moral  system  of  Manes  was  severe  and  rigorous  in 
the  extreme;  but,  aware  that  celibacy,  long  fasting,  and 
mortification,  were  not  suited  to  mankind  in  general,  he 
made  a  distinction  similar  to  one  already  noticed,*  dividing 
his  followers  into  the  Elect  and  the  Hearers,  from  the  former 
of  whom  alone  obedience  was  exacted  to  his  ascetic  system. 

Manes  rejected  all  the  books  of  both  the  Old  and  the  New 
Testament,  except  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  which,  however,  he 
regarded  as  greatly  interpolated  and  corrupted.  He  gave 
his  disciples  a  gospel  of  his  own,  named  Ertang,  dictated  to 
him,  as  he  said,  by  God  himself.  The  Manichajan  assem- 
blies had  always  a  president,  who  represented  Jesus  Christ, 
twelve  rulers  or  masters,  and  seventy-two  bishops,  to  corre- 
spond with  the  apostles  and  disciples;  under  the  bishops 
were  presbyters  and  deacons,  all  selected  from  the  body  of 
the  Elect ;  and  the  hierarchy  was  thus  completed. 

The  Manicha;an  system  long  continued  to  flourish.  It 
spread  itself  over  both  the  empires.  We  believe  there  is 
little  doubt,  that  those  who,  under  the  names  of  Albigenses, 
Paulicians,  Cathari,  and  other  denominations,  were  so  cru- 
elly persecuted  by  the  church  of  Rome  in  the  middle  ages, 
were  the  descendants  of  the  Manicha^ans.  There  is  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  mistresses  and  the  loves  of  the  trouba- 
dours of  the  South  of  France  were  not  earthly  ;  that  the 
conventional  language,  retained  by  the  Soofees  in  Persia, 
had  been  carried  by  the  Manicha;ans  to  Spain  and  France; 

•  See  above,  p.  283. 


A.  D.  395.]  HONORius.  409 

that  in  Italy,  this  language,  which  had  hitherto  been  con- 
fined to  religion,  was,  by  Fredeiick  II.  and  his  friends,  ex- 
tended to  politics,  and  made  the  bond  of  union  of  the 
Ghibellines;  and  that  it  is  only  by  a  knowledge  of  it,  that 
the  writings  of  Dante,  Petrarca,  Boccaccio,  and  the  other 
writers  of  that  ajre,  can  be  understood.*  In  fine,  it  mijrht 
appear  that  Manichaiism  eventually  led  to  the  Reformation. 


CHAPTER   Vll.t 

HONORIUS,   VALENTINIAN  III.,  ETC. 

A.  u.  1148—1229.     A.  D.  395—476. 

DIVISTON      OF     THE      EMPIRE.  RUFINUS.  THE      GOTHS     IN 

GREECE. GILDO. INVASION      OF     ITALY     BY     ALARIC. 

BY    RADAGAISUS. MURDER    OF    STILICHO. CLAUDIAN. 

ALARIC'S    SECOND     INVASION. SACK     OF     ROME. DEATH 

OF  ALARIC. BARBARIANS  IN  THE  EMPIRE.  VALENTIN- 
IAN III. BONIFACE  AND  ^TIUS. GENSERIC. HIS  CON- 
QUEST     OF      AFRICA.  ATTILA.  THEODORIC.  BATTLE 

OF    CHALONS. ATTILA's    INVASION    OF    ITALY.  MURDER 

OF    .ETIUS  AND    OF    VALENTINIAN. MAXIMUS.  SACK 

OP    ROME    BY    GENSERIC.  AVITUS.  MAJORIAN. SEVE- 

RUS. ANTHEMIUS. NEPOS    AND    GLYCERIUS. ROMULUS 

AUGUSTUS. END    OF    THE    EMPIRE. CONCLUSION. 

Honorius. 

A.  V.  1148—1176.     A.  D.  395—423. 

With  Theodosius  the  unity  of  the  Roman  empire  termi- 
nated ;  it  never  again  obeyed  a  single  ruler,  and  henceforth 
the  empires  of  the  East  and  the  West  are  as  distinct  as  any 
independent  kingdoms  of  ancient  or  modern  times.  As  the 
history  of  that  of  the  East,  during  the  remaining  period  of 
our  narrative,  presents  no  events  of  much  political  impor- 

*  The  proofs  will  be  found  in  the  various  works  of  Signer  Rossetti, 
the  learned  and  sagacious  expounder  of  Dante. 

t  Authorities :  Zosimus,  Claudian,  Jornandes,  the  Ecclesiastical 
Historians,  and  the  Chroniclers. 

CONTIN.  35  Z  Z 


410  HONORIUS.  [a.  D.  395. 

tance,  we  will  confine  ourselves  to  that  of  the  West,  and 
rapidly  relate  its  fall. 

Theodosius  had  two  sons  :  to  the  elder,  named  Arcadius,  a 
youth  of  eighteen  years  of  age,  who  had  been  left  behind  in 
Constantinople,  was  assigned  the  empire  of  the  East ;  to  the 
younger,  Honorius,  a  boy  of  eleven  years,  that  of  the  West.* 
The  care  of  both  the  emperors  and  their  dominions  was 
committed  by  Theodosius,  on  his  death  bed,  to  Stilicho,  a 
man  of  great  talent,  civil  and  military,  and  of  incorrupt  in- 
tegrity, to  whom  he  had  given  his  niece  and  adopted  daugh- 
ter Serena  in  marriage,  and  had  raised  him  to  the  high 
rank  of  master  of  both  the  cavalry  and  infantry  of  the 
empire. 

After  the  decease  of  Theodosius,  Stilicho  remained  in 
Italy  with  the  young  Honorius.  The  chief  minister  of  Ar- 
cadius was  Rufinus,  the  prefect  of  the  East,  a  native  of 
Gaul,  who,  having  devoted  himself  to  the  practice  of  the  law 
at  Constantinople,  by  his  talents  and  by  his  profound  hypoc- 
risy gained  the  favor  of  the  late  emperor,  who  had  gradually 
raised  him  to  his  present  dignity.  As  soon  as  death  had 
relieved  him  from  the  restraint  which  his  knowledge  of  the 
latent  vigor  of  Theodosius's  character  imposed,  Rufinus 
flung  off  the  mask,  and  gave  free  course  to  his  cruelty  and 
his  avarice.  In  the  gratification  of  this  last  ignoble  passion, 
he  passed  all  bounds.  Justice  was  sold,  offices  were  sold, 
oppressive  taxes  were  imposed,  testaments  were  extorted  or 
forged,  ruinous  fines  were  exacted,  properties  were  confis- 
cated on  the  slightest  pretexts.  The  wealth  thus  acquired 
was  retained  by  the  most  rigid  parsimony,  and  Rufinus  was 
consequently  the  object  of  hatred  to  many,  and  of  sincere 
attachment  to  no  one. 

The  ambitious  prefect  hoped  to  unite  his  only  daughter  to 
his  youthful  sovereign ;  but  he  seems  not  to  have  reflected 
on  the  secret  machinations  of  a  despotic  court;  and  while 
he  was  absent  on  a  journey  of  vengeance  to  Antioch,  where, 
without  even  a  shadow  of  proof,  he  judicially  murdered  the 
count  of  the  East,  a  secret  conspiracy  ni  the  palace,  headed 
by  the  chamberlain  Eutropius,  undermined  his  power.  Dis- 
covering that  their  young  monarch  had  no  aflfection  for  his 
destined  bride,  the  confederates  planned  to  substitute  for  her 
the  fair  Eudoxia,  the  orphan  daughter  of  Bauto,  a  Frank 
general  in  the  imperial  service.    They  inflamed  the  imagina- 

*  The  province  of  Illyricum  was  divided  between  the  two  empires. 


A.  D.  395.]  KUFINUS.  411 

tion  of  the  emperor  by  their  commendations  of  her  charm.s; 
the  view  of  her  picture  confirmed  the  impression,  and  when, 
on  the  day  fixed  for  the  royal  nuptials,  after  the  return  of 
Rufinus,  (April  27,)  the  bearers  of  the  diadem,  robes,  and 
ornaments,  of  the  future  empress,  issued  from  the  palace, 
they  entered  not  the  mansion  of  the  prefect,  but  the  house 
in  which  Eudoxia  was  dwelling,  and  conducted  the  daughter 
of  Bauto  to  the  imperial  residence.  The  sense  and  spirit 
exhibited  by  the  new  empress  soon  filled  Rufinus  with  alarm; 
and  it  is  not  unlikely  that,  in  the  rage  of  disappointed  ambi- 
tion, and  the  dread  of  a  hostile  faction,  he  may,  as  he  is 
charged,  have  resolved  to  aim  at  the  empire,  and  \^ith  this 
view  have  secretly  encouraged  the  Goths  and  Huns  to  renew 
their  ravages. 

But  Rufinus  had  a  foe  to  encounter  more  formidable  than 
the  eunuchs  of  the  palace.  He  had  long  since  drawn  on 
himself  the  enmity  of  Stilicho;  and  that  general,  who  had 
already  divided  between  the  royal  brothers  the  jewels  and 
other  private  property  of  their  deceased  father,  now  pre- 
pared to  apportion  between  the  two  empires  the  troops 
which  had  been  assembled  under  the  imperial  standard  for 
the  late  war.  Under  the  pretext  of  the  ravages  of  the 
Goths,  he  marched  in  person  at  the  head  of  the  troops  that 
were  to  return  to  the  East ;  and  he  had  reached  Thessalonica 
when  he  received  an  order  from  Arcadius,  dictated  by  the 
fears  of  Rufinus,  to  send  on  the  troops,  but  to  advance  no 
farther  himself.  He  obeyed,  committing  to  the  soldiers  the 
execution  of  the  designs  which  he  had  formed  against  Rufi- 
nus. The  army,  led  by  Gainas,  a  Goth,  marched  for  the 
capital;  not  a  soldier  divulged  the  secret  of  Stilicho;  Rufi- 
nus was  led  to  hope  that  they  would  aid  his  ambition,  and  he 
freely  distributed  to  them  a  portion  of  his  hoarded  treasures. 
When  they  were  within  a  mile  of  the  city,  (Nov.  27,)  he  and 
the  emperor  advanced  to  salute  them.  As  he  was  passing 
along  tiie  ranks,  the  wings  gradually  closed  and  surrounded 
him  :  Gainas  then  gave  the  signal ;  a  soldier  plunged  his 
sword  into  his  breast,  and  he  fell  dead  at  the  feet  of  the  em- 
peror. His  lifeless  body  was  abandoned  to  the  rage  of  the 
populace,  who  treated  it  with  every  species  of  horrid  indig- 
nity. His  wife  and  daughter  found  sanctuary  in  a  church, 
and  they  ended  their  days  in  a  convent  at  Jerusalem.* 

*  Tho  power  now  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  tlie  eunuch  Eutropius,  whom 
Ciaudiiin,  the  panegyrist  of  Stiliclio,  lashes  in  so  fearful  a  manner.  Of 
the  poet's  satiric  powers,  the  following  is  a  specimen :  — 


412  HONORius.  [a.  D.  396-398. 

The  Goths,  under  the  guidance  of  an  intrepid  young 
prince  named  Alaric,  after  ravaging  the  northern  provinces, 
had  advanced  into  Greece,  (396.)  They  no  where  encoun- 
tered opposition ;  from  Mount  Olympus  to  the  extremities  of 
Tainaron  and  Malea,  they  ravaged  the  country  and  pillaged 
the  towns.  At  length  (397)  Stilicho  debarked  an  army  on 
the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  advanced  into  Arcadia,  to  engage 
the  invaders.  By  skilful  movements  he  forced  them  to  re- 
tire to  Mount  Pholoe,  and,  having  diverted  the  course  of  the 
only  stream  that  supplied  them,  and  drawn  a  line  of  posts 
round  them,  he  withdrew  to  share  in  the  pleasures  of  the 
stase  and  dance  in  the  cities  of  Greece.  The  soldiers,  not 
being  controlled  by  the  presence  of  their  general,  quitted 
the  works,  and  spread  themselves  over  the  country.  Alaric, 
watching  his  opportunity,  marched  out  with  his  booty  and 
captives,  crossed  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  and  was  master  of 
Epirus  before  Stilicho  knew  of  his  escape.  The  Gothic 
prince  had  meantime  been  secretly  negotiating  a  treaty  with 
the  ministers  of  Arcadius;  and  just  at  this  conjuncture  he 
was  appointed  to  the  military  command  of  eastern  lUyricum, 
and  Stilicho  received  orders  to  depart  from  the  dominions  of 
the  emperor  of  the  East. 

The  attention  of  Stilicho  was  next  directed  to  Africa, 
where  Gildo,  the  brother  of  the  unfortunate  Firmus,  ruled 
in  nearly  total  independence ;  for,  after  the  suppression  of 
that  rebel,  the  government  of  Africa  had  been  conferred  on 
Gildo,  who  had  risen  to  the  rank  of  count  in  the  service  of 
Rome.  At  a  distance  from  the  seat  of  empire,  and  there- 
fore secure  from  punishment,  he  indulged  all  his  passions 
without  restraint,  and  the  unhappy  country  groaned  beneath 
his  tyranny.  Persons  of  wealth  were  poisoned  in  order  to 
obtain  their  properties  ;  the  fairest  matrons  and  maidens, 
after  being  forced  to  submit  to  the  embraces  of  the  tyrant, 
were  abandoned  to  his  swarthy  Moorish  and  Ga;tulian  guards. 

Asperius  nihil  est  humili,  cum  surgit  in  altnm ; 
Cuncta  ferit  ciiiin  cuncta  timet ;  dosrovit  in  onines, 
Ut  se  posse  putent ;  nee  hellua  tetrior  ulla 
Quam  servi  rabies  in  libera  terga  furcntis. 
Agnoscit  geinilus,  et  paenoj  parcere  nescit 
Quaui  subiit,  doiiiinique  nieinor  quern  verberat  odit. 
Adde  quod  eunuchus  nulla  ])i('late  niovetur, 
Nee  generi  natisve  cavet.     Cleinentia  cunctis 
In  similes,  aniuiosque  ligant  consortia  damni. 
Iste  nee  eunuchis  placidus,  sed  pejus  in  auruni 
,       ^stuat ;  hoc  uno  truitur  succisa  libido. 

In  Eutrop.  I.  181,  seq. 


A.  D.  398.]  GILDO.  413 

His  excesses  were  unnoticed  by  Tiieodosius,  wlio  resided  at 
a  distance;  but  he  saw  that  from  Stilicho  he  had  no  favor  to 
expect,  and  he  therefore  craftily  tendered  his  allegiance  to 
the  throne  of  Arcadius.  The  ministers  of  that  priuce,  re- 
gardless of  faith  or  honor,  grasped  at  the  delusive  offer,  and 
signified  to  Stilicho  their  rioht  to  Africa.  Their  claim  was 
met  by  a  decided  negative.  Stilicho  instantly  accused  the 
African  as  a  rebel  to  the  senate,  and  that  body  declared  him 
the  enemy  of  the  re[)ublic.  The  prudent  Symmachus  sug- 
gested the  danger  of  the  corn-ships  being  kept  back,  and  the 
city  being  thus  exposed  to  famine;  but  Stilicho  had  already 
provided  for  this  case,  and  abundant  supplies  of  corn  from 
Gaul  were  poured  into  the  granaries  of  Rome. 

The  command  of  the  force  destined  for  the  reduction  of 
the  Moorish  tyrant  was  committed  to  his  own  brother  Mas- 
cezel,  whom  he  had  forced  to  fly  for  his  life,  and  whose 
innocent  children  he  had  murdered.  The  army  of  Mascezel 
consisted  of  only  five  thousand  Gallic  veterans;  but  these 
were  deemed  sufficient  to  overcome  the  naked  and  disorderly 
barbarians,  who,  to  the  number,  it  is  said,  of  seventy  thou- 
sand, marched  under  the  banners  of  Gildo.  Shortly  after 
his  landing,  (398,)  Mascezel  gave  the  signal  for  engagement. 
He  himself  advanced  before  his  troops  with  offers  of  par- 
don; one  of  the  enemy's  standard-bearers  met  him,  and 
Mascezel,  on  his  refusal  to  yield,  struck  off  his  arm  with  his 
sword.  The  standard  fell  to  the  ground ;  the  supposed  vol- 
untary act  was  imitated  by  all  the  other  standard-bearers: 
the  cohorts  proclaimed  the  name  of  Honorius;  the  barba- 
rians dispersed  and  returned  to  their  homes  ;  and  the  victory 
was  thus  gained  without  the  slightest  effusion  of  blood. 
Gildo  fled  to  the  sea-shore,  and,  throwing  himself  into  a 
small  vessel,  made  sail  for  the  East;  but  the  wind  drove  him 
into  the  port  of  Tabraca,  where  he  was  seized  by  the  inhab- 
itants and  cast  into  prison,  and  he  terminated  his  existence 
by  his  own  hand.  Mascezel,  on  his  return,  was  received  at 
court  with  great  favor ;  but,  shortly  after,  as  he  was  riding 
with  Stilicho  over  a  bridge,  his  horse  threw  him  into  the 
river;  and  the  attendants,  observing  that  Stilicho  smiled, 
gave  him  no  aid,  and  he  was  drowned.*  The  guilt  of  his 
death  was  accordingly  charged  on  the  envy  of  Stilicho. 

*  So   Gibbon  "  softens,"  as  he  terms  it,  the  narrative  of  Zosimus, 
"vphich,  in   its  crude  simplicity,"  he  says,  "is   ahnost    incredible." 
Zosimus  simply  says  (v.  ii.)  that  the  guards,  on  a  given  signal,  pushed 
him  into  the  river,  and  that  Stilicho  laughed. 
35* 


414  HONORius.  [400-403. 

The  young  emperor,  now  in  his  fourteenth  year,  was  uni- 
ted in  marriage  at  this  time  with  his  cousin  Maria,  the 
daughter  of  Stilicho;  but  the  consummation  was  deferred; 
and  ten  years  after  Maria  died  a  virgin.  Honorius,  who  was 
utterly  devoid  of  talent  or  energy,  passed  his  days  in  feeding 
poultry;  and  Stilicho,  while  he  lived,  was  in  reality  the  mon- 
arch of  the  West. 

This  able  man  had  soon  again  to  measure  arms  with  the 
ambitious  Alaric.  The  Gothic  prince,  in  addition  to  his 
rank  of  master  of  Illyricum,  was  now,  by  the  unanimous 
suffrages  of  his  countrymen,  king  of  the  Visigoths.  For 
some  years  he  acted  a  dubious  part  between  the  emperors  of 
the  East  and  the  West;  but  he  finally  (400)  resolved  on  the 
invasion  and  plunder  of  Italy.  By  arts  or  by  arms  he  was 
for  three  years  withheld  from  treading  its  plains;  but  at 
length  (402)  the  court  of  Milan  was  alarmed  by  intelligence 
of  the  approach  of  the  Goths.  The  council  of  the  young 
emperor  proposed  an  instant  flight  to  Gaul.  Stilicho,  alone 
undismayed,  pledged  himself,  if  the  court  would  only  remain 
tranquil  during  his  absence,  to  return,  within  a  limited  time, 
at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army.  He  accordingly  crossed  the 
Alps  in  the  depth  of  winter,  collected  the  troops  of  Gaul  and 
Britain,  and  took  into  pay  a  large  body  of  Alemannic  cav- 
alry. But,  while  he  was  thus  engaged,  the  Goths  had  ad- 
vanced to  Milan;  and  Honorius  had  fled  and  shut  himself 
up  in  the  town  of  Asta  {Asti)  in  Liguria,  where  he  was 
closely  besieged  by  the  Gothic  monarch.  Stilicho  hastened 
to  his  relief;  by  skilful  mancEuvres  he  cut  off  the  supplies  of 
the  barbarians,  and  he  gradually  drew  round  them  a  line  of, 
fortifications. 

During  these  operations,  the  festival  of  Easter  arrived, 
(403.)  While  the  Goths  were  devoutly  celebrating  it,  their 
camp  at  Pollentia  (twenty-five  miles  south-east  of  Turin) 
was  assailed  by  the  imperial  cavalry.  Alaric  speedily  drew 
out  and  formed  his  men  ;  the  battle  was  maintained  through- 
out the  day  with  mutual  valor;  but  in  the  evening  the  Goths 
retired.  Their  camp  was  forced ;  the  booty  and  captives 
were  all  recovered ;  and  the  wife  of  Alaric  remained  a  pris- 
oner in  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Alaric  was,  however,  pre- 
paring, at  the  head  of  his  remaining  troops,  to  cross  the 
Apeimines  and  push  on  for  Rome;  but  his  council  of  war- 
riors forced  him  to  listen  to  the  offers  of  Stilicho,  and  con- 
clude a  treaty  for  the  evacuation  of  Italy.  He  repassed  the 
Po,  with   the  secret  design   of  seizing  the   city  of  Verona, 


A.  D.  404-406.]  INVASION    OF    ITALY.  415 

advancing  rapidly  into  Germany,  passing  the  Rhine,  and 
invading  the  defenceless  provinces  of  Gaul.  But  Stilicho, 
who  had  a  secret  intelligence  with  some  of  the  Gothic 
chiefs,  learned  his  design,  and,  at  a  short  distance  from 
Verona,  the  Goths  were  assailed  on  all  sides  by  the  imperial 
troops.  Their  loss  was  considerable;  Alaric  himself  owed 
his  safety  to  the  swiftness  of  his  horse.  He  then  assembled 
his  remainin":  forces  amid  the  adjacent  rocks,  where  he  pre- 
pared to  stand  a  siege ;  but  hunger  and  desertion  soon  forced 
him  to  accept  another  treaty ;  and  Italy  was  at  length  de- 
livered from  the  Goths,  though  but  for  a  time. 

In  the  following  year,  (404,)  Honorius  visited  the  ancient 
capital  of  the  eni[)ire.  lie  entered  it  in  triumphal  pomp, 
Stilicho  seated  in  his  chariot  by  his  side.  His  abode  in 
the  capital  is  distinguished  by  an  edict  abolishing  the 
combats  of  crladiators;   for,  as  these  inhuman  contests  were 

-         ■  1 

going  on  one  day  in  the  amphitheatre,  an  Asiatic  monk, 
named  Telemachus,  urged  by  a  generous  impulse,  sprang 
into  the  arena  to  separate  the  combatants.  The  enraged 
spectators  overwhelmed  him  with  a  shower  of  stones ;  and 
he  perished  a  martyr  in  the  sacred  cause  of  humanity. 
When  the  rage  of  the  people  subsided,  they  were  filled  with 
penitence ;  a  ready  obedience  was  yielded  to  the  edict  is- 
sued on  the  occasion  by  the  emperor,  and  the  barbarous  and 
inhuman  gladiatorial  combats  ceased  forever. 

_ 

As  invasions  of  the  barbarians  were  now  matter  of  con- 
stant apprehension,  and  neither  Rome  nor  Milan  was  con- 
sidered to  be  sufficiently  secure  for  the  imperial  residence, 
Honorius  fixed  his  abode  at  Ravenna.  This  city,  situated 
on  the  Adriatic,  was  strongly  fortified  ;  and  its  only  approach 
on  the  land  side  was  by  a  causeway  leading  through  a  deep 
morass.*  Strong  thus  by  nature  and  art,  Ravenna  hence- 
forth continued,  for  more  than  three  centuries,  to  be  the  seat 
of  government  in  Italy. 

The  apprehensions  of  the  emperor  and  his  court  were  not 
unfounded  ;  for,  within  two  years  after  the  departure  of  Al- 
aric, a  numerous  host  of  Germans  poured  into  Italy,  (406.) 
This  host,  which  is  stated  at  200,000  fighting  men,  accom- 
panied by  their  wives,  children,  and  slaves,  was  composed  of 
adventurers  from  most  of  the  German  and  Sarmatian  tribes. 
The  leader-in-chief  was  named  Radagaisus.     The  task  of 

*  Owincr  to  the  recession  of  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean,  Ra- 
venna is  now  four  miles  from  the  sea. 


416  HONORius.  [a.  d.  407-408. 

defending  Italy  fell,  as  before,  to  Stilicho;  he  caused  the 
feeble  emperor  to  shut  himself  up  in  Ravenna;  while  he 
himself,  with  an  army  of  between  thirty  and  forty  thousand 
men,  the  utmost  force  he  was  able  to  collect,  took  his  post 
at  Pavia,  {Ticinum.)  The  barbarians  advanced  unopposed, 
pillaging  the  towns  and  cities  on  their  way  ;  they  crossed 
the  Po  and  the  Apennines,  and  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Flor- 
ence in  Tuscany.  Stilicho,  who  had,  at  length,  been  joined 
by  the  troops  which  he  had  summoned  from  the  provinces, 
and  by  barbarian  auxiliaries,  now  advanced  to  its  relief. 
Adopting  his  former  policy,  he  avoided  a  general  action,  and 
gradually  drew  a  strong  line  of  fortifications  around  the  posi- 
tion occupied  by  the  host  of  Radagaisus.  Famine  soon 
spread  its  ravages  among  the  men  and  horses ;  their  furious 
assaults  on  the  lines  of  circumvallation  were  repelled ;  and 
they  were  at  length  obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion. 
Radagaisus  was  beheaded  by  order  of  Stilicho  ;  the  common 
barbarians  were  sold  for  slaves. 

The  principal  nations  composing  the  host  of  Radagaisus 
were  the  Suevians,  Burgundians,  Vandals,  and  Alans ;  and 
only  a  portion  of  their  immense  force  had  entered  Italy.  In 
the  following  winter,  those  who  had  remained  in  Germany 
crossed  the  Rhine  never  to  retreat;  and,  in  less  than  two 
years,  after  devastating  the  Gallic  provinces,  they  had 
reached  the  Pyrenees.  At  this  time,-the  trans-Alpine  prov- 
inces had  ceased  to  obey  the  emperor  Honorius.  The 
army  of  Britain  had  invested  with  the  purple  a  private  sol- 
dier of  the  name  of  Constantine,  (407;)  and,  on  his  passing 
over  to  Gaul,  all  the  cities  which  had  escaped  the  barbarians 
yielded  him  submission.  The  troops  of  Honorius  besieged 
him  in  Vienne,  but  they  were  forced  to  make  a  precipitate 
retreat  over  the  Alps;  and,  in  the  following  year,  (408,) 
Constantine,  with  little  difficulty,  made  himself  master  of 
Spain. 

After  the  retreat  of  Alaric  from  Italy,  relations  of  friend- 
ship were  formed  between  that  prince  and  Stilicho;  and  the 
Goth,  quitting  the  service  of  the  emperor  of  the  East,  was 
appointed  commander  of  the  Roman  forces  in  all  Illyricum ; 
the  eastern  portion  of  which  region  Stilicho  reclaimed  from 
the  court  of  Byzantium.  A  semblance  of  war  ensued  be- 
tween the  two  empires;  and  Alaric  carried  on  some  feeble 
operations  in  Epirus  and  Thessaly,  for  which  he  furnished  a 
long  account  of  expenses  to  the  court  of  Ravenna,  intima- 
ting, though  in  respectful  terms,  that  a  refusal  to  comply 


A.D.  408.]  MURDER    OF    STILICHO.  417 

with  his  demands  might  prove  hazardous.  Stilicho  deem- 
ing it  the  wiser  course  to  yield,  liis  authority  silenced  all 
opposition  ;  and  the  sum  of  4U00  pounds  of  gold,  under  the 
name  of  a  subsidy,  was  promised  to  Alaric. 

While  the  empire  was  thus  distracted  and  menaced  on  all 
sides,  court  intrigue  deprived  it  of  the  only  man  capable  of 
saving  it.  Olympius,  a  man  whom  the  influence  of  Stilicho 
had  advanced  to  a  high  office  at  court,  and  who  concealed 
his  vices  under  the  mask  of  extreme  piety,  was  secretly  un- 
dermining his  benefactor  in  the  mind  of  the  feeble  emperor. 
He  made  Honorius  believe  that  Stilicho  had  formed  designs 
on  his  life  and  throne.  As  the  troops,  which,  on  account  of 
the  menaces  of  Alaric,  were  lying  north  of  the  Po,  were 
composed  of  different  elements  —  some  devoted,  others  hos- 
tile to  Stilicho  —  Honorius,  at  the  instigation  of  Olympius, 
announced  his  intention  of  rcviewintr  them  in  their  different 
quarters.  He  visited  Stilicho  at  Bologna,  where  the  barba- 
rian troops  (those  most  devoted  to  the  general)  lay,  and 
thence  proceeded  to  Pavia,  to  the  camp  of  the  Roman  troops, 
the  enemies  of  Stilicho  and  the  barbarians.  By  the  arts  of 
Olympius,  these  troops  had  been  prepared  to  enact  the  part 
required  of  them,  and,  after  listening  to  an  address  from  the 
emperor,  they  rose  and  massacred  all  the  friends  of  Stilicho, 
including  the  highest  officers  of  the  empire.  Honorius,  who 
was  ignorant  of  the  projected  massacre,  was  filled  with  ter- 
ror ;  but  he  was  finally  persuaded  to  approve  of  what  had 
been  done,  and  conuiiend  the  actors.  Stilicho,  on  hearing 
of  the  massacre  at  Pavia,  held  a  council  of  the  leaders  of  the 
auxiliaries ;  they  were  unanimous  in  urging  him  to  ven- 
geance, but  he  hesitated  to  involve  the  empire  in  a  civil  war. 
His  confederates  retired  in  disgust  at  his  irresolution,  and  in 
the  night  his  camp  was  assailed  by  the  troops  of  a  Gothic 
leader  named  Sarus,  who  was  one  of  the  band  of  his  enemies 
His  faithful  Hunnish  guards  were  cut  to  pieces,  and  he  him- 
self escaj)ed  with  difficulty.  He  retired  to  Ravenna,  and  took 
sanctuary  in  a  church ;  by  artifice  and  perjury  the  bishop  was 
induced  to  yield  him  up,  and  he  was  beheaded  as  soon  as 
he  had  passed  the  sacred  threshold,  (Aug.  23.)  His  so^ 
was  shortly  after  put  to  death;  his  daughter  Thermantia, 
who,  like  her  sister,  was  the  emperor's  virgin  wife,  was  di- 
vorced ;  his  memory  was  defamed ;  his  friends  were  tortured 
and  murdered. 

AmouCT  those  involved  in  the  fate  of  the  great  Stilicho  was 
the  poet  Claudian,  the  last  ancient  poet  in  whose  verses  the 

AAA 


418  HONORius.  [a.  d.  408. 

Latin  language  appears  with  any  lustre.  Claudian  was  born 
at  Alexandria  in  Egypt.  The  Latin,  therefore,  was  not  his 
mother  tongue ;  yet  he  made  it  the  graceful  and  elegant  ve- 
hicle of  such  poetry  as  had  not  been  equalled,  except  by 
Statins,  since  the  Augustan  age.  Panegyric  and  satire  were 
the  principal  themes  of  his  muse.  He  may  be  called  the 
poet  laureate  of  Stilicho,  whose  victories  he  celebrates,  and 
whose  enemies  he  overwhelms  with  invective.  His  diction 
is  harmonious,  though  not  perfectly  pure;  his  descriptions 
are  rich  and  luxuriant ;  he  possessed  the  rare  talent  of  ele- 
vating the  mean  and  diversifying  the  similar  without  offend- 
ing the  good  sense  or  taste  of  the  reader.  In  a  word,  Clau- 
dian closes  with  dignity  the  band  of  Latin  poets.* 

While,  by  the  base  arts  of  courtiers,  Italy  was  thus  de- 
prived of  her  only  stay,  Alaric  lay  encamped  on  her  confines. 
As  if  to  aid  him  in  his  projects,  the  fanatic  Olympius  caused 
an  edict  to  be  issued  excludincr  all  those  who  did  not  hold 
the  orthodox  creed  from  civil  and  military  employment ;  and 
on  one  day  the  wives  and  children  of  the  barbarians  in  the 
Roman  service  (a  body  of  30,000  men)  were  massacred  in 
the  towns  of  Italy,  in  which  they  were  dwelling  as  hostages. 
These  troops  vowed  a  heavy  revenge;  and  Alaric,  certain  of 
their  cooperation,  hesitated  not  to  enter  Italy  as  the  avenger 
of  the  death  of  Stilicho,  and  of  his  own  wrongs.  Stilicho 
had  perished  in  the  month  of  August,  and  in  the  following 
October,  Alaric  passed  the  Alps,  the  Po,  the  Apennines;  and 
Rome,  for  the  first  time  since  the  days  of  Hannibal,  saw  a 
foreign  enemy  before  her  gates.  The  Gothic  forces  closely 
blockaded  all  the  approaches,  and  stopped  the  navigation  of 
the  Tiber.  Famine  and  pestilence  soon  began  to  spread 
their  ravages  through  the  crowded  population.  At  length, 
two  senators  were  sent  as  envoys  to  the  Gothic  camp.  When 
led  before  Alaric,  they  spoke  of  the  dignity  and  number  of 
the  Roman  people,  and  bade  him  to  prepare  for  battle  if  he 
would  not  grant  reasonable  terms.  "  The  thicker  the  hay, 
the  easier  it  is  mowed,"  replied  the  Goth,  with  a  laugh.  He 
then  demanded,  as  a  ransom,  all  the  gold,  silver,  and  precious 
movables  in  the  city,  and  all  the  barbarian  slaves.     He  final- 

*  Gibbon  (chap,  xxx.)  draws  tlie  character  of  tliis  poet  with  tolerable 
accurany.  He  evidently  admired  him.  We  cannot,  however,  con- 
cede, that  in  Claudian  "  it  would  not  be  easy  to  produce  a  passage  that 
deserves  the  epithet  of  sublime  or  pathetic  ;  to  select  a  verse  that  melts 
the  heart  or  enlarges  the  imagination."  Of  the  last,  at  least,  there  are 
many. 


A.D.  409.]      ATTALtJS  MADE  EMPEROR.  419 

ly  consented  to  take  5,000  pounds  of  gold,  30,000  of  silver, 
3,000  of  pepper,  4,000  robes  of  silk,  and  3,000  pieces  of 
scarlet  cloth ;  and,  on  the  delivery  of  these  articles,  Alaric  led 
his  troops  into  Tuscany  for  the  winter.  His  army,  aug- 
mented by  the  barbarians  who  had  been  in  the  Roman  ser- 
vice, and  by  40,000  slaves,  counted,  at  the  least,  100,000 
fighting  men,  (409.) 

The  early  part  of  the  year  was  spent  in  fruitless  negotia- 
tions for  peace.  Olympius  was  in  his  turn  undermined  by 
the  intrigues  of  the  palace,  and  forced  to  seek  his  safety  in 
flight.  A  brave  barbarian  officer,  named  Gennerid,  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  10,000  Huns  were  taken 
into  pay.  But  the  intrigues  of  the  palace  still  prevailed,  and 
an  oath  was  extorted  from  the  principal  officers  of  the  state 
and  army,  never,  under  any  circumstances,  to  consent  to  a 
peace  with  the  insolent  invader  of  Italy.  All  hopes  of  accom- 
modation being  thus  cut  off,  Alaric  led  his  troops  once  more 
toward  Rome.  By  making  himself  master  of  the  port  of 
Ostia,*  where  the  corn  for  the  supply  of  the  city  was  ware- 
housed, he  speedily  put  an  end  to  all  thoughts  of  resistance ; 
and  the  senate,  at  his  dictation,  invested  with  the  purple  At- 
tains, the  prefect  of  the  city.  The  new  emperor  bestowed 
on  his  benefactor  the  rank  of  commander-in-chief  of  the 
armies  of  the  West,  which  he  had  sought  in  vain  from  the 
ministers  of  Honorius,  and  made  Adolphus,  {Alhaulf,)  the 
Gothic  monarch's  brother-in-law,  count  of  the  domestics, 
with  the  custody  of  the  royal  person.  Milan  cheerfully  ac- 
knowledged the  new  emperor,  whom  Alaric  conducted  in 
triumph  almost  to  the  gates  of  Ravenna,  where  an  embassy 
from  Honorius,  offering  to  divide  the  empire  with  him,  en- 
tered the  camp.  Attains  insisted  on  his  resignation  ;  and  so 
desperate  in  reality  did  the  affairs  of  Honorius  now  seem, 
that  Jovius,  his  principal  minister,  and  Valens,  his  general, 
two  of  the  envoys,  went  over  to  the  side  of  his  rival. 

Honorius  was  in  despair,  preparing  to  fly  to  the  Eastern 
court,  when  a  body  of  four  thousand  veterans  landed  in  Ra- 
venna. As  these  sufficed  for  its  defence,  he  now  felt  some- 
what reassured,  and  he  was  soon  further  cheered  by  the 
arrival  of  a  large  sum  of  money,  sent  by  Count  Heraclian, 
who  had  defeated  the  troops  sent  to  Africa  by  Attains,  and 
distressed  the  Romans  by  preventing  the  exportation  of  corn 
and  oil.     Alaric,  wearied  with  the  insolence  and  imprudence 

•  See  above,  p.  80. 


420  HONORius.  [a.  D.  410-412. 

of  the  emperor  of  his  own  creation,  and  acted  on  by  the  arts 
of  the  treacherous  Jovius,  at  length  publicly  stripped  him 
of  his  diadem  and  purple,  which  he  sent  to  Honorius  as  a 
pledge  of  amity.  He  then  advanced  to  within  three  miles  of 
Ravenna,  in  the  full  expectation  that  a  peace  would  now  be 
concluded ;  but  Sarus  the  Goth,  at  the  head  of  three  hun- 
dred men,  sallied  from  one  of  the  gates,  and  cut  to  pieces  a 
division  of  his  troops ;  and  a  herald  soon  after  appeared  to 
declare  that  the  emperor  would  never  enter  into  friendship 
with  the  invader  of  Italy. 

The  Gothic  monarch,  bent  on  vengeance,  led  his  troops 
once  nlore  to  Rome.  The  senate  prepared  to  make  a  des- 
perate resistance ;  but  treachery  rendered  their  plans  unavail- 
ing. At  midnight,  (Aug.  24,  410,)  the  Salarian  gate  was 
silently  opened,  and  the  Goths  were  admitted  ;  and  Rome, 
for  the  first  tirtie  since  the  days  of  Camillus,  (a  space  of  eight 
centuries,)  became  the  prey  of  a  foreign  enemy.  All  the 
horrors  and-  atrocities  consequent  on  the  capture  of  a  large 
town  by  storm,  were  felt  by  the  unhappy  city;  but  the  evils 
were  mitigated,  in  many  instances,  by  the  Christian  feeling 
of  the  Arian  Goths ;  and  it  is  acknowledged  that  Rome 
suffered  far  less  at  their  hands,  than  it  did  afterwards,  in  the 
16th  century,  from  the  Catholic  troops  of  the  orthodox  em- 
peror Charles  V.  Numbers  were,  of  course,  reduced  from 
affluence  or  comfort  to  slavery  or  poverty,  and  the  provinces 
of  Africa  and  the  East  were  filled  with  fugitives  from  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  empire. 

Alaric  remained  only  six  days  in  Rome  ;  he  then  led  his 
troops  southwards,  captured  Nola  and  other  towns,  and,  on 
coming  to  the  Straits  of  Rhegium,  prepared  to  pass  over  and 
make  the  conquest  of  Sicily  prelusive  to  that  of  Africa.  But 
a  storm  shattered  his  transports,  and  a  premature  death  ter- 
minated his  visions  of  dominion.  To  form  a  grave  for  the 
mighty  Alaric,  the  course  of  the  Busentinus,  a  small  river 
which  washes  the  walls  of  Consentia,  was  diverted,  and  his 
corpse,  royally  arrayed,  Was  deposited  in  its  bed.  The 
stream  was  then  restored  to  its  original  channel ;  and,  that 
the  secret  of  the  resting-place  of  Alaric  might  never  be 
known,  a  massacre  was  made  of  all  the  prisoners  who  had 
been  engaged  in  the  work. 

The  royal  dignity,  after  the  death  of  Alaric,  was  conferred 
on  Adolphus.  This  prince,  who  was  of  a  prudent  and  mod- 
erate temper,  effected  a  treaty  with  the  court  of  Ravenna, 
and  the  Visigoths  at  length  (412)  evacuated  Italy,  after  a 


A.  D.  413.]  BARBAKIANS    IN    SPAIN.  421 

possession  of  four  years.  But  they  never  again  returned  to 
their  former  seats;  Adolphus,  in  the  character  of  a  Roman 
general,  led  his  troops  against  the  invaders  and  the  usurpers 
of  southern  Gaul  ;  and  his  authority  was  speedily  acknowl- 
edged from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Ocean.  A  marriage 
into  the  royal  house  of  Theodosius  also  contributed  to  give 
him  consequence.  Placidia,  the  daughter  of  that  monarch 
by  Galla,  had  been  detained  in  the  Gothic  camp  since  the 
period  of  the  first  siege  of  Rome  by  Alaric  ;  and,  though  the 
court  of  Honorius  rejected  with  disdain  Adolphus's  propo- 
sals of  marriage,  and  insisted  on  her  restitution,  the  princess 
herself  was  less  haughty,  and  she  readily  gave  her  hand  to 
the  brave  and  handsome  monarch  of  the  Goths. 

Count  Heraclian,  who  had  been  loyal  to  Honorius  when 
his  cause  seemed  nearly  hopeless,  became  a  rebel  when  Italy 
was  delivered  of  the  Goths.  He  assumed  the  purple,  (413,) 
and,  embarking  a  numerous  army  in  a  large  fleet,  sailed  from 
Africa,  and  entered  the  Tiber.  But,  as  he  was  on  the  road  to 
Rome,  he  was  met  and  defeated  by  one  of  the  imperial  gen- 
erals, and  he  fled  back  to  Africa  in  a  single  ship.  He  sought 
refuge  in  the  temple  of  Memory,  at  Carthage,  whence  he  was 
taken  and  beheaded. 

It  would  be  tedious  were  we  to  relate  the  actions  and 
deaths  of  Constantine,  of  Maximus,  Jovinus,  Sebastian,  and 
others,  who  at  this  period  aimed  at  empire  in  Gaul  and  Spain, 
and  perished  in  the  attempt.  We  tlierefore  pass  them  over 
in  silence,  and  proceed  to  relate  the  conquest  of  Spain  by 
the  Goths. 

The  fruitful  and  wealthy  provinces  of  Spain  had,  in  conse- 
quence of  its  position,  been  strangers  to  war  for  the  last  four 
centuries,  with  the  exception  of  the  irruption  of  the  Germans 
in  the  time  of  Gallienus;  it  was  now  to  suffer  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  the  empire.  The  barbarians  who  had  passed 
the  Rhine  in  406,  had  reached  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees,  and 
the  barbarian  mercenaries,  called  Honorians,  to  whom  the 
usurper  Constantine  had  committed  the  passes  of  those 
mountains,  turning  traitors  to  their  trust,  admitted  the  con- 
federate Germans  and  Alans  into  the  heart  of  Spain,  (409.) 
Rapine  and  devastation  traversed  the  land  from  the  Pyrenees 
to  the  Straits  of  Gades  ;  and  when  Spain  had  thus  been  ex- 
hausted of  its  strength  and  wealth,  the  conquerors  set  down, 
resolved  to  occupy  it  permanently.  The  Suevians  and  Van- 
dals settled  in  the  north;  the  Alans  spread  over  the  central 
region  from  sea  to  sea ;  a  branch  of  the  Vandals  took  posses- 

CONTIN.  36 


422  VALENTINIAN    III.  [a.  D.  41^1-423. 

sion  of  Baetica.  They  were  not,  however,  suffered  to  remain 
long  undisturbed.  Adolphus,  covetous  of  military  fame, 
readily  accepted  the  task  of  recovering  Spain  for  the  empire. 
He  led  his  Goths  through  the  Pyrenees,  (414,)  and  surprised 
the  city  of  Barcelona.  His  career  of  victory,  however,  was 
cut  short  ere  long  (Aug.  415)  by  the  dagger  of  an  assassin  ; 
and  Singaric,  a  brother  of  Sarus,  was  placed  on  the  vacant 
throne.  The  six  children  of  Adolphus  by  a  former  marriage 
were  put  to  death,  and  Placidia  was  treated  as  a  slave  by 
this  tyrant.  But  /^e  also  perished  by  assassination  on  the 
seventh  day  of  his  reign,  and  the  choice  of  the  nation  gave 
the  throne  to  a  chief  named  Wallia.  Within  the  space  of 
four  years,  this  valiant  warrior  restored  Spain  to  the  empire  ; 
and  he  then  (419)  repassed  the  Pyrenees,  and  fixed  his  royal 
residence  at  Toulouse,  ruling  the  country  from  the  Loire  to 
the  confines  of  Spain. 

When  the  Goths  were  thus  established  in  the  south  and 
west  of  France,  the  Burgundians  obtained  permanent  posses- 
sion of  the  Upper  Germany,  and  their  name  remains  in  its 
modern  appellation.  The  Lower  Germany  was  at  the  same 
time  occupied  by  the  Franks.  Arraorica,  or  the  north-west 
portion  of  Gaul,  and  the  island  of  Britain,  being  left  to  their 
own  resources,  a.ssumed  an  attitude  of  independence. 

In  this  condition  of  his  empire,  that  most  feeble  and  con- 
temptible of  princes,  Honorius,  emperor  of  the  West,  died 
(423)  of  dropsy,  after  an  inglorious  reign  of  twenty-eight 
years. 


Valentinian  III. 
A.  u.  117—61208.     A.  D.  423—455. 

Honorius  died  childless  ;  but  the  western  branch  of  the  line 
of  Theodosius  did  not  expire  with  him.  Placidia,  whom  we 
have  seen  treated  with  such  indignity  after  the  death  of  her 
husband,  had  been  redeemed  for  600,000  measures  of  wheat; 
and  her  brother  had  obliged  her  to  give  her  hand  to  a  brave 
and  faithful  general,  named  Constantius,  by  whom  she  had 
two  children,  a  daughter  named  Honoria,  and  a  son  Valen- 
tinian. At  her  impulsion,  Constantius  claimed  and  obtaincnl 
the  title  of  Augustus,  and  a  share  in  the  empire ;  but  he  died 
shortly  after,  and,  by  the  intrigues  of  a  steward  and  a  nurse, 
enmity  was  excited  between  the  emperor  and  his  sister,  to 
whom  he  had  been  hitherto  most  fondly  attached.     As  the 


A.  D.  425-428.]         COUNT  boniface.  423 

Gothic  soldiers  took  tiie  part  of  their  queen,  and  the  city  of 
Ravenna  was  filled  with  tumuh,  Piacidia  was  induced  to  re- 
tire from  the  scene.  She  went  to  the  court  of  Byzantium, 
where  she  was  most  kindly  received  by  the  reigning  empe- 
ror, Theodosius  II.  ;  and  when,  a  few  months  after,  intelli- 
gence arrived  of  the  death  of  Ilonorius,  the  Eastern  monarch 
prepared  to  assert  by  arms  the  claim  of  her  son  to  the  vacant 
throne,  which  had  been  occupied  by  John,  the  Primicerius, 
or  principal  secretary  of  the  late  emperor. 

It  was  some  time  before  the  troops  of  the  East  were  in 
readiness  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Italy.  At  length  (425) 
they  set  forth  ;  Aquileia  was  surprised,  and  one  of  the  Eastern 
commanders,  who  had  been  made  a  prisoner  and  carried  into 
Ravenna,  having  contrived  to  gain  over  the  garrison,  the 
usurper  was  seized  and  beheaded.  Though  Theodosius 
might  have  asserted  his  claim  to  the  whole  empire,  he  con- 
tented himself  with  the  addition  of  western  Illyricum  to  his 
dominions,  and  he  caused  his  young  cousin,  Valentinian,  to 
be  invested  with  the  monarchy  of  the  West.  A  marriage, 
which  afterwards  took  place,  was  agreed  on,  Valentinian  be- 
ing to  espouse,  when  of  suitable  age,  Eudoxia,  the  daughter 
of  Theodosius.  As  the  young  monarch  was  now  only  six 
years  old,  the  government  of  himself  and  his  empire  naturally 
fell  into  the  hands  of  his  mother,  and  she  retained  her  power 
for  a  space  of  five-and-twenty  years. 

The  armies  of  the  West  were  commanded  by  two  able  men, 
Boniface  and  ^tius.  The  former,  who  held  the  government 
of  Africa,  had  been  at  all  times  attached  to  the  cause  of  Pia- 
cidia; the  latter,  who  was  of  barbaric  origin,  had  joined  the 
late  usurper,  and  had  even  brought  a  force  of  60,000  Huns  as 
far  as  the  confines  of  Italy,  to  his  aid,  when  he  heard  of  his 
fate.  Having  negotiated  a  treaty  for  the  retreat  of  the  bar- 
barians, he  entered  the  service  of  Valentinian ;  and  he  soon 
gained  great  influence  over  the  mind  of  Piacidia.  This  in- 
fluence he  employed  for  the  destruction  of  his  rival.  He  se- 
cretly persuaded  Piacidia  to  recall  Boniface  from  his  govern- 
ment, and  he  at  the  same  time  advised  Boniface  to  refuse  obe- 
dience, assuring  him  that  his  death  was  intended.  Boniface 
fell  into  the  trap  laid  for  him.  He  armed  in  his  defence,  and 
repelled  the  first  attacks  made  on  him  ;  but  feeling  that  he 
could  not  long  resist  single-handed,  he  sent  to  propose  an  al- 
liance to  the  king  of  the  Vandals,  (428.) 

When  the  Goths  recovered  Spain  for  Honorius,  the  Sue- 
vians   and   Vandals   still    remained  unsubdued   in  Gallicia. 


424  VALENTINIAN    III.  [a.  d.  429-439. 

Dissension  soon  broke  out  between  them;  the  Vandals  pre- 
vailed ;  but,  on  the  approach  of  an  imperial  army,  they  broke 
up,  and  marched  for  Baetica,  and,  having  there  defeated  a 
superior  force  of  Romans  and  Goths,  they  became  masters 
of  the  entire  province,  which  has  derived  from  them  its 
name  of  Andalusia. 

The  king  of  the  Vandals  at  this  time  was  named  Gen- 
seric.  He  is  described  as  of  middle  stature,  slow  of  speech, 
a  contemner  of  luxury,  prone  to  anger,  covetous  of  gain, 
skilled  in  gaining  nations  and  in  sowincr  dissensions  amonc 
his  enemies.  In  the  May  of  429,  he  embarked  his  troops 
in  vessels  furnished  by  Boniface  and  the  Spaniards,  and 
crossed  the  Straits  of  Gades.  His  whole  force,  composed 
of  Vandals,  Alans,  Goths,  and  others,  did  not  exceed  ot),000 
men  ;  but  he  easily  induced  the  Moors  to  unite  with  him, 
and  the  persecuted  Donatists  regarded  as  a  deliverer  the 
Christian,  though  not  orthodox,  Genseric.  Boniface,  when 
too  late,  saw  the  error  he  had  committed  ;  the  letters  of 
iEtius  being  shown  and  compared,  in  an  interview  between 
him  and  an  envoy  sent  from  court,  he  discovered  the  fraud 
of  which  he  had  been  the  victim,  and  he  resolved  to  re- 
turn to  his  allegiance  ;  and  when  Genseric  refused  to  evac- 
uate the  country,  he  led  out  his  troops  and  gave  him  battle. 
But  he  met  with  a  total  defeat,  (430;)  the  whole  country, 
far  and  wide,  was  now  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the  Van- 
dals, and  the  cities  of  Carthage,  Cirta,  and  Hippo  Regius, 
alone  remained  to  the  empire.  In  this  last,  the  modern 
Bona,  Count  Boniface  shut  himself  up,  and  held  it  for  four- 
teen months  against  the  Vandals.  At  length,  (431,)  being 
reenforced  by  troops  from  the  East,  he  marched  out  and 
gave  them  battle,  but  again  met  with  a  total  defeat.  Giving 
now  all  up  for  lost,  he  got  on  shipboard,  and  sailed  for  Italy. 
Placidia  received  him  with  favor,  and  raised  him  to  high  rank  ; 
but  ^tius,  who  was  in  Gaul,  soon  appeared  with  a  body  of 
barbarians.  The  quarrel  between  the  rivals  was  decided  by 
arms,  (432;)  victory  declared  for  Boniface,  but  he  received 
a  mortal  wound  in  the  conflict.  yEtius  was  proclaimed  a 
rebel ;  he  sought  refuge  with  the  Huns,  and  the  empire  thus 
remained  without  a  general.  Nevertheless,  the  progress  of 
Genseric,  retarded  by  other  means,  was  slow.  Cirta  and 
Carthage  still  held  out ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  tenth  year  af- 
ter his  landing  in  Africa,  (439,)  that  the  latter  was  taken, 
and  that  by  surprise,  not  force. 

iEtius  did  not  long  remain  in  exile.     Supported  by  the 


A.  D.  439.]  ATTILA.  425 

arms  of  00,000  Huns,  he  was  soon  able  to  dictate  his  own 
terms  to  the  empress  Placidia,  and,  with  the  title  of  Patrician 
and  the  command  of  the  entire  army,  he  in  effect  governed 
the  empire,  which  he  alone  was  able  to  preserve  from  ruin. 
He  still  kept  up  an  intercourse  with  the  Huns;  he  was  on 
terms  of  friendship  with  their  king,  in  whose  camp  his  son 
was  educated  ;  he  employed  Huns  in  the  defence  of  Gaul, 
and  he  placed  colonies  of  Alans  in  the  territories  of  Valens 
and  Orleans. 

The  monarch  of  the  Huns  at  this  time  was  the  mighty 
Attila.  His  power  was  obeyed  from  the  banks  of  the  Rhine 
to  far  beyond  the  Volga  ;  the  Scandinavian  peninsula  is  said 
to  have  yielded  him  tribute  ;  his  possessions  extended  south- 
wards fifteen  days'  journey  below  the  Danube  ;  the  empire  of 
the  East,  which  he  had  ravaged  to  the  very  gates  of  Constan- 
tinople, paid  him  an  annual  subsidy  ;  and  all  the  influence 
of  JCtius  had  been  unable  to  preserve  that  of  the  West  from 
a  similar  degradation. 

Genseric,  menaced  by  both  empires,  had  sought  the  alliance 
of  the  potent  monarch  of  the  Huns  ;  and  it  was  at  his  insti- 
gation that  Attila  had  invaded  the  Eastern  empire,  and  thus 
obliged  an  expedition  destined  for  Africa  to  be  recalled. 
The  same  artful  prince  was  the  cause  of  the  Hunnish  hordes 
being  poured  into  the  Western  empire.  The  occasion  was 
as  follows : 

The  successor  of  Wallia  on  the  throne  of  the  Visigoths 
was  Theodoric,  the  son  of  the  great  Alaric,  a  prince  of  con- 
siderable ability  and  vigor.  Ambitious  to  extend  his  domin- 
ions, he  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Aries ;  but  ^Etius  hastened 
to  its  defence,  and  the  Goths  were  forced  to  retire  with  loss. 
Shortly  after,  Count  Litorius,  a  Roman  general,  advanced  at 
the  head  of  an  army  of  Huns  to  the  very  gates  of  Toulouse  ; 
but  his  rashness  brought  on  him  a  total  defeat  and  personal 
captivity,  ^tius  soon  appeared  with  a  powerful  force  ;  an  in- 
stant engagement  was  expected,  but  the  generals  on  both  sides 
were  prudent,  and  a  treaty  of  amity  was  concluded,  (4:39.) 
Theodoric  thenceforth  devoted  himself  to  the  promotion  of 
the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  and  he  became  universally  loved 
and  respected.  He  had  six  sons  and  two  daughters ;  the 
two  latter  were  married,  the  one  to  the  son  of  the  king  of 
the  vSuevians  in  Spain,  the  other  to  Hunneric,  the  eldest  son 
of  Genseric.  But,  high  as  she  stood  in  birth  and  alliance, 
the  Gothic  princess  was  doomed  to  be  the  victim  of  tyranny. 

30  *  B  B  B 


426  VALENTINIAN    III.  [a.  D.  451. 

Genseric,  suspecting  that  she  had  conspired  to  poison  him, 
cut  off  her  nose  and  ears,  and  sent  her  back  thus  mutilated 
to  her  father.  Theodoric  resolved  to  avenge  her  injuries ; 
the  Romans  agreed  to  supply  him  with  ships,  arms,  and 
money,  and  he  was  preparing  for  the  invasion  of  Africa, 
when  Genseric  once  more  called  on  Attila  for  aid,  and  the 
storm  was  again  diverted. 

It  is  also  said  that  Attila  was  incited  to  arms  by  a  Roman 
lady  of  royal  descent.  Honoria,  the  sister  of  Valentinian, 
had  had  an  intrigue  with  her  chamberlain  Eugenius.  When 
the  consequences  of  her  frailty  became  apparent,  her  mother 
sent  her  away  to  Constantinople,  and  caused  her  to  be  im- 
mured in  a  nunnery.  Hating  a  life  of  celibacy  and  restraint, 
Honoria  despatched  a  trusty  eunuch  to  Attila,  with  a  ring  as 
the  pledge  of  her  affection.  Attila  accepted  the  gifl,  and  he 
sent  to  demand  the  princess  and  a  share  of  the  empire.  His 
demand  was  of  course  refused;  and  Honoria  was  sent  back 
to  Italy,  where  the  ceremony  of  her  marriage  with  some  ob- 
scure person  having  been  performed,  she  was  shut  up  in 
prison  for  the  rest  of  her  days. 

Urged  by  the  various  claimants  for  his  aid,  Attila  moved 
from  his  royal  village  in  the  plains  of  Hungary,  (451.)  Di- 
■visions  of  all  his  subject  nations  marched  beneath  his  banner. 
He  crossed  the  Rhine  at  its  confluence  with  the  Neckar,  and 
poured  his  hordes  over  the  plains  of  Belgium  and  France. 
The  celestial  aid  of  saints  or  the  strength  of  fortifications 
preserved  Troyes  and  Paris,  but  other  towns  and  cities  were 
taken  and  plundered  without  mercy,  and  the  Hunnish  mon- 
arch at  length  pitched  his  tents  beneath  the  walls  of  Orleans, 
which  Sangiban,  king  of  the  Alans,  had  engaged  to  betray. 
But  the  plot  was  discovered,  the  attacks  of  the  Huns  wore 
repelled,  and  at  the  sight  of  the  banners  of  ^Etius  and  The- 
odoric, who  were  marching  to  its  relief,  the  prudent  Hun 
drew  off  his  troops,  and  retired  to  the  plains  of  Champagne, 
which  were  better  adapted  for  the  operations  of  cavalry. 

Ji^tius,  aided  by  the  eloquence  of^  the  senator  Avitus,  had 
succeeded  in  inducing  Theodoric,  whose  first  plan  had  been 
to  await  the  invaders  within  his  own  territories,  to  share  in 
the  common  defence  of  Gaul.  The  Burgundians,  the  Salian 
Franks,  the  Saxons,  Alans,  Armoricans,  and  others,  had  also 
been  i)revailed  on  to  aid  the  common  cause  ;  and  at  the  head 
of  a  host  composed  of  such  various  materials,  .^Etius  and 
Theodoric  prepared  to  engage  the  host  of  Attila. 


A.  D.  451-452.]  ATTILA    IN    ITALY.  427 

The  armies  encountered  on  the  plains  of  Chalons.  Attila, 
with  his  Huns,  occupied  the  centre  of  his  line;  the  Rugians, 
Herulans,  Franks,  Burgundians,  and  others,  were  ranged  on 
each  side  of  them  ;  the  right  wing  was  formed  by  tlie  Gepi- 
dans,  the  left  by  the  Ostrogoths.  On  the  side  of  the  allies, 
Sangiban  and  his  Alans  were  placed  in  the  centre,  where 
they  might  be  watched,  ^tius  commanded  on  the  left, 
Theodoric  on  the  right.  The  battle  was  long,  obstinate,  and 
bloody.  The  Huns  easily  pierced  through  the  yielding 
centre,  and  then  directed  their  whole  force  against  the  Visi- 
goths ;  and  Theodoric,  as  he  was  cheering  his  men,  fell  by 
the  javelin  of  an  Ostrogothic  chief.  But  his  son  Torris- 
niond,  who  was  stationed  on  an  adjacent  eminence,  when  he 
saw  the  Visigoths  yielding,  hastened  to  restore  the  battle, 
and  Attila  was  forced  to  retreat.  The  approach  of  night 
saved  his  troops  from  a  total  defeat ;  they  secured  themselves 
within  their  wagon-fence,  and  Attila  caused  a  pile  to  be 
made  of  saddles  and  horse-furniture,  determined  to  fire  it, 
and  rush  into  the  flames  if  his  camp  should  be  forced.  But 
the  dread  of  the  valor  inspired  by  despair  withheld  the  allies 
from  the  attack  ;  and  ^Etius  also  feared  the  power  of  the 
Goths,  if  the  Huns  should  be  destroyed.  He  therefore  pre- 
vailed on  Torrismond  to  be  content  with  the  vengeance  al- 
ready exacted  for  the  fate  of  his  father,  and  return  to  Tou- 
louse to  secure  his  throne.  The  allies  broke  up  and  retired, 
and  Attila  was  allowed  to  repass  the  Rhine  unmolested. 

The  policy  of  ^tius,  in  thus  dismissing  the  Huns,  was 
fatal  to  the  empire.  In  the  following  spring,  (452,)  Attila 
again  claimed  the  princess  Honoria  and  her  treasures,  and, 
meeting  again  with  a  refusal,  he  advanced  and  laid  siege  to 
Aquileia.  After  a  siege  of  three  months,  this  important 
city  was  carried  by  assault.  All  the  cities  north  of  the  Po 
surrendered  or  were  taken.  ^Etius  in  vain  sought  to  retard 
the  myriads  of  the  barbarians;  the  timid  Valentinian  fled  to 
Rome,  and  an  emb.assy  composed  of  Leo,  the  bishop  of  that 
city,  and  two  eminent  senators,  was  sent  to  deprecate  the 
wrath  of  Attila,  who  now  lay  encamped  on  the  shores  of  the 
Lake  Benacus.  Attila  was  superstitious;  when  he  was  re- 
minded that  Alaric  had  not  long  survived  the  taking  of 
Rome,  he  secretly  shuddered  at  tlie  omen  ;  and  he  consent- 
ed, on  receiving  an  immense  sum  under  the  name  of  the 
dower  of  the  princess  Honoria,  to  evacuate  Italy.  He  re- 
tired threatening  dreadful  vengeance  if  the  princess  were  not 


428  VALENTINIAN   III.  [a.  d.  453-455. 

delivered  to  his  ambassador  ;  but  in  the  following  year,  (453,) 
having  drunk  too  freely  on  the  night  of  his  adding  another 
maiden  to  his  harem,  he  burst  a  vessel  in  his  lungs,  and  was 
suffocated  in  his  own  blood.  His  funeral  was  celebrated 
with  magnificence,  after  the  usage  of  his  nation.  His 
mighty  empire  fell  to  pieces,  and  the  Huns  ceased  to  be 
formidable. 

Valentinian,  worthless  and  dissolute,  instead  of  viewing  in 
iEtius  the  saviour  of  his  empire,  feared  and  hated  him  with 
all  the  rancor  of  a  petty  mind.  The  son  of  ^tius  was  be- 
trothed to  the  emperor's  daughter  ;  and  when,  one  day,  (451,) 
in  the  palace  his  father  was  urging  the  immediate  marriage, 
Talentinian  drew  his  sword  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  and 
plunged  it  into  the  general's  bosom  ;  the  eunuchs  and  others 
hastened  to  follow  his  example,  and  J^]tius  expired  pierced 
by  a  hundred  wounds.  His  principal  friends  were  sum- 
moned separately  to  the  palace  before  the  event  could  be 
known,  and  all  were  murdered.  The  loss  of  iEtius  was 
universally  deplored,  and  the  contempt  in  which  the  em- 
peror had  been  held  was  converted  into  abhorrence.  "  I 
know  not  your  motives  and  provocations,"  said  a  Roman 
whom  he  asked  to  approve  the  deed ;  "  I  only  know  that 
you  have  acted  like  a  man  who  cuts  off  his  right  hand  with 
his  left." 

The  feeble  emperor  did  not  long  survive  his  able  general. 
Among  his  other  vices,  Valentinian  was  addicted  to  gaming. 
He  won,  one  day,  a  large  sum  of  money  from  a  wealthy  sen- 
ator named  Petronius  Maximus,  on  whose  chaste  and  beau- 
tiful wife  he  had  long  cast  an  eye  of  lust.  As  Maximus  had 
not  the  money  about  him,  the  emperor  exacted  his  ring  from 
him  by  way  of  security;  and  he  forthwith  sent  it  to  his  wife, 
with  an  order,  in  her  husband's  name,  to  wait  on  the  empress 
Eudoxia.  The  lady,  on  arriving  at  the  palace,  was  led  into 
a  private  apartment ;  Valentinian  soon  entered,  and  extorted 
by  force  the  favors  which  she  would  not  yield  to  solicitation. 
Her  tears  and  her  reproaches  when  she  reached  home  ex- 
cited Maximus  to  vengeance.  Two  of  the  guards  who  had 
been  attached  to  ^Etius  readily  consented  to  be  his  instru- 
ments, and,  as  Valentinian  was  viewing  some  military  sports  in 
the  Field  of  Mars,  they  rushed  on  him,  and  stabbed  him,  none 
of  those  present  offering  to  resist  them,  (March  16,  455.) 


A.  D, 


455.]  MAxiMus.  429 


Maximus,  Avitus,  Majorian,  Scvcrus,  Anthcmius,  Olyhrius, 
Glycerius,  Ncpos,  Augustulus. 

A.  u.  1208—1229.     A.  D.  455—476. 

The  revenge  of  Maximus  may  have  been  stimulated  by 
ambition,  for  he  became  the  successor  of  the  destroyer  of  his 
honor ;  but  the  happiness,  of  which  he  had  enjoyed  a  large 
portion  when  in  a  private  station,  departed  the  moment  he 
mounted  a  throne,  and  he  was  heard  to  exclaim,  in  reference 
to  a  well-known  story,  "O  fortunate  Damocles!  thy  reign 
began  and  ended  with  the  same  dinner."  * 

Maximus  married  his  son  to  the  daughter  of  the  late  em- 
peror, and,  as  his  wife  died  opportunely,  he  forced  the  re- 
luctant empress  Eudoxia  to  give  her  hand  to  himself.  In  an 
unguarded  hour  he  revealed  to  her  the  secret  of  his  share  in 
the  death  of  her  former  husband ;  and  Eudoxia,  who  had 
loved  Valentinian,  worthless  and  faithless  as  he  was,  resolved 
to  avenge  him.  She  sent  a  secret  invitation  to  Genseric,  and 
ere  long  a  fleet  bearing  a  numerous  army  of  Vandals  and 
Moors  entered  the  Tiber.  Maximus  hastened  to  fly  from 
the  city ;  but  the  moment  he  appeared  in  the  streets,  he  was 
assailed  by  a  shower  of  stones;  a  soldier  gave  him  his  first 
wound,  and  his  mangled  body  was  flung  into  the  Tiber,  (June 
12.)     His  reign  had  not  lasted  quite  two  months. 

As  Genseric  was  approaching  the  city,  he  was  met  by  a 
procession  of  the  clergy  headed  by  the  bishop  Leo.  The 
bold  and  eloquent  prelate,  who  had  turned  away  the  wrath 
of  Attila,  was  able  also  to  mitigate  the  ferocity  of  Genseric, 
who  promised  to  spare  the  people  and  the  buildings  of  Rome. 
But  this  promise  was  little  more  than  illusory.  Rome  was 
delivered  to  pillage  for  a  space  of  fourteen  days;  churches, 
temples,  and  private  houses,  were  plundered  alike,  and  thou- 
sands of  captives,  among  whom  were  the  empress  Eudoxia 
and  her  two  daughters,  were  embarked  for  Africa.  This 
calamity  gave  occasion  to  a  noble  display  of  genuine  Chris- 
tian feeling   in  Deogratias,   bishop  of  Carthage.     He   con- 

*  [Damocles,  having  declared  Dionysius  of  Sicily  the  happiest  man 
on  earth,  was,  by  him,  induced  to  try  the  happiness  of  royalty.  No 
sooner  had  he  mounted  the  ihrone,  than  he  saw  a  sword  hanging  by  a 
sincrle  hair  just  over  his  head:  he  was  glad  to  yield  his  place  imme- 
diately.—J.  T.  S.] 


430  AVITUS,  MAJORIAN.        [a.  d.  456-457. 

verted  two  large  churches  into  hospitals,  and  himself  attend- 
ed most  assiduously  to  the  sick  among  tlie  unhappy  captives. 

Maximus  had  committed  the  command  of  the  troops  in 
Gaul  to  the  senator  Avitus,  a  native  of  Auvergne,  who,  after 
passing  thirty  years  of  his  life  in  the  public  service,  had  re- 
tired to  the  enjoyment  of  private  life.  Avitus  was  at  Tou- 
louse negotiating  a  treaty  with  Theodoric,  who  by  the  murder 
of  his  brother  Torrismond  had  occupied  the  Gothic  throne, 
when  he  received  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Maximus. 
The  prospect  of  empire  attracted  him ;  the  Goths  gave  him 
their  suffrage;  an  assemblage  of  the  provinces  of  Gaul  at 
Aries  elected  him,  (Aug.  15  ;)  the  people  of  Italy  submitted 
to  him,  and  the  emperor  of  the  East  acknowledged  him. 

While  the  new  emperor  proceeded  to  Rome,  Theodoric, 
as  his  general,  crossed  the  Pyrenees  to  recover  Spain,  which 
had  nearly  all  fallen  under  the  power  of  the  Suevians.  His 
success  was  complete;  he  effectually  broke  the  Suevian 
might,  and  he  captured  and  put  to  death  his  brother-in-law, 
their  king.  But  meantime  Avitus  had  ceased  to  reign.  The 
Romans  disliked  him  as  a  foreigner,  and  Count  Ricimer,  a 
Goth,  one  of  the  commanders  of  the  barbarian  troops,  having 
acquired  fame  by  a  victory  over  a  Vandal  fleet  off  Corsica" 
took  advantage  of  it,  and  ordered  Avitus  to  resign  his  dig- 
nity. He  obeyed,  (Oct.  16,  456,)  and  was  made  bishop  of 
Placentia.  But  the  senate  voted  his  death ;  and  he  died  or 
was  murdered  as  he  was  on  his  way  to  secure  himself  in  his 
native  province. 

Ricimer,  who,  as  being  a  barbarian  by  birth,  could  not 
himself  mount  the  throne,  governed  Italy  for  some  months 
under  the  title  of  Patrician.  He  then  (457)  bestowed  the 
purple  on  his  intimate  friend  Majorian,  a  man  of  primitive 
Roman  virtue,  who,  in  the  words  of  the  historian  Procopius,* 
"  excelled  in  every  virtue  all  who  had  ever  reigned  over  the 
Romans."  To  restore  the  state  to  its  former  strength  by  the 
abolition  of  abuses,  was  the  great  object  of  this  excellent 
man,  and  he  made,  with  this  view,  many  wise  and  salutary 
regulations.  But  the  course  of  decline  is  not  to  be  stopped ; 
and  the  reformer  Majorian  became  an  object  of  aversion  to 
the  degenerate  Romans. 

Majorian,  who  was  a  warrior  as  well  as  a  statesman,  re- 
solved to  achieve  the  conquest  of  Africa,  and  destroy  the  do- 

*  De  Bell.  Vandal,  i.  7. 


A.  D.  461.]      EMPERORS  OF  THE  EAST. 


431 


minion  of  the  Vandals.  As  it  was  only  among  the  barbarians 
that  soldiers  were  now  to  be  found,  he  enlisted  troops  from 
among  the  nations  north  of  the  Alps.  He  defeated  Theodo- 
ric  in  battle,  and,  having  reunited  the  greater  part  of  Gaul 
and  Spain  to  the  empire,  he  assembled,  in  the  port  of  Car- 
thagena,  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  ships,  with  a  large  number 
of  transports,  for  the  invasion  of  Africa.  It  is  said  that  he 
even  ventured  to  appear  as  his  own  ambassador  at  Carthage, 
having  changed  the  color  of  his  hair.*  But  treachery  ren- 
dered all  his  preparations  unavailing.  Guided  by  secret  in- 
telligence, Genseric  succeeded  in  destroying  the  imperial 
fleet  in  the  harbor,  and  Majorian  was  forced  to  consent  to  a 
treaty.  He  returned  to  Italy  to  carry  on  his  plans  of  refor- 
mation, and  to  prepare  for  future  war  ;  but  a  sedition,  fo- 
mented by  Ricimer,  broke  out  in  the  camp  near  Tortona,  at 
the  foot  of  the  Alps,  and  Majorian  was  forced  to  abdicate. 
Five  days  after,  (Aug.  7,  461,)  he  died,  as  was  said,  of  a  dys- 
entery. 

Ricimer,  whose  object  was  to  reign  under  the  name  of  an- 
other, resolved  not  to  commit  again  the  error  of  selecting  a 
man  of  virtue  and  energy :  his  choice  therefore  fell  on  Se- 
verus,  a  man  so  obscure,  that  even  his  origin  is  hardly  known  ; 
and  for  a  space  of  more  than  five  years  he  governed  Italy 
(almost  all  that  remained  of  the  empire)  under  the  name  of 
his  puppet.  But  Marcellinus,  who  commanded  in  Dalmatia, 
disdaining  to  submit  to  him,  held  that  province  in  independ- 
ence; and  J^^gidius,  a  general  of  much  ability,  maintained 
his  dominion  over  nearly  the  whole  of  Gaul.  Meantime  the 
piratic  squadrons  of  Genseric  ravaged  the  coasts  of  Italy, 
and  Ricimer  was  forced  to  seek,  as  a  suppliant,  aid  from  the 
court  of  Byzantium. 

Arcadius,  who  died  in  the  year  408,  had  been  succeeded 
by  his  son  Theodosius  II.,  a  child  of  seven  years  of  age  ;  but 
durincr  the  reign  of  this  prince,  who  was  more  conspicuous 
for  piety  than  for  the  regal  virtues,  the  empire  was  in  reality 
governed  by  his  sister  Pulcheria,  the  only  one  of  the  descend- 
ants of  the  great  Theodosius  who  inherited  any  portion  of  his 
talents.  On  his  death,  (450,)  Pulcheria  was  proclaimed  em- 
press. She  had,  after  the  fashionable  superstition  of  that  age, 
made  a  vow  of  perpetual  virginity ;  but,  aware  of  the  pre- 
judices to  which  her  sex  was  exposed,  she  selected  as  her 

*  Procopius,  ut  supra. 


432  ANTHEMius.  [a.  D.  457-4"3  2. 

nominal  husband  a  respectable  senator  named  Marcian,  a 
man  now  sixty  years  old,  and  made  him  her  colleague  in  the 
empire.  Marcian  survived  his  wife;  and  on  his  death,  (457,) 
the  patrician  Asper,  who  was  in  the  East  what  Ricimer  was 
in  the  West,  conferred  the  vacant  dignity  on  Leo,  the  steward 
of  his  household,  who  proved  himself  to  be  a  monarch  of 
ability  and  energy,  and  scorned  to  be  the  mere  puppet  of  the 
patrician. 

It  was  to  this  emperor  that  Ricimer  made  application  for 
aid  against  the  Vandals.  Assistance  was  promised  on  condi- 
tion of  the  West  receiving  an  emperor  chosen  by  the  court 
of  Byzantium.  Ricimer  accepted  the  terms,  and  the  person 
selected  (467)  was  Anthemius,  the  son-in-law  of  the  late  em- 
peror Marcian.  On  his  arrival  at  Rome,  (Apr.  12,)  Anthe- 
mius gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Ricimer.  Marcellinus 
readily  acknowledged  the  new  emperor,  and  accepted  a  com- 
mand in  the  expedition  prepared  against  the  Vandals.  Vigor- 
ous exertions  were  made  by  both  empires;  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  (468,)  while  the  troops  of  the  West  under  Marcelli- 
nus were  recovering  the  isles  of  the  Mediterranean,  an  army 
from  Egypt  moved  westwards,  and  a  fleet  of  1100  ships,  carry- 
ing upwards  of  100,000  men,  sailed  from  the  Hellespont,  and 
entered  the  Bay  of  Carthage.  Its  commander,  Basiliscus,  the 
brother  of  Leo's  empress,  was,  however,  utterly  devoid  of  tal- 
ent or  experience.  Instead  of  marching  at  once  against  the 
capital,  he  listened  to  the  insidious  proposals  of  Genseric,  till 
the  crafty  Vandal,  taking  advantage  of  a  change  in  the  wind, 
sent,  in  the  night,  fire-ships  among  the  imperial  vessels.  Bas- 
iliscus fled  to  Constantinople,  after  the  loss  of  one  half  of  his 
fleet  and  troops.  Marcellinus  was  assassmated  in  Sicily;  and 
that  island  fell  into  the  hands  of  Genseric,  whose  fleets  now 
met  nowhere  with  resistance. 

Unity  did  not  long  continue  between  Anthemius  and  his 
haughty  son-in-law.  Ricimer  quitted  Rome,  (471,)  and  fixed 
his  abode  at  Milan.  Italy  was  on  the  point  of  being  the  scene 
of  a  civil  war,  when  the  mediation  of  the  bishop  of  Pavia 
succeeded  in  averting  it.  But  the  delay  was  brief,  for  the 
next  year  (472)  Ricimer  encamped  with  his  army  on  the 
banks  of  the  Anio,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  man  whom  he 
had  selected  for  the  purple,  Olybrius,  a  noble  Roman,  the 
husband  of  Placidia,  the  daughter  of  Valentinian  III.  Rome, 
after  standing  a  siege  of  three  months,  was  taken  by  storm 
and  pillaged.     Anthemius  was  put  to  death  by  order  of  his 


A.  D.  475-476.]         FALL    OF    THE    EMPIRE.  433 

ruthless  son-in-law,  who  followed  him  to  the  tomb  within  forty 
days,  (Aug.  20,)  being  cut  oif  in  the  midst  of  his  triumph  by 
a  painful  disorder.  Olybrius  himself  was  carried  off  by  death 
only  two  months  later,  (Oct.  23.) 

The  court  of  Byzantium,  after  some  delay,  bestowed  the 
sceptre  of  the  West  on  Julius  Nepos,  the  nephew  of  Marcel- 
linus.  But  meantime,  Gundobald,  a  Burgundian,  who  had 
succeeded  his  uncle  Ricimer  in  the  command  of  his  army, 
had  invested  a  soldier  named  Glycerins  with  the  imperial 
purple.  Gundobald,  however,  having  departed  to  assert  his 
claim  to  the  kingdom  of  Burgundy,  Glycerins  did  not  feel 
himself  strong  enough  to  maintain  a  contest  for  the  empire, 
and  he  retired  and  became  bishop  of  Salona.  Nepos,  after  a 
brief  reign  of  less  than  three  years,  (475,)  on  the  occasion  of 
a  revolt  of  the  barbarian  troops,  abandoned  the  empire,  and 
fled  to  his  principality  in  Dalmatia. 

These  barbarians  in  the  Roman  pay  were  termed  Confed- 
erates; they  were  drawn  from  various  nations,  of  which  the 
principal  were  the  Herulans,  Alans,  Turcilingans,  and  Rugi- 
ans.  Their  commander  was  Orestes,  a  Pannonian  by  birth, 
who  had  been  secretary  to  Attila.  On  the  death  of  that  mon- 
arch, he  had  entered  the  Roman  service;  and  Nepos  had  raised 
him  to  the  dignity  of  Patrician,  and  given  him  the  command 
of  the  army.  By  his  artful  conduct,  Orestes  gained  the  troops 
over  to  his  interest,  and  at  his  impulsion  they  rose  against 
Nepos.  From  some  unknown  motive,  Orestes,  though  not  a 
barbarian,  did  not  himself  assume  the  purple.  He  conferred 
it  (476)  on  his  son,  named  Romulus  Augustus,  or,  as  he  is 
usually  called,  Augustulus,  under  whose  name  he  preferred  to 
reign.  But  his  power  was  of  brief  duration ;  his  barbarian 
soldiers,  excited  by  the  example  of  their  brethren  in  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Africa,  where  they  had  acquired  permanent  landed 
possessions,  insisted  on  a  third  part  of  the  lands  of  Italy  being 
divided  among  them.  Orestes  gave  a  prompt  refusal.  One 
of  the  commanders,  named  Odoacer,  then  proposed  to  his 
comrades  to  unite  under  him,  and  they  would  soon,  he  assured 
them,  make  the  patrician  yield  to  their  demands.  Forthwith 
they  flocked  from  all  parts  to  the  standard  of  Odoacer.  Ores- 
tes shut  himself  up  in  Pavia ;  but  the  town  was  taken  by 
storm,  and  he  was  put  to  death  by  the  victors.  His  son,  on 
laying  down  his  purple,  was  allowed  to  retire  to  the  villa  of 
Lucullus  in  Campania,  with  an  annual  pension  of  6,000 
pieces  of  gold.    Odoacer  took  the  title  of  king  of  Italy,  under 

CONTIN.  37  C  C  C 


434  FALL    OF    THE    EMPIRE. 

which  he  reigned  for  a  space  of  eighteen  years,  when  his  do- 
minion was  overthrown  by  the  Ostrogoths. 

The  empire  of  the  West  was  now  at  an  end.  The  parts  of 
which  it  had  been  composed  were  never  again  united ;  they  each 
formed  a  separate  and  independent  state.  In  all,  the  govern- 
ment and  the  lands  were  held  by  the  German  conquerors. 
We  will  briefly  notice  these  new  states. 

After  the  defeat  and  death  of  Odoacer,  the  Ostrogoths  re- 
tained possession  of  Italy  for  a  term  of  seventy-five  years, 
when  (568)  their  power  was  overthrown  by  the  Langobards, 
or  Lombards,  whose  dominion  lasted  for  two  centuries. 

The  Vandals  retained  possession  of  Africa  till  about  the 
middle  of  the  sixth  century,  when  they  were  conquered  by 
the  great  Belisarius,  the  general  of  Justinian,  emperor  of  the 
East.  Africa  remained  part  of  the  Eastern  empire  till  it  was 
conquered  by  the  Arabs  in  the  following  century. 

The  Visigoths  obtained  possession  of  the  entire  Spanish 
peninsula,  which  they  retained  till  the  period  of  the  invasion 
of  the  Arabs.  Their  dominions  in  the  south  of  France  were 
all,  excepting  a  small  portion,  reduced  by  Clovis,  the  first  king 
of  the  Franks. 

The  Burgundians  and  Alemans  had  founded  states  in  Swit- 
zerland, the  east  of  France,  and  along  the  Rhine;  but,  like 
the  Goths,  they  were  successively  reduced,  and  obliged  to  ac- 
knowledge the  dominion  of  Clovis  the  Frank.  Nearly  the 
whole  of  France  obeyed  this  able  prince;  but  at  his  death 
(511)  his  dominions  were  divided  among  his  four  sons. 

In  the  reign  of  Valentinian  III.  the  Roman  troops  had 
been  withdrawn  from  Britain.  The  unwarlike  inhabitants, 
unable  to  defend  themselves  against  the  savage  Caledonians, 
called  to  their  aid  (449)  the  Saxon  chiefs  Hengist  and  Horsa. 
Their  allies  became  their  enemies,  and  in  a  short  time  tlw 
greater  part  of  the  island  was  conquered  by  the  Sa.xons  and 
their  kindred  tribes. 


We  thus  have  witnessed  the  rise  and  progress,  the  decline 
and  fall,  of  that  mighty  empire,  which,  commencing  in  a  vil- 
lage on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  finally  made  the  Ocean  and 
the  Euphrates  its  boundaries.  Its  fall  was  in  the  order  of 
Nature,  which  has  set  limits  to  all  things  human  ;  but  it  is  not 
unworthy  of  remark  that,  at  the  time  when  the  Roman  repub- 


FALL    OF    THE    EMPIRE.  435 

lie  was  at  the  very  height  of  its  power,  the  Tuscan  augurs 
ventured  to  foretell  the  period  of  Roman  dominion.  Accord- 
ing to  the  rules  of  their  art,  they  inferred  that  the  twelve  vul- 
tures seen  by  Romulus,  denoted  the  twelve  centuries  of  rule 
assigned  to  his  city  by  the  decrees  of  Heaven.  The  accom- 
plishment of  that  prophecy  is  a  curious  fact;  but  history  con- 
tains many  such  coincidences.  The  rise  of  Rome  is  one  of 
the  most  extraordinary  phenomena  in  the  annals  of  the  world; 
its  fall  was  an  ordinary  event,  and  contains  nothing  to  excite 
surprise.  The  Roman  empire,  as  left  by  Augustus,  embraced 
the  whole  civilization  of  the  West,  vviiile  on  all  its  confines 
dwelt  poor  but  brave  and  energetic  nations,  eager,  when  an 
occasion  should  offer,  to  rush  in  and  seize  its  wealth.  It  was 
only  therefore  by  the  conservation  of  the  military  spirit,  by 
which  it  had  been  acquired,  that  it  could  be  retained  ;  but  we 
have  seen  how  early  and  how  totally  this  spirit  became  ex- 
tinct. When  the  nobles  and  men  of  property  were  immersed 
in  luxury  and  sensual  indulgence;  when  the  country  was  de- 
populated or  filled  only  with  slaves,  the  cities  thronged  with 
an  idle,  beggarly,  turbulent  population,  vigorous  only  for  evil ; 
when  the  provincials  were  so  beaten  to  the  earth  by  excessive 
taxation,  that  the  rule  of  barbarian  conquerors  was  looked  to 
as  an  alleviation;  when  the  noble,  elevating,  soul-expanding 
religion  of  the  gospel  had  been  degraded  by  Oriental  ascet- 
icism into  a  slavish,  enervating  superstition;  when,  finally,  the 
defence  of  the  empire  against  the  barbarians  was  intrusted 
to  the  barbarians  themselves,  —  its  fall  was  assured.  A  new 
order  of  things  was  to  arise  out  of  the  union  of  German  energy 
with  Roman  civilization,  from  which,  after  a  series  of  many 
centuries,  were  to  result  the  social  institutions  of  modern  Eu- 
rope, the  colonization  of  the  most  distant  regions  of  the  earth, 
and  the  mighty  political  events  which  yet  lie  hidden  in  the 
womb  of  Time. 


APPENDIX. 


A.  Page  1.  —  Authorities. 


o 


Dion  Cassius  wrote  the  history  of  Rome,  from  the  foundation  of  the 
city  to  his  own  consulate,  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus.  Of  this 
work  the  first  books  exist  only  in  fragments,  and  the  portion  from  the 
reign  of  Claudius  to  the  end  only  in  the  Epitome  of  the  modern  Greek 
Xiphilinus.  For  the  period  from  the  death  of  M.  Aurelius  to  the  end, 
Dion  is  a  contemporary  authority.  * 

Velleius  Paterculus  was  the  contemporary  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius, 
(see  above,  p.  115;)  the  second  book  of  his  history  extends  from  the 
Viriathian  war,  B.  C.  148,  to  the  death  of  Livia  Augusta,  A.  D.  29. 

Tacitus  lived  in  the  period  from  Nero  to  Trajan,  both  inclusive.  His 
Annals,  in  sixteen  books,  extended  from  the  death  of  Augustus  to  that 
of  Nero.  Of  these,  the  part  of  the  fifth  book  containing  the  fall  of 
Sejanus,  the  seventh  to  the  tenth,  and  part  of  the  eleventh,  to  A.  D.  47, 
and  the  end  of  the  sixteenth,  are  lost.  The  greater  portion  of  his  His- 
tories, which  extended  from  the  death  of  Nero  to  that  of  Domitian,  has 
also  perished.  They  end  with  the  conference  between  Cerialis  and 
Civilis,  (above,  p.  150.) 

Suetonius  Tranquillus,  the  contemporary  of  Tacitus,  (above,  p.  167,) 
has  left  minute  biographies  of  the  Cassars  from  C.  Julius  Csesar  to 
Domitian,  inclusive. 

Herodian  was  the  contemporary  of  Dion  Cassius,  to  whom,  as  an  liis- 
torian,  he  is  much  inferior.  His  work  extends  from  the  death  of  M. 
Aurelius  to  the  reign  of  Gordian.  Gibbon  calls  him  "an  elegant" 
historian,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  lie  is  such ;  but  he  is  feeble,  negli 

fent,  devoid  of  political  wisdom,  and  utterly  careless  of  chronology 
[e  reminds  us  more  of  Dionysius  Halicarnassensis  than  of  Thucyd 
ides. 

The  Augustan  History  consists  of  a  series  of  lives  of  all  the  emperors 
and  tyrants  or  aspirants  to  empire,  from  Hadrian  to  Carus  and  his  sons. 
The  authors  are  j^^^lius  Sparlianus,  Julius  Capitolinus,  iElius  Lamprid- 
ius,  Trebellius  Pollio,  and  Flavins  Vopiscus.  As  writers,  none  of  them 
possess  any  merit;  but  they  may  claim  some  praise  on  account  of  the 
letters  and  other  original  documents  which  they  have  preserved. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  a  Greek  by  birth,  wrote  in  Latin.  His 
object  seems  to  have  been  to  be  the  continuator  of  Tacitus;  for  his 
work,  which  extended  from  the  accession  of  Nerva  to  the  death  of  Va- 
lens,  commenced  where  Tacitus  had  ended.  Of  the  thirty-one  books 
of  which  his  work  originally  consisted,  the  first  thirteen  are  lost ;  the 
fourteenth  commences  with  the  account  of  the  conduct  of  the  Cajsar 


APPENDIX.  437 

Gallus,  in  the  reign  of  Constantius.     Ammianus  is  a  judicious,  honest, 
and  iniparlial  historian,  but  his  style  is  inflated  and  disagreeable. 

Zosiinus  wrote  in  Greek  about  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the  Western 
empire.  His  work,  of  which  only  six  books  remain,  after  a  sketch  of 
the  history  of  the  emperors  from  Augustus  to  Diocletian,  relates  public 
events  in  detail  thence  to  the  attack  on  the  Goths  by  Sarus,  (above, 
p.  420.)  The  remainder  of  the  work  is  lost,  as  also  are  the  end  of  the 
first  and  commencement  of  tiie  second  books,  which  contained  the 
reign  of  Diocletian.  Zosimus  was  a  pagan,  and  he  is  inveterately  hos- 
tile to  Constantino  and  the  Christian  eujperors. 

The  Epitomators  are,  in  Greek,  Zonaras;  in  Latin,  Eutropius,  Festug 
Rufus,  Aurclius  Victor,  and  Orosius.  The  first  of  these  was  a  modern 
Greek  monk,  who  wrote  a  Chronicle  in  18  books,  which  extends  from 
the  Creation  to  the  death  of  the  Byzantine  emperor  John  Alexius. 
Eutropius,  who  had  been  secretary  to  Constantine,  and  had  shared  in 
Julian's  expedition  to  Persia,  wrote,  for  the  use  of  the  emperor  Valens, 
an  epitome  of  the  Roman  history,  from  Romulus  to  the  death  of  Jovian. 
His  work  was  continued  by  the  Lombard  historian,  Paulus  Diaconus. 
A  similar  epitome,  embracing  the  same  period,  was  addressed  to  Valen- 
tinian  by  Festus  Rufus.  Under  the  name  of  Aurelius  Victor,  tlie  con 
temporary  of  Ammianus,  we  po.ssess  two  short  pieces;  the  one,  De 
Ccesaribus,  containing  brief  notices  of  the  emperors,  from  Augustus  to 
Julian  ;  the  other,  the  Epitome,  similar  notices  of  all,  from  Augustus  to 
Theodosius.  The  History  of  Orosius,  a  Christian  presbyter,  extends 
from  the  Creation  to  Wallia,  the  Visigoth  king,  (above  p.  42'2.) 

The  Panegyrists,  Mamertinus,  Eumenius,  Nazarius,  pronounced  lau 
datory  discourses  before  the  emperors  Maximian,  Constantine,  and  Con 
stantius.  Mamertinus  the  younger  delivered  the  eulogium  of  Julian  ; 
Ausonius,  that  of  Gratian  and  Pacatus,  and  that  of  Theodosius.  These 
laudatory  eft'usions  contain  many  facts  of  which  we  find  no  account 
elsewhere.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  their  authors  were  all  born  and 
brought  up  in  Gaul.  The  modern  French  have  retained  the  custom 
of  pronouncing  6lages. 

The  Ecclesiastical  historians  also  furnish  many  events  to  civil  histo- 
ry. Eusebius  wrote  a  life  of  Constantine.  The  history  of  Socrates 
extends  from  the  conversion  of  that  emperor  to  the  ]7ih  consulate  of 
Theodosius  II.;  that  of  Sozomen,  from  the  same  event  to  the  death 
of  Honorius;  that  of  Theodoret,  from  the  rise  of  Arianism  to  Theodo- 
sius H.,  with  whose  reign  the  history  of  Evagrius  commences,  and 
extends  into  the  sixth  century.  The  history  of  tlie  Arian  Philostor- 
gius,  of  which  only  fragments  remain,  extended  from  the  rise  of 
Arianism  to  the  reign  of  Valentinian  HL 

The  Chronologists,  E\isebius  Cassiodorus,  Jerome,  Idatius,  and  oth- 
ers, supply  occasional  historic  facts;  so  also  do  the  writings  of  the 
contemporary  Fathers,  Ambrose,  Jerome,  etc.  In  like  manner,  the 
poets  Claudian,  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  and  Prudentius,  and  the  sophists, 
such  as  Libaniiis,  are  at  times  historic  authorities. 

For  the  affairs  of  »he  Goths,  their  national  historian  Jornandes  is 
often  our  best  guide. 

On  looking  over  this  list  of  authorities,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  im- 
portant reigns  of  Trajan  and  Diocletian  are  those  for  which  we  have 
the  least  materials :  for  the  former,  we  have  only  the  Panegyric  of 
Pliny,  Xiphiltn's  epitome  of  Dion,  and  the  Epitomators;  for  the  latter, 
onlv  these  last. 


438  APPENDIX. 


C.  Page  14.  —  The  German  Tribes. 

The  following  trans-Rhenic   German  tribes  and  nations  are  men 
tioned  in  the  preceding  History.     The  seats  assigned  them  are  either 
those  where  they  were  first  found,  or  where  they  subsequently  settled. 

Fiisiajis.  In  West  Friesland,  Groningen,  and  north  part  of  Over- 
Yssel. 

Ckaucans.  Along  the  coast,  from  the  Ems  to  the  Elbe  in  East 
Friesland,  Oldenburg,  and  Bremen. 

Langobards,  {i.  e.  Longbeards.)  West  of  the  Elbe  in  Luneburg 
and  Alt-Mark. 

Rugians.     On  the  Oder,  in  Pomerania. 

Burgundians.  Original  seats  between  the  Oder  and  the  Vistula,  in 
the  Netz  district. 

Vandals.    North  side  of  the  Ricsengebarg  and  Lausitz. 

Herulans.     Upper  Hungary. 

Bructerans.  To  the  south  of  the  Frisians,  between  the  Saal  and  the 
Ems. 

Sicamhrians.  Along  the  Rhine,  from  Emmerich  to  the  Sieg;  east- 
wards to  the  Bructerans;  part  of  Cleves  and  adjoining  states. 

Angrivarians.     South  of  the  Chaucans,  along  the  Ems. 

Cluimavans.    From  the  south  of  the  Angrivarians  to  the  Lippe. 

Usipetans.     South  of  the  Lippe. 

Tencterans.  South  of  the  Usipetans ;  on  the  Rhine,  about  Cologne 
and  Bonn. 

Cheruscans.    In  and  on  both  sides  of  the  Hartz  forest. 

Chaltans.  South  of  the  Cheruscans,  in  Hesse,  Fulda,  Nassau,  and 
parts  of  Franconia  and  Westphalia. 

Alemans,  (i.  e.  All-men.)  Along  the  Rhine,  from  the  Main  to  the 
Neckar. 

Suevians.  Under  this  general  name  are  included  the  Quadans, 
Marcomans,  and  other  nations.  The  proper  Suevians  seem  to  have 
inhabited  the  modern  Suabia. 

Marcomans,  (i.  e.  March-men,  or  Borderers.)  In  Bohemia,  and 
southwards. 

Quadans.  Along  the  Danube,  from  the  Gran  into  Austria  and  Mo- 
ravia. 


THE   END. 


MONS.    BUGARD'S 

FRENCH  PRACTICAL  TEACHER. 


Mons.  B.  F.  BuGAKD,  author  of  the  "  French  Practical 
Translator,"  after  devoting  several  years  of  intense  study 
and  labour,  has  produced  a  new  French  Grammar,  which 
we  think  will  tend,  more  than  any  other  in  present  use,  to 
induct  pupils  into  the  knowledge  and  structure  of  the  French 
Language. 

From  a  practical  examination  of  this  new  work,  and  an 
acquaintance  with  the  author's  talents  and  experience  in 
teaching,  we  can  confidently  recommend  "  The  French 
Practical  Teacher"  to  all  those  who  wish  to  acquire  the 
language,  either  with  or  without  an  instructer,  as  one  of  the 
best  manuals  for  the  purpose  ever  written. 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 

'  French  Practical  Teacher. — Mons.  B.  F.  Bugabd,  author  of  the  "  French 
Practical  Translator,"  a  work  of  distingiiUhcJ  merit,  has  just  given  to  the  public 
•  A  complete  Grammar  of  the  French  I^anguagc,  on  the  progressive  principle  :  com 
prising  two  hundred  and  forty-four  cx«>rci8es,  mostly  written  in  the  etyle  of  conrer 
sation  ;'  to  which  is  added  a  comprehensive  vocabulary  of  the  words  of  the  ex- 
ercises. 

'  The  plan  of  the  work  is  ingenious  and  new.  It  differs  from  all  grammars  hith 
erto  published,  especially  in  the  order  of  the  rules  and  composition  of  the  exercises, 
in  which  not  any  pait  of  speech  is  employed  until  its  use  has  been  fully  stated 
and  illu'trated.  One  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  work,  and  one  of  its  excellences 
too,  is,  that  the  rules  are  all  numbered,  and  the  words  of  the  exercises  have  over 
tliein  corresponding  nuuil)ers,  or  the  numbers  of  the  rules  to  be  referred  to  for  their 
translation.  This  arrangement  not  only  affords  the  student  a  sure  and  easy  guide, 
but  it  obviates  the  necessity  of  directly  comniitting  the  rules  to  memory  ;  and  thus 
relieves  him  from  a  burden  of  no  inconsiderable  magnitude,  the  dread  of  encounter- 
ing which  has  discouraged  thousands  from  attempting  the  acquisition  of  this  elegant 
and  fashionable  language.  In  his  progress  through  the  exercises,  he  is  so  frequently 
under  llio  necessity  of  referring  to  ihe  rules,  that  he  necessarily  and  practitaUy  harnt 
and  ictains  them,  without  extra  or  unpleasant  effort.  To  attain  tills  object,  the  au- 
thor was  obliged  to  adopt  a  new  classificalion  of  certain  words,  fuch  as  inoii,ma,mes, 
ton,  &.C.  which  in  most  grammars  are  called  adjective  pronouns,  but  which  he  has 
classed  among  the  articles.  \Vc  have  not  room  to  state  the  reasons  which  are  urged 
in  justification  of  this  change.  To  our  own  mind  they  are  entirely  satisfactory,  and 
wo  believe  will  bo  generally  so  rccclv3d.  It  has  been  adopted  by  the  author  after 
groat  deliboration,  and  as  the  result  of  eight  years'  experience  in  teaching  the 
language. ' 


K  E  C  0  M  HI  E  N  D  A  T  I  O  N  S. 


"  We  confidently  commend  the  work  to  the  attention  of  teachers  and  studcrt!. 
The  adoption  of  it  would  be  of  mutual  advantage,  as  both  would  be  relieved  of 
much  unnecessary  and  vexatious  labor.  The  community,  and  especially  that  part 
of  it  who  are  engaged  in  the  teaching  or  study  of  the  language,  are  much  indebted 
to  Mons.  nuQARD,  not  only  for  the  jirescnt  excollrnt  work,  but  for  his  '  Practical 
Translator,''  indisputably  the  best  work  of  its  character  ever  presented  to  the  Amer- 
ican public."  BunUcr-mil  .Aurora,  and  Boston  Mirror,  Oct.  1838. 


French  Practicai,  Teacher. — The  North  American  Review  for  October, 
183S,  speaks  of  this  work  in  iiigh  terms  of  recommendation.  It  will  probably  soon 
become  the  class-book  in  all  our  seminaries  where  the  French  Language  is  taught. 
The  Review  says  : 

"  We  recommend  this  book  to  the  attention  of  all  teachers  and  students  of  the 
French  Language.  It  is  the  best  of  its  kind  that  has  ever  fallen  in  our  way  ;  and 
we  should  think  it  impossible  for  any  one  of  tolerable  capacity  to  go  through  it 
faithfully,  without  a  very  competent  knowledge  of  French,  'i'he  stndent  is  taken 
through  a  series  of  rules  and  exercises,  in  which  no  part  of  speech  is  employed,  until 
its  use  has  been  fully  stated  and  illustrated.  The  Rules  are  numbered,  and  there 
are  abundant  references  to  them  by  figures  in  the  Exercises.  At  the  end  of  the 
book  is  a  Voci.l  ulary  of  all  the  words  used  in  (he  Exorcises,  so  that  no  other  Dic- 
tionary is  wantv-d  in  writing  them.  The  whole  plan  is  carried  through  with  great 
care  and  fidelilv  Falfricando fit  faher  is  the  author's  motto  ;  and  he  has  produced  a 
work  calculatei.'  we  think,  to  facilitate,  in  no  ordinary  degree,  the  student's  labour 
in  acquiring  the  i'  rencli  Language."  JVorth  Amcr.  Rev. 


"  Bugard's  French  Teacher. — Munroe  Sc  Franc-is,  of  Boston,  have  just  published 
a  work,  entitled,  '  The  French  Practical  Teacher.'  Tliere  are  a  number  of  good 
French  Grammars  ext.int — indeed  good  books  on  almost  every  study  abound  among 
us — but  after  having  carefully  examined  this  work  of  Mr.  Eugard,  we  are  strongly 
impressed  in  its  favor — it  appearing  to  us  decidedly  superior  to  any  French  Grammar 
we  have  Been.  The  plan  of  it  is  in  a  great  degree  original — and  «e  are  induced  to 
believe,  that  it  will  take  the  place  of  other  Giammars  of  the  French  langnnge.  With 
this  work,  an. I  Mr.  Rugard's  Tractica!  Translator,  a  person  may  easily  master  the 
French  language  without  any  other  assistant." — Mercantile  Journal,  Oct.  17,1838. 


From  Professor  Eltoh,  Providence,  R.  I. 
Dear  Sib,  Brown  University,  Nov.  8th,  1838. 

I  have  examined  M'ith  much  pleasure  your  "  French  Practical  Teacher,"  and 
consider  it  as  decidedly  superior  to  the  French  Grammars  generally  used.  It  is  ex- 
ecuted throughout  with  judgment  and  ability  ;  the  arrangement  is  lucid  and  philo- 
sophical, thn  rules  are  developed  with  perspicuity,  and  the  exercises  are  highly  ap- 
propriate and  admirably  adapted  to  tho  practicfil  purposes  of  instruction.  I  trust 
tho  work  will  meet  with  a  favorable  reception  from  the  public. 

Very  respectfully,  yours,  ROMEO  ELTON. 

Mona.  B.  F,  Bugard. 

P.  S.  I  wished  to  examino  your  Grammar  fully  before  I  gave  a  recommendation, 
or  I  shojid  have  written  you  earlier.  R.  E.     i 


RECOMMENDATIONS.  3 


May  13lh,  1835. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  examined  with  much  pleasure  the  sheets  of  the  French  Practical  Trans- 
lator,  which  jou  were  kind  enough  to  senil  nio.  As  far  as  I  am  able  to  judge,  I 
should  think  it  would  l)e  found  a  very  useful  auxiliary  to  the  French  instructer.  I 
concur  fully  in  the  opinion  of  the  work,  expressed  liy  Air.  T.  B.  Ilayward. 

Very  rnspc'tfully,  your  obdt.  servant,  F.  P.  LEVKRETT. 

Motu.  B.  F.  Bugard. 


Mons.  B.  F.  Bugard, 

Sir — It  gives  mo  much  pleasure  to  express  the  high  opinion  I  entertain  of  the 
"  New  French  Practical  Translator,"  as  an  introduction  to  the  study  of  the  French 
language.  Tho  plan  of  it  is  very  judicious.  While  those  difliculties  are  removed 
which  perplex  and  discourage  young  learners,  it  demands  sufficient  exercise  of  the 
pupil's  own  powers  to  keep  alive  the  interest  arising  from  the  consciousness  of 
successful  effort. 

Very  respectfully,  yours,  JOS.  UALE  ABBOT. 

Mount  Vernon  Street,  Oct.  20,  1835. 


Mr  De4R  Sir,  School  for  Moral  Discipline,  Oct.  28th,  1835. 

T  should  bo  happy  if  I  could  from  my  own  knowledge  give  you  a  recommenda- 
tion of  your  book,  the  Practical  Translator.  But,  from  my  own  little  knowledge 
and  from  the  most  thorough  information  I  can  obtain,  I  am  satisfied  that  wo  have 
no  so  valuable  book  of  its  kind  for  the  study  of  tho  French  language,  and  have 
therefore  introduced  it  into  my  school. 

T  am,  dear  sir,  very  respectfully,  ynur  friend,  E.  M.  P.  WELLS. 

Mons.  B.  F.  Bustard. 


Dear  Sir,  Jamaica  Plain,  Nov.  21st,  1835. 

1  have  examined  with  much  pleasure  the  new  French  Practical  Translator, 
which  you  were  so  kind  as  to  send  me.  I  consider  it  a  very  valuable  book  for  be- 
ginners, as  it  removes  many  difliculties,  which  have  heretofore  embarrassed  thera. 

I  shall  immediately  introduce  it  into  my  school. 

Very  respectfully  yours,  STEPHEN  M.  WELD. 

Jilons.  B.  F.  Bugard. 


Salem  Classical  School. 
Mons.  B.  F.  BuoAFD,  Salem,  Dec.  5th,  1835. 

Dear  Sir, — It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  add  my  testimonial  in  favour  of  your 
"  New  Practical  Translator,"  to  the  many  you  have  already  received.  I  have 
used  the  work  with  a  groat  many  pupils  in  this  institution,  and  find  it  a  very  ex- 
cellent and  'ntercsting  manual.  It  is  of  great  service  in  removing  the  difficulties 
which  beginners  encounter  at  the  commencement  of  their  French  Studies.  I  wish 
you  much  success  in  introducing  it  into  our  Schools  and  Academies. 

Truly  y».  friend,  II.  K.  OLIVER. 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 


Fiom  the  Professor  of  l^anguages  at  Washington  College,  Connecticut. 

Dear  Sir,  Washington  Colleoe,  Hartford,  Dec.  31, 1835. 

I  am  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  French  to  speak  with  much  confidence,  but 
BO  far  as  I  can  judge.  The  New  Practical  Translator  ia  a  work  conceived,  as  to  it« 
plan,  with  great  ingenuity  and  judgement,  and  executed  with  ability  and  scholarship. 
— I  put  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  S.  F.  Jarvis,  an  accomplished  scholar  in 
the  modern  languages  and  Professor  of  Oriental  Literature  in  our  College.  He 
speaks  of  it  with  decided  approbation. 
I  am,  dear  sir,  very  truly, 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 
'  WM.  M.  HOLLAND. 

Monu  B.  F.  Bugard. 


Boston,  January  2d,  1837. 

It  is  with  great  pleasure  that  I  express  the  high  opinion  I  entertain  of  the 
French  Practical  Translator,  of  Mons.  B.  F.  Bugard.  Since  I  have  taught  the 
French  language,  which  is  fifteen  years,  I  can  say  that  I  never  found  a  book  so  well 
calculated  to  promote  the  improvement  of  students.  The  plan  of  it  is  new  and 
very  judicious,  since  it  presents  the  difficulties  of  translation  in  a  gradual  order, 
and  teaches  how  to  overcome  them  by  the  application  of  the  rules  of  the  French 
grammar,  to  which  references  are  frequently  given,  thus  requiring  from  the  scholar 
that  exercise  of  his  powers,  without  which  nothing  can  be  impressed  upon  the 
mind.  The  French  pieces  it  contains  are  not  only  acceptable,  but  even  very  highly 
interesting  to  young  and  grown  persons  of  either  sex.  The  advantages  it  presents 
in  all  respects,  even  in  that  of  economy,  are  not  to  be  found  in  any  other  work; 
and  in  recommending  it  to  schools,  academies  and  colleges,  I  think  I  confer  a 
greater  favour  to  their  pupils  and  teachers  than  to  its  author. 

J.  A.  PELLETIER, 
Professor  of  the  French  Language. 


Cambridge,  Harvard  University,  IGlh  January,  1837. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  examined  attentively  the  second  edition  of  the  "  French  Practical  Transla- 
tor," and  I  have  Lcen  extremely  pleased  with  the  judicious  arrangement  of  the 
work.  The  admirable  plan,  too,  which  you  have  adopted, — saving  the  learner,  at 
first,  much  of  that  time,  which  he  is  generally  made  to  waste  in  the  disagreeable  and 
most  uninteresting  of  all  studies — grammar, — must,  finally,  leave  him  with  a  more 
thorough  knowledge  of  French,  than  is  commonly  attained  in  the  usual  way. 
The  book  shows,  evidently,  to  be  the  result  of  great  labour  and  long  experience  in 
teaching;  and  it  cannot  fail,  in  my  opinion,  to  prove  a  valuable  auxiliary  in  the 
acquisition  of  that  language. 

Your  obedient  servant,  PIETRO  BACHf, 

Instructer  in  Harvard  University. 
Mont.  B.  F.  Bugard. 


•^^mfr-fwrnrm^S^- 


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